Influence Of Domestic Politics Research Articles

The logic of China–US rivalry

AbstractBehind the struggle and game between China and the United States are four sets of overlapping and mutually causal logics, namely the growth and decline of the two countries’ strength, ideological differences, changes in the international environment, and domestic political influence. Sino–US relations will not be able to return to the depth of exchanges and level of cooperation at the beginning of the twenty-first century for a long time. However, the long-term interests and strategic considerations of the two countries determine that the two countries must avoid war with each other and maintain a certain degree of economic cooperation and social exchanges. The biggest uncertainty in Sino–US relations in 2024 is the chaos that may be caused by domestic political struggles in the United States. However, the official and non-governmental contacts between China and the United States since 2023 have made the upper limit of the development of bilateral relations and the bottom line of conflict clearer. Sino–US relations are difficult to improve, but they are expected to be basically stable.

South Asian Perspectives on the Nuclear Weapons Ban: Challenges and Prospects for Disarmament

This research paper explores the nuanced perspectives of South Asian nations, primarily India and Pakistan, on the global efforts toward nuclear disarmament. Against a complex regional security landscape, historical conflicts, and evolving nuclear doctrines, this study employs a qualitative research design, drawing on document analysis and existing literature. The findings reveal divergent views between India and Pakistan, often shaped by intricate factors of security considerations, regional dynamics, and domestic political influences. The paper discusses the implications of South Asian stances on global disarmament efforts. It proposes potential pathways for fostering dialogue and cooperation in pursuing nuclear disarmament in the region. Through an in-depth examination of South Asian perspectives, this research contributes valuable insights to the broader discourse on nuclear disarmament.

Mutual Perceptions and China-South Korea Relations: A Comparative Study of the Academic Literature

How do China and South Korea see their relationship after 30 years of normalization, and why have views shifted since 2017? Research on perceptions and their foreign policy implications usually draws from offcial discourse and public opinion. This review essay assesses the nature and drivers of China-South Korea mutual perceptions by comparing their academic literature on bilateral relations. Scholarly accounts may offer longer-term interpretations of specialized interests, and a fuller picture of how and why views vary. On both sides of the China-South Korea academic debate, the quantitative volume of studies and qualitative appraisal of relations declined in the 2017???2021 Xi Jinping-Moon Jae-in period. Levels of optimism/pessimism vary by issue-area. Views of third-party constraints on security relations, and domestic political influences on societal relations, drive mutual pessimism. Koreans are more pessimistic about the economic partnership and reassess historical relations more unfavourably, which trace back to views of relative dependence and hierarchy. Three implications emerge for post-2022 relations in light of leadership transition in Beijing and Seoul. Enduring security priorities require minimum strategic interdependence and stronger trust-building mechanisms. Positive functional spillovers from economic and local/nonstate cooperation remain in question. And lasting cultural costs of political disputes compel joint efforts to enhance mutual understanding. Overall, shifts in structural and ideational factors that historically drove normalization are driving the current discord, and prompting both sides to lower future expectations of each other.

Terrorism Crisis/Threat Management Structure By National Security Council (Nsc): Level of Involvement, Agency Coordination, State Alignment and Domestic Political Influence

Terrorism Crisis/Threat Management Structure By National Security Council (Nsc): Level of Involvement, Agency Coordination, State Alignment and Domestic Political Influence

