Interest In India Research Articles

Denominated "SAVAGE": Methodism, Writing, and Identity in the Works of William Apess, a Pequot

IN 1829, A THIRTY-ONE YEAR OLD PEQUOT PREACHER NAMED WILLIAM Apess gained notoriety with the publication of his memoir. Titled A Son of the Forest, it was the first full-length autobiography published by a Native American.' Like African Americans, it was through the genre of autobiography that Indians effected their first significant interventions in Euro-American print culture.2 As numerous critics have noted, this is paradoxical, as the production and publication of an autobiography assumes at least three conditions, none of which automatically apply to those on the margins of society: an appreciation of the importance of one's experience; an interested, literate audience; and access to resources for printing and distribution.3 This essay begins by asking how an impoverished Pequot could presume to publish his autobiography, let alone numerous caustic polemics against white racism. The answer is found in a place that may seem unlikely to many: Apess's Methodism. Apess's work is admired today for the modem tone of its attack on the Puritans' providential conception of history and the brand of racism that it sanctioned. But Apess was no anachronism; the upheavals of his day were the enabling condition of his voice. He wrote at the intersection of three highly-charged controversies of the 1820s and 1830s: Andrew Jackson's plan to expel Indians from the southeast, immediatist-abolitionism, and the Second Great Awakening. Apess played on Euro-Americans' temporarily heightened interest in Indians

General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, 1994: An Explanatory Note

There has been considerable debate in recent years whether India would gain substantially from the growth-effects of GATT. In this article, A N Oza explains the important provisions of the controversial GATT agreements which will enable the reader to make his or her own judgement whether the package as a whole will be beneficial or detrimental to the Indian public interest.

India in Antarctica: Perspectives, Programmes, and Achievements

India's interest in Antarctica dates from 1956, when the Indian government first raised the question of the peaceful use of Antarctica in the UN. Although India began as a strong critic of the Antarctic Treaty System, and, indeed, conducted scientific activities on the continent for two years without being a member of it, India recognised that her interests would be better served by joining the Treaty as a full member.

Native Americans water rights in the water scarce Western United States, its causes, consequences and probable solutions

The governmental body charged with defining the Indian water rights may be Congress, the courts, or a Federal agency. Regardless which body assumes this responsibility, resolution of particular disputes between private users and Indian reservations must be made against a background of a larger political battle between the states, the Federal Government, Indian tribes, and private enterpreneurs for control over W waters. The Federal-State concerns are supplemented by Indian fears of unfair treatment at the state level and of failure by the Federal Government to meet its fiduciary obligations to the tribes. As a first step in resolving the Indian water dilemma, the nature of the contending interests and the institutional possibilities calls for the Federal courts to protect Indian interests and to reduce uncertainty through definition of the scope of Indian reserved water rights.

U.S. Transfers of "Dual-Use" Technologies to India

On October 11, 1986, a high level Pentagon delegation led by Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger visited New Delhi to negotiate the transfer of military and military-related technology from the United States to India. Since the unsuccessful American military mission to India in the aftermath of the 1962 Sino-Indian war, this was the most substantial American effort undertaken for the promotion of defense and defense-related technological cooperation between the two countries. The 1986 visit followed the Memorandum of Understanding on technological cooperation reached between President Reagan and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in November 1984. The present Indian interest in such cooperation is the continuation of Rajiv Gandhi's earlier decision to accelerate the pace of Indian technological growth and capabilities in the development sector with implications for the defense sector as well. Until 1985, two-thirds of India's defense technological cooperation was with the Soviet Union, and much of the rest with Western Europe. The Indo-American technological dialogue between 1986 and 1989 involved, among other things, the transfer of three main items: advanced aeroengines for the development of a Light Combat Aircraft; satellite and booster rocket technology for India's space program; and supercomputers for weather forecasting. All three items are at the forefront of American defense and civilian technology. The basic problem faced by the U.S. in the past was fear that such advanced technology might be leaked to the Soviet Union in view of the large number of Soviet technicians working on

Charles Frederick Voegelin (1906-1986)

