Ideological Innovation Research Articles

The Reform and Innovation of Ideological and Political Teaching Under the Multimedia

Abstract With the continuous development of modern information technology, Computer network and multimedia technology have been used more and more widely. Due to the diversity, integration, control, interactivity, and real-time characteristics of multimedia technology, the application of multimedia technology in teaching has greatly changed the traditional teaching mode of instilling knowledge to students in a single way and in a simple manner. It used its super integrated management of text, text, graphics, images, video, sound etc., making teaching intuitive, novelty, diversity and vivid characteristics, can give full play to the students’ thinking ability, cognitive ability and the ability to analyze problems, greatly improve the quality of teaching. Applying multimedia technology to the ideological and political course in colleges and universities can help improve the expressiveness and appeal of teaching content, inspire students’ interest in learning, increase the credibility and timeliness of teaching content, and create a multidimensional interactive ideological and political classroom model. This will enable the teaching of ideological and political courses in universities to be carried out more effectively. Therefore, we should effectively use multimedia technology to assist our teaching in ideological and political education.

The Way of the Barbarians: Redrawing Ethnic Boundaries in Tang and Song China by Shao-yun Yang

Reviewed by: The Way of the Barbarians: Redrawing Ethnic Boundaries in Tang and Song China by Shao-yun Yang Christopher Atwood (bio) Shao-yun Yang. The Way of the Barbarians: Redrawing Ethnic Boundaries in Tang and Song China. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2019. xii, 229 pp. Hardcover $95.00. isbn 978-02-95-74602-9. Paperback $30.00. isbn 978-0-295-74603-6. In The Way of the Barbarian, Shao-yun Yang tackles one of the main tropes of the "Tang-Song transition": the idea of a cosmopolitan, xenophile Tang (618–907) being replaced by a proto-nationalist, xenophobic Song dynasty (960–1279). This change in the perception of the outside world is often seen as one of the ways in which a medieval China became "late imperial," if not "early modern," along with the rise of commerce and urbanism, Neo-Confucianism, and the new gentry society organized around the examination system. After a penetrating examination of the "barbarian" trope in Chinese thought from Han Yu (768–824) to Hu Anguo (1074–1138), Shao-yun Yang concludes that there was indeed a significant transition, but its origins, nature, and significance have been mischaracterized, out of a desire to make both the Tang and the Song more "like us" than they really were. Shao-yun Yang, who teaches East Asian history at Denison University in Granville, Ohio, begins the Way of the Barbarians with a critique of the previous conceptual tools used to understand this shift in thought. These conceptual tools he summarizes as the "culturalism-to-nationalism" and "culturalism, not racism" theses associated with Joseph Levenson, Qian Mu, and Chen Yinke (p. 11). Seeing Classicism as advocating "culturalism," he contends, relies on an untenable wholistic conception of "culture." (Following his teacher Michael Nylan, Yang prefers "Classicism" to the usual "Confucianism.") In reality, Classicist thinkers divided what we would consider "culture" into morally based "mores" (liyi 禮儀) and submoral "folkways" (fengsu 風俗). "Nationalism" he finds problematic due to its implication that the weaker Song renounced in theory as well as fact dominion over "barbarian" lands formerly under the Tang—a claim for which he finds abundant counterevidence. Recent claims that Song identity was "racial" fall afoul of the geographical mutability of human nature inherent in the theory of qi; barbarians could become Chinese simply by moving into China, where the beneficial qi would turn them into what they could not be in peripheral lands—subjects capable of morality. Revisionist ideas that the Chinese did not have any unified view of "barbarians"—or that indeed terms like yi 夷 and di 狄 were not actually derogatory at all—are debunked on purely empirical grounds. In place of these defective formulations, Shao-yun Yang sums up the late Tang's ideological innovations on the Sino-barbarian question in two different rhetorical strategies. The first he calls "ethnicized orthodoxy" and the second he calls "ethnocentric moralism." In the rhetoric of "ethnicized orthodoxy," pioneered by the famous late Tang literatus Han Yu, those who do not embrace [End Page 300] the speaker's own version of orthodox Classicism are not really Chinese; they are barbarians. "Ethnocentric moralism," which Yang first traces in the essays of Chen An (c. 805–871) and Cheng Yan (fl. 895–904), is another rhetorical strategy in which those who do not follow "ritual propriety and moral duty" (liyi) are not just bad Chinese; they are not actually Chinese at all. Both positions presume that "Chinese" and "barbarian" are neither objective sociological categories nor a subjective realities, but a label that depended on the speaker's own evaluation of the person's orthodoxy or morality. Those who do not measure up to the writer's standards are, whether they know it or not—and usually they do not—following the "Way of the Barbarians" (variously Yidi zhi dao 夷狄之道, Yidao 夷道, or Didao 狄道). In chapter 1, Yang argues that "ethnicized orthodoxy" was Han Yu's innovation, and in chapter 2, he follows how this innovative rhetorical argument was deployed in debate with Liu Zongyuan (773–819) over the ethnic and moral status of Buddhism and Buddhists. In chapter 3, Yang traces the origin of ethnocentric moralist rhetoric in Chen An's "Chinese at Heart" and...