Genre features of Soviet visual art during the “Vidlyha” and “Zastii” periods

In the submitted article, the authors considered and analyzed the genre features of Soviet fine art during the "Thaw" and "Stagnation" periods during the times of the leaders of the Soviet Union, M. Khrushchov and L. Brezhnev, respectively. In particular, attention was focused on socialist realism as the main genre of Soviet reality. The influence of the Soviet communist propaganda, built around the fine arts, was also investigated and its propaganda influence on the named art trend was highlighted. It was determined that during the Khrushchov Thaw, the period of development of Soviet propaganda was marked by the preservation of the system of socialist realism, but with a new, more loyal approach that took into account political changes in the state with the disclosure of greater attention to everyday life. On the one hand, at this time, a clear historicity is being built, which is reflected, for example, in the painting "October Wind". She combines the difficult past with optimistic modernity in the work "Warm Day". This testifies to the attempts of the ideological apparatus of the totalitarian state to adapt socialist realism to new realities and ideological requirements. Thus, after the totalitarian era of J. Stalin, the liberalization of the communist system and culture, caused by the initiatives of M. Khrushchov, was not accompanied by a complete break with the system of total control that arose during the previous decades. At the same time, in the age of Brezhnev's stagnation, the genre of socialist realism undergoes the final conservation of its inherent features. Therefore, the article also draws attention to the influence of domestic politics and the struggle with Western genres on the evolution of socialist realism. In particular, during the avant-garde exhibition, the critic M. Khrushchov defines the genre features of socialist realism, pointing out the need to preserve social reality. During the period of stagnation, which was marked by the period of L. Brezhnev's reign, there is an increase in demonstrations, such as, for example, "Bulldozer Show", which also affects the formation of genre features of socialist realism. Therefore, the researchers came to the conclusion that political changes within the country, as well as the struggle against "deviations" in art, became the main themes and orientations of socialist realism in that period. This determined its development and dynamics in accordance with changes in the political landscape. The fight against the so-called "perverted art" determined the internal context of the genre and contributed to the maintenance of ideological purity in art, its unification and screening of manifestations unacceptable to the Soviet regime. The article defines the evolution of the genre features of socialist realism in the Soviet Union, noting its adaptation to political and ideological changes during the "Thaw" and "Stagnation" periods. The authors of the presented study highlight the important stages of this process, paying attention to the influence of internal politics and external challenges on the formation of visual arts in Soviet society. Therefore, it was determined that the peculiarity of socialist realism in the fine art of the USSR was the need to establish it as a single, legalized method controlled by the authorities for reproducing the ideology of a "developed" socialist society.

FEDERALISING INDIA'S FOREIGN POLICY AND REGIONAL COOPERATION: STATE'S ROLE IN FOREIGN POLICY

This paper is an assessment to determine the role of Indian states in Indian foreign policy making and tries to systematically analyse the factors that contribute to the rise of the state's role in shaping Indian foreign policy. The relevance of the state's role will increase with the geography of India's position in the subcontinent, as most of the Indian states barring a few, share international borders and have historical and cultural connections with trans-border nations. Thus, regional issues impact India's subnational units' interests and influence the decision-making in Indian foreign policy and India's regional cooperation. This is an enquiry about the role of states in Indian foreign policy to see the push-pull effect of states on bilateral foreign policy decisions. It examined and analysed whether the role and influence of states have been different when they were part of the coalition government at the Centre from the case when they were not part of the government in New Delhi. Indian Constitution, parliament discussion, national interests and prevalent political structure have evolved foreign policy decision-making over time, which is dynamic due to the influence of domestic politics and India’s aspirations of emergence in the world order. In India's foreign policy, the Centre has acted dominantly and exclusively based on the philosophy that the Centre should control international affairs without any inferences by the federal units of the Union. The Constitution nowhere describes the polity as federal. However, the features, distribution of powers and characteristics indicate that it predominantly works as a federation in times of peace and acts as a unitary government during an emergency. Lately, with the emergence of the coalition government in India and the changed world order after 1991, it has been seen that states were reaching out from their limited autonomy and actively interacting with external actors for their interests which remained coupled with national interests. Federal polity relations between the Centre and states are crucial in determining the effectiveness of policy and governance. Deeper penetration of democratisation within the society and an open and expanding economy has given space to subunits to influence foreign policy. Later, when India opened its markets for foreign investment, the Centre assumed the role of regulator and patron of the state's ties with external agencies. This changing economic scenario and the advent of globalisation factors like the state's economic conditions, capabilities and cultural ties became important factors, leveraging their role in India's foreign policy. While analysing the role of states in Indian foreign policy, West Bengal's role in influencing the neighbourhood policy with Bangladesh is significant and cannot be neglected. Similarly, Tamilnadu's active role in India's policy towards Sri Lanka is noticeable.

Reexamining the UNCLOS: a Lack of Compliance and Enforceability

The article examines the effeteness of UNCLOS and espouses on why it is not a De Jure legally binding agreement but a De facto non-binding agreement. The uncertainty in the law of the sea would inevitably grow and increasingly State practice, across geographies, may well continue to diverge from the traditional views of the law. Given that states are increasingly under the influence of domestic politics and racial tensions, divergence per se is inevitable, and the dire need of the hour is for the comity of nations to get their act together, vis a vis, re-examining the UNCLOS agreement and to thereafter usher in an agreement that would work. The need to rewrite would require much effort and the cooperation of all the states and indubitably, it would call for egalitarian approaches.

