Democratic Institutions Research Articles

Popular autocrats: why do voters support Viktor Orbán’s government in Hungary? A quantitative analysis

AbstractAuthoritarian populism has become an increasingly prevalent subtype of hybrid regime and is characterized by weakened democratic institutions and a leader who relies on populist appeals. Authoritarian populist regimes limit citizens’ freedom, undermine accountability and the rule of law, and are likely to be more corrupt than democratic regimes. Nevertheless, certain authoritarian populist regimes appear to enjoy broad popular support. Based on the European Social Survey database and my calculations of respondents’ personal income tax rates, I investigate the factors that influenced voters’ support for Viktor Orbán’s government in Hungary from 2010 to 2020, which may be considered an exemplary case of an autocratic populist regime. The analysis shows that voters’ support for the government was influenced by their perceptions of the economy and government performance, political beliefs (i.e., policy congruence and ideology), and basic human values (i.e., self-transcendence and conservation). By contrast, changes in voters’ individual economic conditions were not found to be associated with their support for the government. The findings indicate that, in addition to explanations of government support that specifically focus on hybrid regimes, economic voting theory, which originated from and has typically been applied in democratic contexts, also provides viable explanations for understanding support for authoritarian populist regimes. More broadly, the findings also lend support to the altruistic and expressive voter hypotheses.

A Unique European Governance Structure : Office of the High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina Basis of Its Legitimacy and Controversial Accountability

In order to assess the successes and failures of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s (BiH) challenging road towards a fully functional democratic state aiming at membership in the European Union (EU), this paper examines the state-building process in BiH, and the transition from the post-Dayton political development, the work of the interim, ad-hoc political institution of the Office of the High Representative (OHR) in BiH, as well as the justification – if any - of its future existence and operation. Guided by the coordination dilemma, the research question of this paper is a reflection on the challenges of self-enforcing democratic institutions and how the OHR substitutes for it. This paper claims that the original purpose of the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) was to create a powerful yet limited institution of the OHR, one that is to be given sufficient power to institute behaviour, but is prevented from abusing its power. However, this purpose deviated in the years that followed the signing of the DPA, creating and institution which doings resemble liberal imperialism. The hypothesis of the paper is that the OHR has been abusing its power and that it is time to close it because it is no more a substitute for the self-enforcing democratic institutions. This paper claims that the problem of political officials’ lack of respect for the political and economic rights of citizens they administer, as investigated by Weingast, is one of the central features of the operation of the OHR in BiH. The novelty of the paper lies in the attempt to test if OHR could be a case that could serve as a very good field to test Weingast’s model (1997).

Forecast of Corruption: From Ethical to Pragmatic Considerations

From an ethical standpoint, combating corruption is crucial for promoting justice and equality. The rule of law and ethical governance involves clear standards of behavior for public servants and mechanisms for ensuring these standards are upheld. Corruption undermines public trust in government and democratic institutions and exacerbates social inequality and injustice (disproportionately affects the poor and marginalized groups, denying them access to essential services and opportunities). The fight against corruption during a full-scale war has ethical and purely pragmatic implications for Ukraine, the data of which formed the basis of this study. The lack of tangible progress in the fight against corruption in general, the lack of transparency of many institutional mechanisms in public administration, the revealed corruption schemes in the distribution of international military and humanitarian aid, as well as in the field of public defence procurement, the lack of punishment for corrupt officials in the highest echelons of power threaten the loyalty of international donors and allies, reduce Ukraine’s authority in the international arena, slows down Ukraine’s movement towards the EU, and significantly affects the decisions of foreign partners. The article demonstrates the results of forecasting the future level of corruption in Ukraine (for 2024‒2027) based on the retrospective dynamics of the Corruption Perceptions Index by Transparency International for 1998‒2023. Two economic and mathematical models are used for forecasting: Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average (ARIMA), which better reflects long-term historical trends and fluctuations, and the exponential smoothing method, which is more sensitive to the latest values of the time series. The statistical analysis package STATISTICA was used for the calculations. The forecasting results are disappointing since both methods showed an expected decrease in the level of corruption in 2024-2027, but in critically low volumes: by 1 point according to the ARIMA model and by 3-4 points according to the exponential smoothing method. The results of this study can serve as a basis for public advocacy campaigns as an argument for the need to radically revise the existing format of anti-corruption policy in Ukraine given its European future.