Carl Voegelin, a leading figure in American linguistics and anthropology for more than five decades, died in Honolulu on May 22, 1986. In spite of a lengthy period of poor health he looked forward eagerly to celebrating his 80th birthday with friends; this he did onJanuary 14, but then survived only another four months. His long career was one of the most distinguished in the field. Voegelin was born and raised in New York City. After high school, he tried law school there, but did not like it and entered Stanford University, where he completed a B.A. in psychology in 1927. He went to Vienna to continue his studies, then proceeded around the world by ship to New Zealand to work on the psychology of Polynesian music. He found that the Maoris sang no Polynesian music, however: only Christian hymns in Maori. Discouraged, he gave up the project. Sometime during these years he had stumbled onto a book on anthropology; he found it interesting enough to write to A. L. Kroeber at Berkeley to enquire about pursuing graduate studies in that field. He was accepted, and began his long career in anthropology. Because of the Berkeley anthropology department's strong interest in the Indians of California, Voegelin ended up writing a grammar of Tiibatulabal for his Ph.D. degree (awarded in November 1932). His formal linguistic training in preparation for his fieldwork on Tiibatulabal was minimal, and had to be acquired from friends such as Nancy Freeland de Angulo (who had recently completed her Ph.D. at Berkeley) and at summer field schools. One of these was Melville Jacobs's Laboratory of Anthropology held in July and August of 1930 on the Umatilla Indian Reservation in northeastern Oregon. Jacobs reported at the beginning of this summer that Voegelin showed little promise, but he soon recognized his abilities, and found him to be the most congenial of the six students in the program. Voegelin himself recognized his difficulties in hearing correctly the details of Tiibatulabal phonology and felt that his early transcriptions were not worth keeping. Kroeber arranged for him to accompany Hans-Jiirgen Uldall (who spent 1930-32 at Berkeley) into the field among the Maidu, and Uldall taught him to hear and produce a variety of sounds.

Contemporary Marxist Theory and Native American Reality

RECENT AMERICAN INDIAN INTEREST in Central America has led to a great deal of confusion over the relevance of Marxism to Indians, and Indians' position on Marxism. After a brief flirtation with the revolutionary government in Managua, some self-styled militants as well as traditional Indian leaders have targeted Nicaragua for international action, and the public debate is sometimes explicitly anti-Marxist. This has strained relations with some Latin American Indian groups, as well as international political activists, because it seems to adopt Washington's party line and diminish the even more desperate conditions of Indians in non-Marxist Latin nations such as Guatemala and Chile.

Southeast Asia in Indian Foreign Policy: Some Preliminary Observations

The purpose of this paper is to make a preliminary attempt to locate the position and importance of Southeast Asia in the broader framework of Indian foreign policy concerns. A major assumption behind this exercise is that Southeast Asia has in recent years begun to look increasingly important from New Delhi's per spective and that many Southeast Asians have also begun to re-evaluate their earlier perceptions of India as at best a marginal actor as far as the Southeast Asian region is concerned. While such a re-evaluation of Southeast Asian perceptions does not form a part of the subject matter of this paper, it would be correct to assume that it does have a positive feedback effect on the making of Indian policy towards this region and to that extent is relevant as an input into the Indian foreign policy making process. While India's cultural and religious links with Southeast Asia go back to ancient times, and while there had been great sympathy among the Indian intel ligentsia during the colonial period for the anti-colonial movements in the British, French and Dutch colonial possessions in Southeast Asia, independent India's interest in the region seemed to wane soon after the heady days of the Afro-Asian Conference held in Bandung, Indonesia, in April 1955. There were many reasons for this relative neglect of Southeast Asia by New Delhi. These included India's preoccupation with the conflict with Pakistan as well as its attempt, largely unsuccessful, to minimize external, principally superpower, intervention in the affairs of the subcontinent. Moreover, with Southeast Asia, specially Indochina, emerging as a major arena of contention between the two superpowers in the 1960s, non-aligned India's capacity to influence events in the strategic region was extremely limited. India's military humiliation at the hands of China in the border conflict of 1962 further circumscribed New Delhi's capacity to act outside its borders. It not only forced the government to look inward in order to better under stand the reasons for the debacle, but it also had very adverse effects on India's standing abroad, particularly among Southeast Asian countries who, as close neighbours of both the Asian giants, were extremely sensitive to any change in the balance of power between India and China. Although the harm done to India's military credibility, and therefore its standing as a major Asian power, by the 1962 debacle was partially overcome by