Greenland and the geopolitics of critical minerals

Greenland and the geopolitics of critical minerals

Domestic Politics and Settlement in Investor-State Arbitration

Settlement of high-stakes investor-state disputes may expose respondent state governments to public criticism for allegedly capitulating to foreign investors and large corporations, which gives rise to domestic-audience costs in the form of lower support for respondent state governments. The anticipated domestic-audience costs may in turn constrain states’ settlement behavior. Using the time left until the next election in the respondent state as a proxy for the size of anticipated domestic-audience costs, I find evidence that the probability of settlement decreases as elections approach in respondent states. This pattern appears to hold for both democracies and nondemocracies that hold elections. The findings suggest that pressure from domestic constituents causes respondent state governments to change their settlement behavior by not settling cases they otherwise would have settled or delaying settlement. These findings reveal potential inefficiencies arising from domestic political influences on states’ settlement behavior.

External and domestic political determinants of defence spending: a time-series cross-section analysis of EU member states

ABSTRACT We investigate external and domestic political influences on defence burden of the 28 EU member states, based on time-series cross-section data from 1993 to 2017. Our research is one of the most comprehensive studies on EU members' defence, as it includes many potential explanations. Our findings do not support freeriding by EU members, both NATO allies and non-NATO members, on US commitment in the defence and security field. Relatedly, NATO membership does not come up in the analysis as an instantaneous guarantee for an effective special relationship with the US. However, there is evidence of freeriding by EU members not belonging to the Alliance on EU-NATO member states. Domestic political factors are also important: right-wing parties in government are associated with heavier defence burden, while upcoming elections tend to reduce it. In general, we find that to provide an accurate explanation of military spending, one needs to take into account a multitude of different factors and, moreover, pay attention to conditional effects.

The contested origins of US democracy promotion: the national endowment for democracy and its congressional critics

In 1983, a compromise between the Reagan administration, members of Congress and private groups led to the establishment of the bipartisan democracy promotion organization: the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). Tracing congressional efforts to prevent the formation of the NED, this article offers the first comprehensive, archival-based study of the NED’s critics and their arguments and motivations. I find that opposition to the NED consisted of an unlikely and ideologically diverse alliance between conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats, who took issue with its organizational structure and strategic objectives. Although Congress eventually established the NED with minor concessions to its critics, its origin was considerably more contested than previously acknowledged. The case of the NED also demonstrates the substantial influence of domestic politics and individual members of Congress on US foreign policymaking.

Вынужденный «союз»? Россия в политике партии «Альтернатива для Германии»

The article deals with the relationship of the “Alternative for Germany” (AfD) party to the Russian Federation. The article notes that the independent foreign policy of Russia, its active opposition to the Imperial policy of the United States appeals to some of the German electorate, this is used by the AfD in its own interests. The young party, which is justifiably called a right-wing populist party, despite serious success in elections at various levels, including in the Bundestag, does not have influential political allies in the country. Therefore, it has no real opportunities to exert a significant influence on German politics. In the context of the harsh anti-Russian policy of Western countries, the AfD is trying to occupy a niche as a foreign policy “partner” of Russia and thereby attract voters who are sympathetic to our country. For example, this applies to numerous “Russian Germans”. We should also mention the desire of the Russian Federation to use AfD to promote its own interests, including projects such as Nord stream - 2. The author notes that most likely, if relations between Bonn and Moscow improve or if the AfD's domestic political influence increases, the problem of Russia's rapprochement with the AfD will lose its relevance.

Small State Constraint: International System or Domestic Politics? A Case of Nepal and Fiji

Available literature on the role of small states in international relations has focused on the international system’s impact on the maneuverability of small states. The influence of domestic politics in determining the foreign policy goals of small states seems to have lacked enough deliberations. Identifying this research gap, this article aims to analyze the foreign policy behavior of small states, including Fiji and Nepal. More precisely, this write-up argues that the small states' behavior cannot be adequately comprehended if it is only assessed from the system level of analysis, as their behavior is not only influenced by external factors or the international system. This research sheds light on how domestic factors play an important role in shaping the foreign policy of small states. In this regard, the prime objective of the paper is to examine how the domestic events of 2006 in Fiji and Nepal influenced their post-2006 foreign policy agendas. The 2006 Military Coup in Fiji and the Second People’s Movement of 2006 in Nepal are examined here to appraise how foreign policy was devised and formulated to address the issues that arose out of these events, thus allowing the two countries to remain functional in the international society of states.

