Democratic Institutions Research Articles

Pandemic‐induced uncertainty and tourism demand: Evidence on the moderator effect of democratic institutions

AbstractThis paper explores the mitigating effect of democratic institutions in the nexus of tourism and pandemic‐induced uncertainty in 24 Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development (OECD) countries. Utilizing dynamic panel data analysis in the modeling process, the findings reveal that increased pandemic‐related uncertainty in the target market negatively affects the tourism demand. However, the presence of democratic institutions in the destination country positively affects the tourism demand. Finally, democratic institutions help mitigate the negative effects of pandemic uncertainty on tourism demand. The research highlights that a democratic destination can provide a more favorable environment for tourism development amid pandemic uncertainty.

The ministry of satire: How political comedians went from critics of democracy to its defenders

ABSTRACT This essay illustrates how critical content has shifted in political satire in the post-broadcast era. Today, in addition to critical content, we find a significant presence of constructive content, where satirists are not just critiquing the power elite, they are schooling them on what they should be doing. In what the author refers to as the “ministry of satire,” political comedians have increasingly taken on the role of conservators of democratic institutions. Drawing on a range of examples of satirists defending democracy, rather than simply critiquing its inadequacies, this article argues that satire has entered an entirely new content mode, one that can be observed outside of the US as well. Today it is common for satirists to paint themselves as more patriotic than politicians.

Is Democracy Bad for Lgbt+ Rights?

Abstract: The historical bond between democracy and LGBT+ rights is unraveling globally. With gender and sexuality issues gaining political prominence, anti-LGBT+ forces are exploiting democratic institutions—both majoritarian and nonmajoritarian—to successfully curtail LGBT+ rights. Can democracy still protect and advance LGBT+ rights? This essay contends that as recent empirical developments challenge the longstanding connection between democracy and LGBT+ rights, they also call for a conceptual reassessment. Rather than viewing LGBT+ rights as an outcome of democracy, this essay proposes treating them as constitutive of democracy, particularly in its liberal form. It further offers normative as well as pragmatic justifications for this conceptual shift.

СОЦИАЛЬНО-ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКИЙ ФАКТОР В ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ КУЛЬТУРЕ КЫРГЫЗСТАНА

The article examines the influence of socio-economic factors on the formation of the political culture of civil society in Kyrgyzstan. The study employs comparative analysis, synthesis, and generalization of data from various sources, including statistics and scientific publications. The findings reveal that socio-economic issues such as poverty, unemployment, and social inequality negatively impact the development of political culture and civil society in Kyrgyzstan. Political instability, in turn, slows economic growth and causes material damage to the country. The importance of a comprehensive approach to addressing socio-economic problems and developing democratic institutions is emphasized to foster a mature political culture and active civil society in Kyrgyzstan.

The Democracy – Economic Growth Nexus: A Systematic Literature Review

The purpose of this study was to present a systematic literature review on the relationship between democracy and economic growth. The goal was to provide scholars and policymakers with important new information on how democracy affects economic growth, as well as solid evidence of the gaps in the literature that need to be filled immediately. The research used a methodological analysis of the literature found in two databases, Google Scholar and Semantic Scholar. The study presents that majority of the studies reviewed show that democracy has a long-term, substantial positive impact on a country's economic growth. But democracy alone cannot promote economic expansion, especially in developing countries. Democracies can promote economic growth in a variety of ways, but how well these efforts work depends on the quality of democratic institutions, the legal system and broader socio-economic conditions. According to the study, elected governments should implement laws and procedures that protect and promote democracy while addressing the needs of the population in order to achieve sustainable economic growth.