Exploring the Nexus of Democracy and Mental Health: a Study of Urban People in Solapur City

Purpose: The present study aimed at understanding the intersections of democracy and mental health of people with reference to urban people of Solapur city. Theoretical Framework: The theoretical framework integrates insights from political understanding and social determinants of mental health to explore the nexus among democracy and mental health in Solapur city’s citizens. Study assess how individual perceptions and perspectives of democracy, including political efficacy and trust in social institutions, intersect with social factors such as access to resources, political power, to influence mental health outcomes. Research Method: The study has incorporated mixed method approach. The sample consisted of 231 adults (117 male and 114 female), in the age range of 18 to 65 years. The participants were administered the Democracy indicators developed by National Democratic Institute, Iraq (2007) after voluntary oral consent. Findings: The result of percentages shows that less than two-fourth of respondents opened that they have more democratic state, more than two-fifth said they have less democratic state, less than one-tenth of them opined that they have least and most democratic state respectively. It has found that the opinions are not associated with their age, gender, and earnings. However, the study tried to explore intersections of democracy and mental health of people in the context of eleven subscales of democracy index. Research Practical and Social Implications: The article intends to raise the debates and deliberations around democracy and mental health. They article pave the way for future in depth study on understanding the democracy and mental health with a larger sample size and in transnational study areas. Originality/value: Mixed research on mental health and democracy is need of the time and it’s become crucial to study democracy and mental health in different nations democratic nations.

The State of American Federalism 2023–2024: Judicialization of Gridlocked Politics

Abstract Contemporary American federalism, while characterized by nationalized policy battles in the states, is also increasingly defined by the centralization of power in the federal judiciary. In this introductory piece of the 2023–2024 Annual Review issue, we unpack the judicialization of federalism politics. This process, we argue, has been facilitated by national political gridlock, defined by increasing dysfunction in Congress, and the growth of the administrative presidency. In policy conflicts on subjects ranging from education and the environment to abortion and other individual rights, courts have played an increasingly significant role as the arbiter of the federal–state balance of power. As the articles in this Annual Review illustrate, with a few exceptions, judicialization of federalism has often resulted in the devolution of authority to the states, with significant implications for public policy and democratic institutions.

Teaching Political Science in Times of Conflict: Introducing the Symposium

The Teaching Political Science in Times of Conflict symposium’s collection of articles underscores the vital role of political science educators in fostering an understanding of democratic institutions and their vulnerabilities. As global tensions and domestic challenges to democracy continue to rise, the importance of teaching political science and equipping students with critical thinking skills cannot be overstated. This symposium aims to stimulate further debate and research on political science education, emphasizing the discipline’s significance in navigating and understanding contemporary political landscapes.

Ambiguous Policies, Controversial Issues, and Strained Bureaucracies: Banning Critical Race Theory in Idaho

Absent coping strategies, ambiguity strains administrative agencies and democratic institutions on multiple fronts, particularly where controversy is amplified by different ways of thinking that are incompatible with each other. This is examined using a case study of the implementation of Idaho’s House Bill 377 (HB377), the first state-level ban on “critical race theory” in public education in the United States. The brief and ambiguously written bill leaves a lot to be “figured out” by educators. Using a modified grounded theory approach, interviews with 10 faculty reveal how making sense of HB377 caused significant distress for faculty and strained their relationships with administrators. Findings suggest that this bill may have damaged higher education institutions in Idaho, particularly by creating low faculty morale among those teaching in areas newly perceived to be controversial. Conclusions consider implications for administrative agencies when faced with ambiguous laws and conflicting messages from elected officials.

Pandemic‐induced uncertainty and tourism demand: Evidence on the moderator effect of democratic institutions

AbstractThis paper explores the mitigating effect of democratic institutions in the nexus of tourism and pandemic‐induced uncertainty in 24 Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development (OECD) countries. Utilizing dynamic panel data analysis in the modeling process, the findings reveal that increased pandemic‐related uncertainty in the target market negatively affects the tourism demand. However, the presence of democratic institutions in the destination country positively affects the tourism demand. Finally, democratic institutions help mitigate the negative effects of pandemic uncertainty on tourism demand. The research highlights that a democratic destination can provide a more favorable environment for tourism development amid pandemic uncertainty.