The Influence of Domestic Politics of South Korea on its Relations with North Korea and the United States

This paper aims to conduct research on the influence of domestic South Korean politics on relations with the United States and North Korea. In this case, the theory of dominance of domestic political actors explains where the dominance of a group will have an influence on determining the foreign policy of a country. South Korea’s domestic politics is dominated by two groups with different ideologies in the face of the United States and North Korea. This then resulted in different actions in the face of North Korea and the United States. The differences will be explained by assessing some of the policies applied to Kim Dae Jung’s regime and Roh Moo-Hyun from a progressive group. The policy will then be compared to the policies of the regime of Lee Myung Bak from conservative groups. Differences in the group’s dominant views in South Korea have led to certain strategies for each group in the face of the opposition group. The strategy is carried out to maintain the effectiveness of the policies applied according to the ideology of each group. This research used literature study as the method by taking data from journals and reports which that discuss the national politics of South Korea. The theoretical framework of V.M Hudson, which focuses on the national circumstances, and the role of domestic actors have been applied in this research.

Public Opinion, Party Politics and Alliance: The Influence of Domestic Politics on Japan’s Reliance on the U. S. Nuclear Umbrella, 1964–8

During the Cold War, a non-nuclear U.S. ally, Japan, relied on U.S. extended nuclear deterrence for its security. In the 1950s and 1960s, however, Japan’s alignment with the United States was a focal point of political confrontation between the conservative and progressive camps while the public opinion was divided over the issue. Moreover, the public sentiment against nuclear weapons was so strong that the conservative camp had to compete with the progressive camp to better represent the public sentiment. As a result, the conservative government and the governing party were in the politically awkward position of having to carefully avoid making statements and taking actions that might have stimulated the public’ anti-nuclear sentiment and, further, might have been interpreted as distrust of the U.S.–Japan alignment and the U.S. nuclear umbrella. This article illustrates the combined effects of public opinion and party politics on Japan’s reliance on U.S. extended nuclear deterrence, specifically the government’s public explanation of it, the establishment of it as a declared government policy and U.S.–Japan relationships regarding it in the late 1960s. To this end, it examines the government-level policy-deliberation and diplomacy as well as policy discussions on U.S. extended nuclear deterrence in the national legislature.

Is European Competition Law Protectionist? A Quantitative Analysis of the Commission’s Decisions

In March of 2019, the European Commission slapped another fine upon Google for infringing European competition rules (€1.49 billion this time). This brought Google’s contribution to the EU budget to a dizzying total of €8.25 billion. Given this massive number, and the geographic location of Google’s headquarters, it is perhaps not surprising that some commentators have raised concerns about potential protectionism on the Commission’s part. This is nothing new. Critics have long argued that European competition law has been used to shield European industries from their large American rivals. From the notorious decision to block the GE/Honeywell merger in 2001, to more recent enforcement activities in the tech sector, every European intervention against a US company tends to usher in a fresh wave of accusations. But is there any merit to these claims of protectionism? A quick look at the monetary penalties assessed by recent decisions of the European Commission reveals that its enforcement activities (under article 101 and 102 TFEU, excluding cartels) have disproportionately affected US companies. Since the entry into force of Regulation 1/2003 (the main piece of legislation that implements the competition provisions of the EU treaties), US companies have been fined a total of €10.91 billion by the European Commission, compared to €1.17 billion for their European counterparts. However, as we explain, the harsh fines inflicted upon US firms are not necessarily evidence of protectionism. Instead, they are likely a result of the Commission’s decision to focus significant attention on the tech sector. Because the vast majority of large tech firms are US-based, all else equal, it is to be expected that the majority of investigations and enforcement actions would involve US firms. At the same time, the Commission’s tech-industry focus may tend to lead to larger fines when infringements are found. Nevertheless, some caution is warranted with this conclusion. It bears noting that the Commission is hardly structured to be immune to domestic political influences that may tend toward protectionism. The decision to prioritize enforcement in the tech sector is not taken in a vacuum. Whether this policy preference is down to legitimate concerns about high-tech markets or to (potentially unconscious) protectionism is almost impossible to tell.