Revealing hidden injustice: barriers to citizen participation among migrants in the energy transition of the Hague

Citizen participation is key to learn of actors’ lived experiences for the design of just energy policies. Many members of society, however, experience barriers to participation. As a result, the injustices they experience are likely to remain hidden from public decision-making processes. This paper applies the ‘hidden morality’ framework to a case study of migrants with a low socio-economic status (SES) in the Dutch city of The Hague. Through the analysis of 15 policy documents and 26 semi-structured interviews with migrants in a low-SES neighbourhood, this paper uncovers hidden injustices and the societal mechanisms forming barriers to participation. Simultaneously, the case study is used to test the conceptual framework. The study reveals that the interviewed low-SES migrants were not only considerably prevented from expressing their perceived injustices in decision-making, but were also unaware that they were subject to several procedural injustices. We identify three main barriers withholding low-SES migrants from participating in decision-making: unfamiliarity with (Dutch) democratic institutions and of their rights as citizens; language barriers; and weak social ties in their neighbourhoods. We conclude that the hidden morality framework proves useful for revealing injustices and barriers to participation that would otherwise run the risk of remaining hidden from scholars and policymakers.

The Institutionalization of Democracy and the Democratization of Institutions in Nigeria: A Philosophical Reflection

The Institutionalization of Democracy and the Democratization of Institutions in Nigeria: A Philosophical Reflection

LIBERTY AS NON-DOMINATION: THE CONTRIBUTION OF PHILIP PETTIT AND THE DEBATE WITH HIS CRITICS

This paper explores Philip Pettit's concept of liberty as non-domination, a significant contribution to contemporary political theory emphasizing freedom from arbitrary power rather than merely the absence of interference. In an increasingly plural and complex world, there is a pressing need for a broader understanding of liberty that addresses the political adversities faced by diverse societies. Pettit’s theory provides a robust framework for assessing political freedom by proposing that true liberty entails the absence of domination, supported by democratic mechanisms that disperse and make power accountable. The primary objective of this text is to analyze Pettit’s complete works alongside contributions from ten prominent commentators and debaters, examining the strengths and potential shortcomings of his theory. The analysis aims to demonstrate how Pettit’s concept of non-domination can be superior to other notions of liberty or how integrating different perspectives might reinforce his ideas. Methodologically, the paper conducts a thorough examination of Pettit's seminal works. It includes critical analysis from scholars like Quentin Skinner, Richard Dagger, and Cécile Laborde. Each author's agreement or disagreement with Pettit is analyzed in detail, providing a comprehensive view of the ongoing discourse. In conclusion, Pettit's concept of liberty as non-domination proves to be a compelling framework for understanding and advancing political freedom. This approach necessitates transparency, accountability, and participation within democratic institutions, ensuring liberty is safeguarded against both existing and potential forms of arbitrary power. Through this detailed examination, the paper underscores the relevance and applicability of Pettit's ideas in addressing contemporary political challenges.

The Level of Corruption in Democratic Republic of Nepal: An In-depth Analysis of Root Causes, Governance Impact, and Potential Solutions

This article critically examines the issue of corruption in Nepal's modern democracy, which poses a significant challenge to the foundational principles of transparency, accountability, and fair representation. Through an exploration of the root causes, impact on governance, and potential solutions, the study sheds light on the complexities of corruption within Nepal's political and administrative systems. The analysis identifies historical factors, including the lingering effects of past autocratic regimes and political instability, as contributors to the conducive environment for corruption. Furthermore, weak institutional frameworks, characterized by insufficient checks and balances, inadequate enforcement mechanisms, and political patronage networks, are identified as systemic issues fostering corrupt practices. The impact of corruption on governance is manifested in the erosion of public trust, economic consequences leading to resource misallocation, and impaired service delivery in essential sectors. These consequences collectively contribute to disillusionment among citizens, hindering the democratic process and perpetuating social inequalities. This study utilizes qualitative methods to analyze corruption in Nepal's democracy, identifying root causes and impacts while proposing solutions like strengthening institutions and fostering transparency. Secondary research study was performed to abstract potential solutions, emphasizing the need for strengthening democratic institutions, promoting transparency and accountability through robust measures and enforcement of anti-corruption laws, and fostering citizen engagement. Additionally, international cooperation is highlighted as a valuable avenue for sharing best practices and gaining insights from successful anti-corruption efforts in other nations. In conclusion, the study advocates for a comprehensive, multi-faceted approach to address corruption in Nepal's democracy. By addressing root causes and fostering a culture of accountability, the nation can strive towards building a more resilient democratic system that effectively serves the interests of its people. The article underscores the importance of sustained efforts and a collective commitment to combating corruption for Nepal to realize a future where democracy thrives and fulfills its promises.