The ministry of satire: How political comedians went from critics of democracy to its defenders

ABSTRACT This essay illustrates how critical content has shifted in political satire in the post-broadcast era. Today, in addition to critical content, we find a significant presence of constructive content, where satirists are not just critiquing the power elite, they are schooling them on what they should be doing. In what the author refers to as the “ministry of satire,” political comedians have increasingly taken on the role of conservators of democratic institutions. Drawing on a range of examples of satirists defending democracy, rather than simply critiquing its inadequacies, this article argues that satire has entered an entirely new content mode, one that can be observed outside of the US as well. Today it is common for satirists to paint themselves as more patriotic than politicians.

Is Democracy Bad for Lgbt+ Rights?

Abstract: The historical bond between democracy and LGBT+ rights is unraveling globally. With gender and sexuality issues gaining political prominence, anti-LGBT+ forces are exploiting democratic institutions—both majoritarian and nonmajoritarian—to successfully curtail LGBT+ rights. Can democracy still protect and advance LGBT+ rights? This essay contends that as recent empirical developments challenge the longstanding connection between democracy and LGBT+ rights, they also call for a conceptual reassessment. Rather than viewing LGBT+ rights as an outcome of democracy, this essay proposes treating them as constitutive of democracy, particularly in its liberal form. It further offers normative as well as pragmatic justifications for this conceptual shift.

СОЦИАЛЬНО-ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКИЙ ФАКТОР В ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ КУЛЬТУРЕ КЫРГЫЗСТАНА

The article examines the influence of socio-economic factors on the formation of the political culture of civil society in Kyrgyzstan. The study employs comparative analysis, synthesis, and generalization of data from various sources, including statistics and scientific publications. The findings reveal that socio-economic issues such as poverty, unemployment, and social inequality negatively impact the development of political culture and civil society in Kyrgyzstan. Political instability, in turn, slows economic growth and causes material damage to the country. The importance of a comprehensive approach to addressing socio-economic problems and developing democratic institutions is emphasized to foster a mature political culture and active civil society in Kyrgyzstan.

The Democracy – Economic Growth Nexus: A Systematic Literature Review

The purpose of this study was to present a systematic literature review on the relationship between democracy and economic growth. The goal was to provide scholars and policymakers with important new information on how democracy affects economic growth, as well as solid evidence of the gaps in the literature that need to be filled immediately. The research used a methodological analysis of the literature found in two databases, Google Scholar and Semantic Scholar. The study presents that majority of the studies reviewed show that democracy has a long-term, substantial positive impact on a country's economic growth. But democracy alone cannot promote economic expansion, especially in developing countries. Democracies can promote economic growth in a variety of ways, but how well these efforts work depends on the quality of democratic institutions, the legal system and broader socio-economic conditions. According to the study, elected governments should implement laws and procedures that protect and promote democracy while addressing the needs of the population in order to achieve sustainable economic growth.

Revealing hidden injustice: barriers to citizen participation among migrants in the energy transition of the Hague

Citizen participation is key to learn of actors’ lived experiences for the design of just energy policies. Many members of society, however, experience barriers to participation. As a result, the injustices they experience are likely to remain hidden from public decision-making processes. This paper applies the ‘hidden morality’ framework to a case study of migrants with a low socio-economic status (SES) in the Dutch city of The Hague. Through the analysis of 15 policy documents and 26 semi-structured interviews with migrants in a low-SES neighbourhood, this paper uncovers hidden injustices and the societal mechanisms forming barriers to participation. Simultaneously, the case study is used to test the conceptual framework. The study reveals that the interviewed low-SES migrants were not only considerably prevented from expressing their perceived injustices in decision-making, but were also unaware that they were subject to several procedural injustices. We identify three main barriers withholding low-SES migrants from participating in decision-making: unfamiliarity with (Dutch) democratic institutions and of their rights as citizens; language barriers; and weak social ties in their neighbourhoods. We conclude that the hidden morality framework proves useful for revealing injustices and barriers to participation that would otherwise run the risk of remaining hidden from scholars and policymakers.