India and the Antarctic Treaty System: Realities and Prospects

India feels proud of its scientific as well as diplomatic achievements in regard to the Antarctica — the most forbidding terrain on ourterra firma, a significant ‘natural laboratory’ as well as an object of innovative political experiment in international control and cooperation. With as many as five successful expeditions to this multi-faceted and multi-dimensional continent, a permanently manned scientific stationDakshin Gangotri and a coveted and enviable “consultative status” in the Antarctic Treaty System, India's presence on Antarctica is well established. The Indian entry into the elitist Antarctica Treaty System (hereafter cited as ATS) and its innermost circle has added a new dimension to the geopolitics of Antarctica. It has also highlighted and reiterated, in a significant way, India's resolve to have a meaningful and effective say in the management of Antarctica and its so far untapped resources. Demonstrating its scientific maturity and political farsightedness, India has started investing in Antarctica with an eye to future returns. However, the entire issue of India-Antarctica interaction is not as it is often projected and portrayed by the press and elsewhere. Antarctica no doubt has just dawned in the realm of Indian consciousness and not many in the country possess much politico-geographic awareness about this frozen bottom of the earth where a subtle interaction between geography and politics has lately assumed significant dimensions and far reaching implications. And what we fail to grasp is the complexity of the geopolitical realities of the Antarctica and the political implications of India's presence as a consultative member within the ATS. We tend to isolate Indian interests and objectives from the general backdrop of the Antarctica political scenario and try to study them in isolation. The present essay is born out of the necessity to critically examine the Indian goals in Antarctica, irrespective of whether they are scientific, economic or political in the light of the following assumptions. Firstly, India joined the Antarctic Treaty System at a ‘critical’ juncture and at a particular ‘point’ of the evolution of the Antarctic political field and hence cannot remain insensitive to or unaffected by its problems and complexities. Secondly, while examining the Indian interests and objectives in the Antarctic we should focus our attention on the ‘role’ that India decides to play on the ‘geopolitical chessboard’ within the ATS and moreover as a consultative member with rights and duties. And finally, the annual despatch of the scientific expeditions to Antarctica and the acquisition of the “consultative status” in the ATS should not be viewed as ends in themselves but to the contrary, as indispensable means to realise some crucial objectives or goals in the Antarctica. What lies before India in regard to the Antarctica issue is a difficult and changing path and a foreign policy dilemma. It is in the light of these assumptions and against the backdrop of the Antarctica's geopolitical scenario, that the present essay purports to examine Indian interests, objectives and moves in regard to the Antarctica and the Antarctic Treaty System.

Deep seabed mining: An Indian perspective

This paper analyzes the prospects for the exploration and exploitation of polymetallic nodules by India. The first section examines the potential for deep seabed mining in the Central Indian Basin of the Indian Ocean. The second section examines the future demand for nickel, copper, cobalt, and manganese by India. The third section summarizes the policy process, and the advantages and disadvantages of deep seabed mining for India under the various options provided by the U.N. Convention. The paper concludes that Indian national interests are well served by the Convention, and that it should undertake deep seabed mining when feasible. 5 figures, 3 tables.