Proces „Democratic backsliding“ (Demokratického úpadku) v Ruské federaci v období 2012-2021

The phenomenon of "democratic backsliding" is becoming a topical issue in today's international relations, with recent occurrences in various regions, including Europe. This paper examines the weakening of democracy in the Russian Federation from 2012 to 2021. The study aims to determine whether democratic elements were dismantled in Russia during this period. For this purpose, the theoretical framework by Ellen Lust and David Waldner was utilized, alongside Merkel's concept of embedded democracy. Appropriate indicators were selected to reliably reveal the deterioration in the quality of democratic institutions and processes in Russia, specifically the Freedom House index, Democracy Index, and the Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI). By employing these three indices, the study assesses whether Russia can be classified as an anchored democracy or a defective democracy. The findings, presented in the final section of the paper, indicate significant erosion of democratic practices and institutions in Russia during the observed period. This deterioration underscores a shift from an already flawed democratic structure to one that increasingly resembles an authoritarian regime. The study concludes that Russia cannot be considered an anchored democracy; rather, it exhibits numerous characteristics of a defective democracy, marked by weakened institutions and diminished political freedoms.

The OSCE ODIHR guideline on democratic law-making for better laws: a source of inspiration for strengthening democracy

ABSTRACT On 16 January 2024, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE ODIHR) published its Guidelines on Democratic Law-making for Better Laws. The creation of the Guidelines was driven by the acknowledgment that strengthening democratic institutions and processes is essential in the era of democratic and constitutional erosion and decay and the recognition that contemporary law-making displays several weaknesses. Based on its decades of experience in assessing legislation and legislative processes in the OSCE participating states, ODIHR intended to provide an overview of the guiding principles of the law-making process that ensure that both the process and the resulting laws comply with the requirements of democracy, the rule of law and human rights commitments. The Guidelines offer a new and rich source of inspiration for scholars devoted to strengthening democracy. This paper identifies new(er) avenues for research in democratic erosion and revival, institutional protection of the democratic legislative process, constitutional change, and the impact of constitutional rights. Further, based on some non-OSCE participating states related examples, it shows how the potential inspirational reach of the Guidelines and the research paths it potentially encourage might go beyond the geographic scope of the OSCE participating states.

Analysis of Emergency Provision in Indian Constitution in Relation with 1975 Emergency

The 1975 Emergency in India represents a defining moment in the country's history, marked by the invocation of Emergency Provisions enshrined in the Indian Constitution. These provisions, particularly Article 352, granted the ruling government extraordinary powers to address perceived internal disturbances and maintain national security. However, the declaration and implementation of the Emergency have been subjects of intense debate and scrutiny, with critics highlighting the period as a time of political repression, suspension of civil liberties, and authoritarian governance. This study explores the aims and objectives of the 1975 Emergency, delving into the motivations of the ruling dispensation and the extent to which the Emergency Provisions were used beyond their stated intent. By examining primary sources, historical accounts, and scholarly analyses, the research critically assesses the impact of the Emergency on Indian democracy, including its effects on democratic institutions, civil society, and political culture

Desiring Omelette Not Breaking the Egg: Democracy, Elections and Good Governance in Africa

The quest for good governance, development, and good life for the people which African leaders hoped will be propelled by democracy prompted them to embrace western liberal democracy However, the objective condition in many African countries reveals fundamental gap between expectations and the realities. In line with these actualities, this paper examines the differences between Africans desire for democracy and the attendant expectations and the present reality and reasons for the chasm. It examines election and electoral issues as factors in democracy and good governance. In doing this, the paper adopts content analysis of data gathered essentially from secondary sources and adopts good governance theory. The paper contends that although African leaders and people are desirous of good governance and has put in place democratic structures expected to achieve good governance, these democratic institutions, and structures; the contents and processes have not vivified good governance. It argues that the challenges of democracy and good governance in many African countries are poor election and electoral system. This is because the democratic structures and the manner of conduct of elections characterized by corruption, violence, lack of adequate ideological depth on the part of political parties and service-oriented approach to politics, personalization of, and under-performing institutions among other factors negate the principles of democracy and cannot produce good leadership and good governance. The paper concludes that though multi-party elections have been held in many countries in Africa since 1990, the quality of these elections for the advancement of democracy and by extension good governance has generated concerns and query the sense of optimism for multi-party elections. It therefore argues that for African countries to achieve the desirous goals and benefits of democracy, good governance and development, elections must be free, fair, and conducted regularly. Also, political parties and democratic institutions and structures must be adequately strengthened to function properly.