Collaborative Innovation of Ideological and Political Education in Colleges and Universities Based on Philosophical Cognitive Thinking

Collaborative Innovation of Ideological and Political Education in Colleges and Universities Based on Philosophical Cognitive Thinking

Exploration on the Spiritual Adults and the Innovation of Ideological and Political Education in Colleges and Universities

Ensure the college students' thoughts reach "spiritual adults" can effectively ensure the healthy growth of students in the future. To explore the deep meaning of "spiritual adults" and to find the relationship between "spiritual adults" and ideological education in colleges and universities, to join the "spiritual adults" education concept in the ordinary ideological and political teaching process, which have an influence on college students’ spiritual and it can improve the level of college students' humanistic quality, enhance their social practice ability, and the influence of campus culture on the personality of college students

Khomeini's Theory of Islamic State and the Making of the Iranian Revolution

The Iranian Revolution is one of the most influential events of the late twentieth century, with far-reaching consequences that still echo through the rise of Islamic state. Drawing from both primary (interviews, autobiographies, documents, and data) and secondary sources, the paper shows that Khomeini's doctrine of the Guardianship of the Jurist played a decisive role in the making of the Iranian Revolution by changing the goals and strategies of the religious opposition from reforming government policies to establishing an Islamic state. Khomeini's doctrine was first published in 1970 in his treatise, Islamic State. The paper argues that Khomeini's ideological innovation can account for the sharp contrast between the outcomes of widespread protests in the early 1960s and the late 1970s: they both shook the Pahlavi regime, but the former protests dissipated, while the latter culminated in the Iranian Revolution. Expanding the scope beyond Iran and Islam, the paper explores the role of ideological innovations in the Russian and American Revolutions, and discusses the potentially critical role of ideological innovations in democracy movements in Islamic countries.

The Theoretical and Practical Logics of Social Advancement Promoted by Ideological Innovation

The Theoretical and Practical Logics of Social Advancement Promoted by Ideological Innovation

"Homossexualismo: sexualidade e valor", de Samuel Rawet - um texto fundador da teoria queer brasileira

O ensaio de Samuel Rawet “Homossexualismo: sexualidade e valor” (1970) é o primeiro tratado detalhado na cultura brasileira do fenômeno da chamada homossexualidade. Rawet, num verdadeiro gesto de inovação ideológica, se distancia dos modelos que vêm a homossexualidade como, alternativamente, um pecado, uma patologia e um ato criminoso, para defendê-lo como exemplo de livre escolha humana que ele fundamenta nos valores existenciais da condição humana.

The Communist Activities of the First International and the Logic of Socialist Party Politics

Against the backdrop of the 19th century, the First International, guided by Marxism, emerged in the form of the early “International Socialist Federation.” It viewed the seizure of power as the great mission of the proletariat, actively struggled against bourgeois regimes, strongly responded to the call of times for the theoretical self-consciousness and organized struggle of the proletariat, and exerted a profound historical influence on the stirring inauguration and nationally oriented development of the international Communist movement of the 20th century. From the socialist party political perspective, the First International, once the Communist League, had raised the curtain on socialist party politics, changed the political mode of capitalist party politics’ exclusive world domination through the interactive development of new organizational forms, theoretical viewpoints and political practice. It thus left an abundant historical legacy in terms of ideological creation and practical innovation for the subsequent Second International, the Communist International and the emergence and development of socialist party politics within nation-states. Although its socialist party political practice had an obvious “regional,” “preliminary” and “tentative” nature, the First International had foundation-laying significance and pioneering value for the development of socialist party politics, whether in terms of organizational vehicles, value orientation and activity content, or in terms of ideological guidance, practical patterns and strategic principles.