American Interest in India Under Carter and Reagan

AMERICAN INTEREST IN INDIA UNDER CARTER AND REAGAN Thomas Perry Thornton he death of Indira Gandhi resulted from India's internal problems and its implications will be felt most heavily inside India. The foreign policy orientation ofthe new leadership in Delhi is at best ill-defined, and certainly Rajiv Gandhi's main preoccupation over the next months will be his country's domestic problems. But major events such as leadership changes are matters of great concern elsewhere, for India has a significant role to play on the international scene. For nearly two decades Indira Gandhi was the architect and engineer of her country's foreign policy. Following her death, speculation about Rajiv Gandhi's foreign policy views has been widespread but necessarily ill-informed since his views are unknown, and perhaps even unformed; we also do not know where he will look for advice. There may be sharp changes ahead, but it is useful to look first to the past as a guide to the coming period of uncertainty. In the past eight years there have been two leadership changes in both India and the United States, and each of these promised much sharper policy changes than seem probable in the transition from Indira Gandhi to her son. There could hardly be two more different settings for the relationship between the United States and India than were presented in 1977 Mr. Thornton is adjunct professor of Asian studies at SAIS. He has dealt with South Asia in the U.S. Department of State and was a senior staff member of the National Security Council during the Carter administration. The views expressed in this article are his own and do not necessarily reflect those of any element of the United States government. 179 180 SAIS REVIEW and 1981. In the former case, Jimmy Carter was the newly elected president of the United States, committed to a more forthcoming policy toward the Third World and an approach that downplayed the importance of the Soviet Union. Carter and his National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski would also elaborate a policy of cultivating regionally influential countries as a means of devolving some of the United States' excessive responsibilities that had been assumed during the postwar decades. India, for its part, was soon to hold a general election that would punish Indira Gandhi for the sins of the Emergency and bring Morarji Desai to power, a man known to be well-disposed toward the United States and committed to a greater balance in Indian foreign policy. Certainly, the new leaders were seen as an immense change for the better over their immediate predecessors in terms of the Indo-U.S. relationship. To cap it all, Carter was the first president who had any sort of personal tie to India; his mother had served in the Peace Corps in suburban Bombay a decade earlier. In 1981 the situation was dramatically reversed. The Indian government had passed once again into the hands of Indira Gandhi, who was deeply suspicious of the United States. The new American president showed little interest in the Third World generally and India specifically. His foreign policy posture was focused on the U.S.-Soviet relationship and on the need to build up American positions of strength from which to counter Soviet aggression. Reagan's interest in international economic issues, especially as they would affect developing countries, was not very great. The administration was believed to have strong pro-Pakistani sentiments, in contrast to the Carter administration, where feeling had been distinctly cool toward Pakistan on grounds of human rights and nuclear nonproliferation. Even more important than the personal and national political equations was the state of global politics. The Carter and Desai teams came to power in the glowing Indian summer of détente. Angola was barely a cloud on the South Asian horizon, and in other respects the bipolar relationship seemed conducive to cooperation between the United States and India and unlikely to put demands on either side that would tend to strain the relationship. In early 1981, however, the global situation was notably unfavorable. "Détente" had long since passed from the vocabulary of world leaders, and the Soviet Union was...

Encyclopedia of Frontier and Western Fiction by Jon Tuska and Vicki Piekarski

54 Western American Literature and out of each other to a confusing degree, though deliberately so according to the “Remarks” which preface the play, and the imagery is often elliptical and personal. However, the overall impression is of a haunting search for communion. The final speaker says of her ancestors: They put the stories inside you, wrapped in cloth. But then the threads began to rot away, and the stories and the rags lie jumbled in the bottom of the jar. Mei-Mei Berssenbrugge’s stories are valuable, rich and surely her own. ALICE G. HART, Logan, Utah Encyclopedia of Frontier and Western Fiction. By Jon Tuska and Vicki Piekarski. (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1983. xviii, 365 pages, $29.95.) Jon Tuska and Vicki Piekarski have edited a very useful reference guide to western writers and fiction. Their encyclopedia includes brief discussions of more than 300 authors and several noteworthy topics. Dealing with writers from Cooper to the present, most of these brief sketches include biographical information, lists of published books, and mention of movie, radio, or TV tie-ins. As Tuska notes, this is primarily “a reference work” intending “to convey factual information” (p. viii). This encyclopedia covers many more writers but less extensively and in a manner different from the essays in Erisman and Etulain, Fifty Western Writers (1982). It also provides biographical information and checklists of fiction missing in Etulain, A Bibliographical Guide to the Study of Western American Literature (1982), and is much more up-to-date than Anderson, et al, Southwestern American Literature: A Bibliography (1980) and Nemanic , A Bibliographical Guide to ,Midwestern Literature (1981). While Tuska and Piekarski are less comprehensive than the essays in Vinson, Twentieth-Century Western Writers (1983), their book is available at about one-third the price of the latter guide. Although the two editors list several contributing or consulting editors, they seem to have written most of the entries. Some entries are more pointed — maybe slanted — than Tuska suggests in his preface. The editors reveal a strong interest in Indian and women writers and in writers working on these topics. On the other hand, their discussions of Louis L’Amour, Alan LeMay, and Larry McMurtry are par­ ticularly unfriendly. Generally, however, the entries make good use of perti­ nent secondary sources, although the discussion of George Pattullo illustrates the problem of too much reliance on secondary sources. In addition to treating such major figures as James Fenimore Cooper, Mark Twain, Willa Cather, and John Steinbeck, this volume treats many less well-known writers. The brief commentaries on this latter group, especially Reviews 55 writers of “formulary” Westerns, are particularly useful. One wonders, how­ ever, why such writers as Wright Morris and Edgar Watson Howe were omitted while much less notable authors are discussed. Most entries close with a mention of one or two notable secondary works on the author or topic discussed, although none are suggested for such authors as McMurtry, Fred­ erick Manfred, Conrad Richter, John Steinbeck, or Owen Wister. The editors’ emphases are also intriguing: Zane Grey is given 12 pages; Frederick Faust (Max Brand), Ernest Haycox, and Clarence Mulford, 5-6 pages; and Frederick Glidden (Luke Short) and Wister more than 4 pages. But Cather is limited to 2/2 pages, Steinbeck to 2, and Wallace Stegner to less than 2. Also included in the volume are brief discussions of five pertinent topics. The material presented on “House Names” and “Pulp and Slick Western Stories” is very useful, much more so than accounts on “Historical Personali­ ties,” “Native Americans,” and “W'omen on the Frontier.” Still, all these topical entries will be of use to general readers, if less so for specialists in the history and literature of the West. While a few errors crop up here and there, this volume contains far fewer mistakes than most fact-filled volumes like this. All in all, this encyclopedia is a handy sourcebook for biographical and bibliographical information about nearly all major western writers of fiction. While it isless evaluative and analytical than some recent reference works, it is especially thorough on listings of notable western fiction and provides more information on western films than is...