Formation of the Statehood of the Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics in 2014–2022 as a Factor of Legitimacy of Acts on Self-Determination of the Peoples of Donbass

The paper examines the process of formation and development of the Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics as public legal entities that arose after the self-determination of their peoples and the implementation of secession. The correlation of the principles of territorial integrity and the principle of self-determination is considered through the issue of the legal force of the decision taken at the referendum and its implementation. The paper analyzes the institutionalization of the results of the 2014 referendums and the acquisition of both public and international legal status by the republics through the exercise of full state power in the context of the loss of effective jurisdiction by the old power structures. To this end, the formation of public power in the republics is being investigated. The historical prerequisites for the formation of independent representative and legislative bodies, as well as their evolution, are considered. The implementation of effective control over the state of affairs in the republics with the consent and direct participation of the population is considered as in the case study of building executive power, developing its structure, the activities of courts, local governments, as well as the implementation of productive production activities within the DPR and LPR. It is concluded that the systemic interaction of educated institutions of government and society, their mutual trust, and the activities of directly elected institutions of representative democracy are the foundation of legitimate independent statehood and sovereignty of the republics

The Nexus between Poverty and Elections in Africa: A Case Study of Somaliland and the Gambia

This article explores the states of democracy and the conduct of elections in Somaliland and the Gambia. The article examines the democratic and electoral institutions responsible for the conduct of elections in the two countries and assesses their level of effectiveness for a free and transparent election. The article uses multiple case studies as the research design to generate data on elections in Somaliland and the Gambia. Triangulation was also adopted as a method of obtaining multiple data to test their validity and relevance for this study. The study adopted content analysis as the technique for data analysis. The study found that the conduct of elections in both Somaliland and the Gambia has been influenced by vote buying which is the consequence of poverty. The study found that limited economic opportunities in both countries make citizen trade off their votes for favors during elections. The study recommends widening economic opportunities and strengthening the media and civil society organizations for civic education and capacity building of political parties and government officials.

How to integrate the Global South into the ‘green state’ concept

Globally, the state apparatus is increasingly used towards green ambitions. While the ‘green state’ concept captures this universal phenomenon, the literature on it is largely limited to Western countries. Here, I assess the green state concept’s ability to reflect the global plurality of potential green states. I do so by testing the two assumed preconditions that currently delimit the green state’s scope to the West: mature democratic institutions and high state capacity. Through a two-dimensional continuum of political institutions and state capacity, I present a dynamic and fluid framework of four categories, providing a theoretical scaffolding for broadening the scope to encompass the Global South. As a basis for the analysis, I distil the broad literature on the green state concept into a definition encompassing both a normative ideal that countries can strive towards as well as an analytical tool for assessing countries’ empirical green performance. From that, I show that green states can exist without either assumed precondition and that the literature therefore arbitrarily excludes the Global South from the green state concept. This finding gives impetus to an emerging research area that answers calls to move beyond Western-centrism and integrate the Global South.

Interactions between natural resources and false democracy?