ISIS, The State of Terror

This is a review of a book entitled ISIS: The State of Terror by Jessica Stern and J. M. Berger. It traces the conditions under which ISIS emerged as well as the ideological innovations that the group uses to recruit huge numbers of fighters. In addition to that, it highlights the technological tools that the organization exploits on social media to broadcast its atrocities and recruit more people.

The Urban Pulpit: New York City and the Fate of Liberal Evangelicalism by Matthew Bowman

Reviewed by: The Urban Pulpit: New York City and the Fate of Liberal Evangelicalism by Matthew Bowman Devin C. Manzullo The Urban Pulpit: New York City and the Fate of Liberal Evangelicalism. By Matthew Bowman. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014, 308 pages, Cloth. The Urban Pulpit offers a convincing and much-needed revisionist history of Protestant religion in Progressive Era America. For too long, historians of American religion have understood late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century Protestant Christians as divided into what scholar Martin E. Marty has famously called a "two-party system": modernists and fundamentalists, liberals and conservatives, Social Gospelers and born-again evangelicals. This division (the story goes) resulted from polarized reactions to tectonic shifts in American cultural, social, and political life near the turn of the century: challenges to the historical and scientific veracity of the Bible, waves of Catholic and non-religious immigrants, and the emergence of a leisure industry that provided a desirable alternative to Sunday morning worship. Since Protestants could not agree on how to respond, they fractured. Modernists embraced these developments, as well as other aspects of social pluralism, and sought to integrate them into their religious practice. Fundamentalists rejected these developments in favor of theological and ideological innovations, such as biblical inerrancy and dispensational premillennialism that buttressed the "old-time religion." [End Page 106] Historians and other scholars routinely describe this doctrinal cleavage as the "fundamentalist-modernist controversy." In The Urban Pulpit, Matthew Bowman nuances this story in two ways. First, he introduces into the scholarly discussion a Protestant style—"liberal evangelicalism"—that maintained ties to the old evangelical understanding of salvation and the Bible but did so using a framework that adapted these ideas to the social realities of turn-of-the-century urban America. Second, he depicts the rupture of Protestantism not as a theological debate over religious dogma but as both a pragmatic response to the crisis of the city and as a "product of pastoral experimentation" (13) to uncover the most effective way to preach the Word in a modernizing world. Bowman charts the emergence and decline of liberal evangelicalism and its responses to the urban crisis in eight brief chapters. The first four explain the development of the liberal evangelical style; the final four describe the tensions from the left and right that emerged in opposition to it. According to Bowman, those who would become liberal evangelicals emerged sometime between the 1880s and 1915, departing from the religious consensus of those in the conservative Protestant "mainstream" by self-consciously identifying as "liberal evangelicals." During these decades, virtually all evangelicals lost confidence in their ability to reach postbellum American cities by conventional means. At an earlier time, there had existed an intimate "connection between the city's cultural and physical landscapes and evangelical piety" (13). But now that connection had shattered, and the verbal and written Word of God seemed less powerful in a city teeming with immigrants and saturated with entertainment and recreational opportunities. This crisis necessitated new methods for converting others to Christianity. Liberal evangelicals realized that redemption would not come just by hearing the Word preached: It also had to be embodied and lived out. Bowman explains how this reconceptualization of the Bible occurred, primarily in academic circles, and then further details how liberal evangelical ministers and social activists put it to work. He successfully shows that as social reform movements flourished in New York City in the early twentieth century, liberal evangelicals began to see their activism as a form of religious liturgy, as "rituals of conversion that would draw both the reformer and the reformed into the orbit of the Word enacted, and bring conversion to their souls no less than preaching might" (112). [End Page 107] After describing the development of the liberal evangelical style, Bowman also analyzes the challenges faced by this nascent movement from both religious conservatives and religious liberals. While liberal evangelicals sought to embody the Word rather than merely preach it, the emergent fundamentalists took the opposite tack. In seeking to "assert faith in the unaltered Word," they delivered "strident and aggressive" verbal proclamations (165), a feature that would become a primary identifier of fundamentalism in subsequent...