The American missionary in the Trans-Mississippi West: Sources for future research in Indian history

This article surveys the primary source material available on Indian missionary activities in the Trans-Mississippi West. It assesses the usefulness of a large number of collections located across the U.S.A. including those found in missionary societies and public archives. The essay should offer short-cuts to either advanced or beginning researchers that have an interest in Indians as well as how the missionary influenced their development.

India and Latin America

For too long, indeed throughout the period since its Independence, India's relations with Latin America have been rather remote politically and economically as well as culturally. That there are large Indian communities in the Caribbean has not had any significant influence over India's policy. Although a good many countries of Latin America are enthusiastic about contemporary Indian developments, both domestic and international, as well as about India's art, culture, and philosophy, India's interest in Latin America still amounts to little more than curiosity. Political relations between India and the countries of Latin America have never reached a stage where serious and sustained discussions or careful diplomacy would have been necessary to ensure their friendliness. Occasionally some diplomats and business men have undoubtedly emphasized the complementary nature of India and a number of countries in Latin America, but India's economic interests in and trade ties with those countries have been woefully limited.

United States Indian Policy: From the Dawes Act to the American Indian Policy Review Commission

The General Allotment Act (1887) and the Indian Reorganization Act (1934) each guided United States Indian policy for four decades. While the acts differed in ideology and in the outcomes envisioned for the Indians, each offered a solution to a white-defined "Indian problem," and each was modified soon after enactment. A review of forty years' experience with the acts suggests that, in both cases, the failure to maintain a commitment to Indian interests contributed to the failure to achieve policy objectives. The time now seems ripe for a new departure in Indian policy. The current congressional policy review provides for extensive Indian involvement. The creation of an informed and aggressive Indian constituency may be the key to the success of a new Indian policy.

An educational tv satellite for India: a critical assessment

The paper first presents the Indian proposal for an educational TV satellite with countrywide coverage (INSAT), and gives a sketch of the methodology applied in assessing this large-scale communications change in India. Efforts in communications planning should be considered from the point of view of their potential for helping large numbers of people to gain access to information (which is one aspect of the fact that half the Indian population lives in abject poverty). A first overview of the results according to such criteria demonstrates that the Indian proposal will be anything but a success. The satellite system cannot meet the needs of the broad population. On the one hand the project creates a large potential for mobilisation of the masses, on the other it is not in a position to transmit programmers, which in their content are to a minimal degree adapted to the needs of the adults. In the field of school broadcasts and teacher training, sufficient results are only reached by versions of the project which must be ruled out for political reasons. The capacity of the project is too restricted to avoid conflicts between individual states. Furthermore, the project benefits the largest language groups at the expense of the minorities. Some of the results are discussed in detail by way of a comparison of the impressive technical capacities of terms. Alternative projects with greater scope and with a decentralised structure (e.g. radio satellites or cassette systems) would be better than TV satellites, but pose problems of generating the information in suitable form. The bottleneck in communication is as much in the creation of differentiated information, as in the techniques of conveying it to the audiences. The final section discusses the background of the Indian interests in ‘educational satellites’.