The Institutionalization of Democracy and the Democratization of Institutions in Nigeria: A Philosophical Reflection

The Institutionalization of Democracy and the Democratization of Institutions in Nigeria: A Philosophical Reflection

LIBERTY AS NON-DOMINATION: THE CONTRIBUTION OF PHILIP PETTIT AND THE DEBATE WITH HIS CRITICS

This paper explores Philip Pettit's concept of liberty as non-domination, a significant contribution to contemporary political theory emphasizing freedom from arbitrary power rather than merely the absence of interference. In an increasingly plural and complex world, there is a pressing need for a broader understanding of liberty that addresses the political adversities faced by diverse societies. Pettit’s theory provides a robust framework for assessing political freedom by proposing that true liberty entails the absence of domination, supported by democratic mechanisms that disperse and make power accountable. The primary objective of this text is to analyze Pettit’s complete works alongside contributions from ten prominent commentators and debaters, examining the strengths and potential shortcomings of his theory. The analysis aims to demonstrate how Pettit’s concept of non-domination can be superior to other notions of liberty or how integrating different perspectives might reinforce his ideas. Methodologically, the paper conducts a thorough examination of Pettit's seminal works. It includes critical analysis from scholars like Quentin Skinner, Richard Dagger, and Cécile Laborde. Each author's agreement or disagreement with Pettit is analyzed in detail, providing a comprehensive view of the ongoing discourse. In conclusion, Pettit's concept of liberty as non-domination proves to be a compelling framework for understanding and advancing political freedom. This approach necessitates transparency, accountability, and participation within democratic institutions, ensuring liberty is safeguarded against both existing and potential forms of arbitrary power. Through this detailed examination, the paper underscores the relevance and applicability of Pettit's ideas in addressing contemporary political challenges.

The Level of Corruption in Democratic Republic of Nepal: An In-depth Analysis of Root Causes, Governance Impact, and Potential Solutions

This article critically examines the issue of corruption in Nepal's modern democracy, which poses a significant challenge to the foundational principles of transparency, accountability, and fair representation. Through an exploration of the root causes, impact on governance, and potential solutions, the study sheds light on the complexities of corruption within Nepal's political and administrative systems. The analysis identifies historical factors, including the lingering effects of past autocratic regimes and political instability, as contributors to the conducive environment for corruption. Furthermore, weak institutional frameworks, characterized by insufficient checks and balances, inadequate enforcement mechanisms, and political patronage networks, are identified as systemic issues fostering corrupt practices. The impact of corruption on governance is manifested in the erosion of public trust, economic consequences leading to resource misallocation, and impaired service delivery in essential sectors. These consequences collectively contribute to disillusionment among citizens, hindering the democratic process and perpetuating social inequalities. This study utilizes qualitative methods to analyze corruption in Nepal's democracy, identifying root causes and impacts while proposing solutions like strengthening institutions and fostering transparency. Secondary research study was performed to abstract potential solutions, emphasizing the need for strengthening democratic institutions, promoting transparency and accountability through robust measures and enforcement of anti-corruption laws, and fostering citizen engagement. Additionally, international cooperation is highlighted as a valuable avenue for sharing best practices and gaining insights from successful anti-corruption efforts in other nations. In conclusion, the study advocates for a comprehensive, multi-faceted approach to address corruption in Nepal's democracy. By addressing root causes and fostering a culture of accountability, the nation can strive towards building a more resilient democratic system that effectively serves the interests of its people. The article underscores the importance of sustained efforts and a collective commitment to combating corruption for Nepal to realize a future where democracy thrives and fulfills its promises.