A substantial political economy literature argues that it does not support a positive relationship between natural resources and autocracy. This study introduces a theoretical model and empirically estimates the relationship between natural resource endowment, democratic electoral systems, and electoral fraud. Electoral fraud and the introduction of a democratic electoral system have opposite positive and negative implications for democratization. This study examines the possibility that the opposite conditions are going on at the same time. In previous studies, indicators of Polity, a variable of institutional quality, have been used to identify not only the relationship between natural resources and institutions but also the relationship between natural resources and democratization.Our work uses data from around the world since 1800 to examine whether the executive is autocratic but would introduce proportional representation, a more democratic electoral system than the constituency system, to gain international support. It also examines whether a false democracy is compatible with the separation of powers gained by the executive branch respecting the judiciary and the legislature. The results of the analysis show that natural resources can be used to finance the consolidation of dictatorships and promote false democracy. The higher the natural resource endowment, the more money that can be obtained from natural resources can be used by politicians for political funding. Politicians introduce democratic political institutions and acquire political power through electoral fraud. At first glance, this is not a dictatorship but essentially suggests that political authorities are not replaced, giving rise to a more robust dictatorship. These theoretical and empirical analyses show that the degree of respect of the executive branch for the judiciary and legislature, the existence of a system of unconstitutional review, and political regimes such as military regimes and authoritarianism affect electoral fraud and false democracy by analyzing by region, degree of inequality and by income.

Women, Marriage and Betrayal of Trust in Selected Nigerian Dramas

The paper explores ‘Women, Marriage, and Betrayal of Trust in Selected texts’ namely Wole Soyinka’s The Beatification of Area Boy, Femi Osofisan’s The Midnight Blackout and Toni Duruaku’s Cash Price’. It also explores the contemporary problems besieging women and their spouses. This provides a discursive analysis of dangers of betrayal of trust by both partners which also destroy the marital bliss of democratic marriage institution in Nigeria. The research methodology leans on internet, books, journals on relevant scholars and literary authors relating to similar issues raised by the playwrights to support the paper. It is the works of the same authorities on various topics related to the concerns of these four playwrights that shall be used to strengthen my observations and findings in this paper. Psychological and historical criticisms are deployed to unravel the issues raised in these creative works as reflected in the society. The findings lean on social greed, impatience, lust for mundane things also the relevance of informing the society on the plethora of stigma of divorces looming visibly on infidelity or abnormality. These necessitate prospects and challenges of marriage institution in 21st century and the need of reforming these anomalous cultural trends problematical in Nigerian society.

Autocratic Legalism Phenomenon in Democratic Institutions in Indonesia: Corruption Eradication Commission, Constitutional Court and House of Representatives

The phenomenon of autocratic legalism has permeated democratic institutions in Indonesia. This is marked by the executive, legislative, and judicial power holders using the people's trust to achieve goals that contradict constitutionalism, acting covertly and hiding behind the law. The institutions weakened include the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), the Constitutional Court (MK), and the House of Representatives (DPR). This study aims to understand how the phenomenon of autocratic legalism occurs in these three institutions and what steps should be taken to prevent and address this phenomenon. The research method used is normative legal research. The results of this study indicate that autocratic legalism refers to the actions of individuals who use the law to legitimize their power. This is evident in several policies issued by the three institutions in Indonesia. This phenomenon of autocratic legalism can actually be resolved through institutional action and addressed with legal and ethical enforcement, and its prevention through improved oversight systems, recruitment, and legal education.

Between Virtuous Trust and Distrust: A Model of Political Ideologies in Times of Challenged Political Parties

Abstract The analytical model of political ideologies offered in this article describes the connection between rising levels of distrust towards societal institutions in modern democracies and how such developments has challenged traditional and long-standing political parties in the Western world, such as the Danish political party Radikale Venstre [the Danish Social-Liberal Party]. Through use of a tripartite model of trust developed by Arman Teymouri Niknam during his interpretation of Mary Wollstonecraft’s attitudes towards trust brought together with different aspects of Axel Honneth’s social-philosophical framework, Teymouri Niknam and Leif Hemming Pedersen show how distrust may be able to act as a progressive tool in the creation of a more just, diverse and equal future and also how a virtuous and healthy form of democracy is an ideal that can be challenging to realise in practice. Teymouri Niknam and Hemming Pedersen are thus able to point to the ways in which a healthy democracy needs a balance of virtuous trust and distrust in order to achieve a good amount of both stability and progress, thus pointing to a difficult balancing act that many traditional political parties find themselves struggling with especially at this point in time in many contemporary democracies.