After Cameron: the New New Right and the unchaining of Britannia

This article looks at an emerging and ideologically influential grouping within the Conservative Party that presents a challenge to the dominant contemporary Cameronite interpretation of Conservatism. This grouping is fashioned as the ‘New New Right’ composed of an identifiable number of the ‘2010 generation’ of Conservative politicians. The most prominent among these are the five authors of After the Coalition and Britannia Unchained: Kwasi Kwarteng, Priti Patel, Dominic Raab, Chris Skidmore and Elizabeth Truss. Employing Michael Freeden's ‘morphological approach’ to ideology, in addition to utilising interviews with key members of this group, this article situates and interrogates the explicitly post-Cameronite thinking of the New New Right drawing on three central features of its thinking: the rejection of the rhetorical ‘de-neoliberalisation’ of British society after the financial crisis of 2007–08, a resistance to ‘anti-market socialisation’ and the promotion of a ‘thin’ conception of social rights. The difference between ‘Cameronite’ Conservatism and the New New Right is more quantitative than qualitative, as, while they occupy the same semantic field, the latter poses a threat to the former's commitment to civic conservatism. This ideological innovation is not a revival of Thatcherism; it is more conservative fiscally and largely anti-statist on a gamut of social issues. The New New Right potentially provides the ideological template for the next generation of Conservatism after Cameronism.

Figurines in Pietrele: Copper Age ideology

Major trends in figurine production of the copper age settlement of Pietrele (Romania) are discussed. The bone figurines are seen as an ideological innovation of the Early Copper Age system in the Eastern Balkans.

The mobility of economists and the diffusion of policy ideas: The influence of economics on national policies

Economic policies are innovations that have important effects on countries and their social welfare. Far from being simply technical in nature, such policies are often ideological innovations. This paper examines three economic policy innovations (privatization, central bank independence, and pension reform) and shows how the diffusion of these policies depended not only upon the mobility of American-trained Ph.D. economists to adopting countries, but also the state of agreement among economists on the value of these policy innovations. By estimating hazard models for adoption times, the effects of mobility and policy agreement are shown to explain the adoption patterns. The implications of this analysis are to treat the creation and diffusion of economic policies as innovations that are subject to trial and error revision as well as to the changing consensus within an academic community.

Natural orifice translumenal endoscopic surgery (NOTES): safe implementation through technological innovation

BACKGROUND: NOTES is advancing at a rapid pace with large registries of human applications and increasing evidence to support safety and efficacy. We have however arrived at a stage in the development of the technique where many conceptual applications are not supported by available technology to ensure safe implementation. METHODS: The data presented in this editorial are based on the views of the authors and reviews of the literature which have been conducted using PubMed, a search tool of the National Library of Medicine and the national institute of Health, including the MEDLINE database and the Cochrane library until the 1st of February 2011. RESULTS: This editorial reviews the technological challenges that must be overcome and novel solutions are discussed. CONCLUSIONS: For NOTES to realise its full potential, surgeons have to wait for technology to catch up with ideological innovation before embarking on more complex procedures than the hybrid transvaginal feasibility studies currently taking place.

A Turn towards Modernity: The Ideological Innovation of Sallah

In 1964 an Israeli film was nominated for the first time ever for an Oscar as the best foreign film. This film has since become the most popular Israeli film ever made, and the herald of the only Israeli original film cycle: the Bourekas (1964-1977). The article, devoted fully to this film, Sallah , suggests a completely new reading of it. Until recently, critics tended to view Sallah as a subversive political satire set against the hegemony of the era's Zionist elites in Israel. The article, adopting a neo-Marxist approach to examining Sallah , suggests that the film actually serves as an "ideological state apparatus" for Zionist elites. However at the same time, the article suggests, Sallah reflects and promotes a change in the Zionist elite's ideology that happened at the time of its distribution: a turn from promoting Hebrewness as the major Zionist value to promoting Modernism as the central Zionist value. The Bourekas films that followed Sallah continued to emphasize this transformation in ideology, testifying to an ongoing centrality of modernism in Zionist ideology.

THE MOBILITY OF ECONOMISTS AND THE DIFFUSION OF POLICY INNOVATIONS

Economic policies are innovations that have important effects on the welfare and societies of countries. Far from being simply technical in nature, such policies are often ideological innovations. This paper examines three economic policy innovations (privatization, central bank independence, and pension reform) and shows how the diffusion of these policies depended not only upon the mobility of American-trained PhD economists to adopting countries, but also the state of agreement among economists on the value of these policy innovations. By estimating hazard models for adoption times, the effects of mobility and policy agreement are shown to explain the adoption patterns. The implications of this analysis are to treat the creation and diffusion of economic policies within the domain of the study of innovations in general.