Proces „Democratic backsliding“ (Demokratického úpadku) v Ruské federaci v období 2012-2021

The phenomenon of "democratic backsliding" is becoming a topical issue in today's international relations, with recent occurrences in various regions, including Europe. This paper examines the weakening of democracy in the Russian Federation from 2012 to 2021. The study aims to determine whether democratic elements were dismantled in Russia during this period. For this purpose, the theoretical framework by Ellen Lust and David Waldner was utilized, alongside Merkel's concept of embedded democracy. Appropriate indicators were selected to reliably reveal the deterioration in the quality of democratic institutions and processes in Russia, specifically the Freedom House index, Democracy Index, and the Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI). By employing these three indices, the study assesses whether Russia can be classified as an anchored democracy or a defective democracy. The findings, presented in the final section of the paper, indicate significant erosion of democratic practices and institutions in Russia during the observed period. This deterioration underscores a shift from an already flawed democratic structure to one that increasingly resembles an authoritarian regime. The study concludes that Russia cannot be considered an anchored democracy; rather, it exhibits numerous characteristics of a defective democracy, marked by weakened institutions and diminished political freedoms.

The OSCE ODIHR guideline on democratic law-making for better laws: a source of inspiration for strengthening democracy

ABSTRACT On 16 January 2024, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE ODIHR) published its Guidelines on Democratic Law-making for Better Laws. The creation of the Guidelines was driven by the acknowledgment that strengthening democratic institutions and processes is essential in the era of democratic and constitutional erosion and decay and the recognition that contemporary law-making displays several weaknesses. Based on its decades of experience in assessing legislation and legislative processes in the OSCE participating states, ODIHR intended to provide an overview of the guiding principles of the law-making process that ensure that both the process and the resulting laws comply with the requirements of democracy, the rule of law and human rights commitments. The Guidelines offer a new and rich source of inspiration for scholars devoted to strengthening democracy. This paper identifies new(er) avenues for research in democratic erosion and revival, institutional protection of the democratic legislative process, constitutional change, and the impact of constitutional rights. Further, based on some non-OSCE participating states related examples, it shows how the potential inspirational reach of the Guidelines and the research paths it potentially encourage might go beyond the geographic scope of the OSCE participating states.

Analysis of Emergency Provision in Indian Constitution in Relation with 1975 Emergency

The 1975 Emergency in India represents a defining moment in the country's history, marked by the invocation of Emergency Provisions enshrined in the Indian Constitution. These provisions, particularly Article 352, granted the ruling government extraordinary powers to address perceived internal disturbances and maintain national security. However, the declaration and implementation of the Emergency have been subjects of intense debate and scrutiny, with critics highlighting the period as a time of political repression, suspension of civil liberties, and authoritarian governance. This study explores the aims and objectives of the 1975 Emergency, delving into the motivations of the ruling dispensation and the extent to which the Emergency Provisions were used beyond their stated intent. By examining primary sources, historical accounts, and scholarly analyses, the research critically assesses the impact of the Emergency on Indian democracy, including its effects on democratic institutions, civil society, and political culture

Desiring Omelette Not Breaking the Egg: Democracy, Elections and Good Governance in Africa

The quest for good governance, development, and good life for the people which African leaders hoped will be propelled by democracy prompted them to embrace western liberal democracy However, the objective condition in many African countries reveals fundamental gap between expectations and the realities. In line with these actualities, this paper examines the differences between Africans desire for democracy and the attendant expectations and the present reality and reasons for the chasm. It examines election and electoral issues as factors in democracy and good governance. In doing this, the paper adopts content analysis of data gathered essentially from secondary sources and adopts good governance theory. The paper contends that although African leaders and people are desirous of good governance and has put in place democratic structures expected to achieve good governance, these democratic institutions, and structures; the contents and processes have not vivified good governance. It argues that the challenges of democracy and good governance in many African countries are poor election and electoral system. This is because the democratic structures and the manner of conduct of elections characterized by corruption, violence, lack of adequate ideological depth on the part of political parties and service-oriented approach to politics, personalization of, and under-performing institutions among other factors negate the principles of democracy and cannot produce good leadership and good governance. The paper concludes that though multi-party elections have been held in many countries in Africa since 1990, the quality of these elections for the advancement of democracy and by extension good governance has generated concerns and query the sense of optimism for multi-party elections. It therefore argues that for African countries to achieve the desirous goals and benefits of democracy, good governance and development, elections must be free, fair, and conducted regularly. Also, political parties and democratic institutions and structures must be adequately strengthened to function properly.