Politics as Law: The Cherokee Cases

John Marshall has made his decision; now let him enforce is one of many aphorisms attributed to Andrew Jackson. The particu lar utterance was characteristic of Jackson's attitude toward the Supreme Court of the United States whenever it, or Congress, pre sumed to lay restraints upon the imperial Presidency.1 The words also reflected Jackson's attitude toward Indian rights as they amounted to restraints upon his notions of manifest destiny. Old Hickory's comment was provoked by the opinion of Chief Justice Marshall in Worcester v. Georgia,2 the 1832 case which might have reopened the door that Cherokee Nation v. Georgia? had closed the year before, when Indian tribes sought to find a judicial remedy for unending encroachments upon their lands and steady compromis ing of their treaty rights. Georgia land hunger had already indirectly involved that state in the 1810 case of Fletcher v. Peck,41 an impairment-of-contract issue growing out of the notorious Yazoo land frauds on the banks of the Mississippi.5 The Indian interest had been substantially compro mised in the 1823 case of Johnson v. Mclntosh,6 when the Supreme Court, speaking through Marshall, ruled that the native Americans were not the original lords of the fee, or even tenants in fee. If the ruling in Cherokee Nation was thus foreshadowed, the unequivocal ruling against Georgia in Worcester could only be answered (as it was) by outright defiance of the Supreme Court by the state. The impunity with which Georgia could do so was reflected in Jackson's aphorism; a President who would not tolerate South Carolina's at tempted nullification of the tariff did not intend to apply the same principle of federal supremacy to Indian land grabbing by another state. Yet, as the irony of political events would have it, the ultimate triumph of the constitutional principle in Worcester, as against Cherokee Nation, meant the ultimate self-destruction of the nulli fication doctrine?but did not, in the process, restore the Cherokees' rights. The Cherokee interests litigated in 1831 and 1832 ultimately fell victim to both political and judicial confrontations, their sacrifice being the price of saving Marshall's constitutional doctrine from

THE IMPORTANCE OF PERCEPTIONS IN THE DETERMINATION OF INDIAN WATER RIGHTS1

ABSTRACT The American Indian occupies a unique place in the federal system of government There are indications that this relationship will continue and that Indian reservations are at the threshold of economic development. As this occurs, the nature and extent of Indian water rights becomes more important to Indian and non‐Indian alike. The determination of these rights is a matter of more than judicial decisions. To a large degree the determination of these rights will rest in the non‐judicial arena and will be influenced by the perceptions of those rights held by Indians and water allocation officials, both state and federal. If the perceptions of these political actors are not congruent, then political conflict will occur as the rights become more important. To depend solely upon the judicial system to resolve these conflicts entails risks and costs to both Indians and to allocating officials. Indians are taking seriously the federal policy of Indian self‐determination, and water allocation officials run decided risks in failure to realize this. An alternative suggested is to include Indians as consulting parties when decisions are being made that affect Indian interests.

Soviet Studies in India

Paradoxically enough, while India's interest in the USSR has been traditionally keen and deep, Indian achievements in the realm of Russian and Soviet studies have been negligible. This is clearly seen in the almost total absence within India of indigenous Sovietologists, Russian research centres or even attempts to elevate studies on the USSR to the level of an academic discipline. This paradox appears all the more striking if one compares India's performance in this field with those of other countries. Many western countries, of which the United States is a notable example, have greatly augmented facilities for teaching and academic research in Russian and Soviet affairs in the post-war years. At present there exist, within the United States alone, as many as seventy university departments and research centres devoted to the systematic study of Russia before and after the Revolution of 1917. The rapid strides the U.S.A. has made in these studies in the post war years are evidenced by the fact that, compared to the two hundred and fifty doctoral dissertations on Russia and the Soviet Union submitted in the century between 1850 and 1950, one thousand of them have been completed since that date alone.1 In comparison, India is languishing far behind despite her traditional interest in the USSR. How does one explain this curious Indian paradox? No doubt the key is to be found primarily in the country's colonial past and in the attitude of the British Government towards this question.

THE IMPACT OF MONEY SUPPLY ON THE PRICE LEVEL AND THE RATE OF INTEREST IN INDIA, 1950–51 TO 1961–62*

THE IMPACT OF MONEY SUPPLY ON THE PRICE LEVEL AND THE RATE OF INTEREST IN INDIA, 1950–51 TO 1961–62*