From Three Possible Iron-Age World-Systems to a Single Afro-Eurasian World-System

Hypothesized Western and Eastern world-systems of the Late Bronze Age collapsed in the twelfth and eleventh centuries b.c. before a new phase of integrations occurred in these areas (western Asia, northern Africa, and southern Europe on the one hand; China on the other). This article argues that in the first millennium b.c ., these two world-systems experienced three long cycles marked by hegemonic transitions between competing regions. The recessions that we observe stemmed partly from climatic deteriorations on varying scales around 800, 400, and 200 b.c. The growth of networks and states was furthered by technological, institutional, and ideological innovations. A number of empires arose in western Asia, which aimed at controlling spaces and peoples between the Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf. An Indian world-system developed, which partly merged with the western system from the fourth century b.c . From the third century b.c ., changes in western Asia, China, and India and the extension of exchange networks favored the opening of land routes across central Asia and maritime routes in the Indian Ocean and China Seas. The rise of new centers in the western Mediterranean region accompanied a growing integration of Europe into the Western system. The three world-systems identified probably fused into a single worldsystem in the first century a.d ., when the rise of exchange networks led to an interdependence of their various regions.

Military-Entrepreneur Relations in China since 1979: From Political Divide to Social Reconciliation

There have been substantial changes in the relationship between the PLA and the emerging private entrepreneurs since China’s reform and opening-up. As a consequence, these relations have shifted from the old model of political divide to a new model of social reconciliation, which could be described by four major indicators: recruiting policy, civil-military mutual support movement, the private sector’s engagement in military procurement and private employers’ participation in the reemployment of veterans. This paper compares the PLA’s ideological and policy changes between the 1979-1991 period and the period since 1992, and finds time lags exist between the PLA’s ideological progress and policy innovation, which results from the gap between the CCP’s intention and social opinion. The PLA under certain circumstances is encouraged by political and military leaders to promote its relationship with the new social stratum. Despite the achievements, value barriers, mutual distrust and new partnership challenges still remain serious obstacles. A complete legal system and new thoughts are essential for further development of their relationship.

John Pym, Ideographs, and the Rhetoric of Opposition to the English Crown

Historians give John Pym due credit as a successful Parliamentarian; rhetorical critics examine Pym's prowess as an orator. Both perspectives focus on Pym's management of issues of the day and do not account for his masterful appropriation of political language. We conduct an ideographic analysis of twelve of his addresses to Parliament between 1640 and 1643. His discourse reveals a crucial reformulation of <law> in relation to subsidiary ideographs, including <religion>, <justice>, and <Parliamentary privilege>. These ideological innovations were instrumental in building Parliamentary opposition to Charles I and allowed for advances in democratic ideas made manifest in Anglo-American liberalism.

Another Look at the “Hard Side” of Populism

Historians mainly remember Richard Hofstadter's depiction of Populism in The Age of Reform (1955) for its critique of what he called Populism's soft side, an anxiety-ridden, conspiracy-minded of agrarian radicals who feared that march of progress was leaving them behind. Less well remembered is Hofstadter's depiction of Populism's side, represented by farmer as harassed little country businessman, who understood himself to be part of a market economy and who focused his energies on agricultural improvement, business methods, and pressure politics.1 Drawing his examples of hard side Populism from two decades after demise of People's party, Hofstadter argued that after 1896 agrarianism as a movement (a primitive form of collective action in social science terminology of 1950s) yielded to modern methods through which farmers influenced federal legislation and markets in which they competed. In an important new national study, Charles Postel locates origins of this hard side of Populism squarely within experience of People's party and, especially, of Farmers' Alliance. Unlike Hofstadter, Postel sees continuity between Alliance-Populist agenda and early-twentieth-century agribusiness. Populists, Postel contends, were forward-looking men and women who embraced Enlightenment idea of progress, not backward-looking yeoman trapped in amber of agrarianism. They were comfortable with modern means of transportation, communications, and mass media, and they shaped the weapons of protest out of modern materials of technological, organizational, and ideological innovation (p. viii). In other words, Pops tried to beat captains of industry at their own game. After reading The Populist Vision, it is tempting to cite Dorothy's comment to her little dog after cyclone had deposited them in Oz: Toto, we're not in Kansas anymore. These are not exactly Populists of Hicks, Hofstadter, or Goodwyn. Kansas is not normative Populist state here, nor are Texas or Georgia, but California. The central characters are not William Jennings Bryan, Tom Watson, or Mary Elizabeth Lease, but Charles Macune, father of