How terrorist actors in Pakistan use nuclear weapons for political influence

ABSTRACT This article expands on the current research on nuclear terrorism by investigating how terrorist actors seek to capitalize on the nuclear weapons discourse in a country to gain domestic political influence. Existing research on nuclear terrorism has focused on operational aspects – attacks using nuclear materials and weapons, or attacks on nuclear facilities. This article focuses on the rhetorical use of nuclear weapons issues using the case of Pakistan, which has a substantial nuclear weapons complex, widespread domestic support for nuclear weapons, and numerous jihadist terrorist groups. It argues that some terrorist groups (Lashkar-e-Taiba, and the Pakistani Taliban) are increasingly participating in the nuclear discourse for political influence and to transform themselves as mainstream political actors. They portray themselves as the champions of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons against perceived threats from external actors, especially the United States, and aim to push Pakistani nuclear policy toward an Islamist and jihadist ideological framework.

Understanding Russia’s return to the Middle East

Over recent years, there has been a significant resurgence of Russian power and influence in the Middle East, which has been evident in the diplomatic and military intervention into Syria. This article identifies the principal factors behind Russia’s return to the region. First, there are domestic political influences with the coincidence of the uprisings in the Middle East, the so-called ‘Arab Spring,’ with large-scale domestic opposition protests within Russia during the elections in 2011–2012. Second, there is the role of ideas, most notably the growing anti-Westernism in Putin’s third presidential term, along with Russia’s own struggle against Islamist terrorism. These ideational factors contributed to Russia’s resolve to support the Assad government against both Western intervention and its domestic Islamist opposition. Third, Russia has benefited from a pragmatic and flexible approach in its engagement with the region. Moscow seeks to ensure that it is a critical actor for all the various states and political movements in the Middle East.

The Sino-DPRK Split and Origins of US-DPRK Bilateralism

North Korea has identified its official foreign policy as being focused on ‘self-reliance’ since the mid-1906s. Kim Il Sung (Kim Il-sŏng) had been long preoccupied with external interference in internal affairs, so the escalation of the Sino-Soviet schism created an environment in which to eliminate foreign influence in domestic politics and strengthen his control. North Korea did not only try to balance between the two giant socialist countries, but also expand its diplomatic sphere outside the communist bloc such as with Third World and European countries. In addition, it pursued direct contact with the US to achieve its longstanding goals, the removal of US troops stationed in the South and the replacement of the 1953 armistice with a permanent peace treaty. Since then demands for bilateral talks have become the most distinctive feature of North Korea’s foreign policy. With the advent of détente in the early 1970s, discontent with their Chinese comrades also led Kim to seek US-DPRK talks. Despite a mutual hostility generated during the era of the Cultural Revolution, Kim Il Sung’s first response to China’s rapprochement with the US was not negative, anticipating the potential for Chinese assistance in accomplishing North Korean diplomatic objectives in its relations with the US. At odds with Kim’s expectation, however, Chinese behavior did not meet North Korea’s demands. China, as well as the US, preferred the status quo to a rapid change in the region, even though they fully supported the beginnings of inter-Korean dialogue that culminated in the conclusion of the Joint Communiqué. Also, Kim Il Sung felt that, in the UN, China was more interested in seeking compromise with the US than asserting North Korea’s requests. Kim Il Sung’s dissatisfaction with China’s halfhearted stance during the détente strengthened his mistrust that Beijing did not consider North Korea’s national interests. As a result, North Korea deliberately excluded China in its offer of negotiations to the US such as the Tripartite Talks between the US and two Koreas, insisting on bilateral meetings with the US.

Russia's energy diplomacy with China: personalism and institutionalism in its policy-making process

ABSTRACTRussia's growing energy cooperation with China is central to several of Moscow's top foreign-policy objectives. Analyzing what drives Russia's energy diplomacy with China can therefore shed important light on the dynamics of Russian foreign policy-making. We go beyond other recent studies of this topic by examining the role of domestic political influences and the countries’ bilateral interactions. We show that personalist elements influence both Russia's policy-making and its diplomacy with China. The personalism has made it hard for Russia to coordinate the relevant decision-making institutions and get the most from its energy strength. The economic gains from recent energy deals, particularly to Russia's Far East, have been less than expected, and Russia has met only limited success in achieving its foreign-policy priorities in the Asia-Pacific region. Moving forward, Russia must further institutionalize its decision-making process, limit the role of personalism, and better coordinate the activities of its energy firms with the goals of its central agencies and local governments.