Industrial Peace Research Articles

Influence of Management Style on Conflict Resolution Effectiveness in Work Organizations in South-Western Nigeria

This study investigated the influence of management style on conflict resolution effectiveness in work organizations in South-Western Nigeria. This was for the purpose of ascertaining the relative impact of managerial strategy on conflict resolution effectiveness towards ensuring sustainable industrial peace and harmony in Nigeria. Descriptive survey research design was adopted for the study. A total of 211 respondents were selected for the study using purposive sampling technique. A set of questionnaire was utilized for data collection. A set of questionnaire titled ‘Rahim Organizational Conflict Inventory’ (ROCI) developed by Conrad (1991) was adopted for the study. The four generated hypotheses were tested using Pearson Product Moment Correlation and t-test statistical methods. The findings of the study revealed that: A significant relationship exists between management style and conflict resolution effectiveness (r = 0.356; P < 0.05). I t was also found that there was no significant difference between male and female managers’ conflict management style (t (209) = 17.56; P > 0.05).The finding reveals that a significant difference exists between female and male managers’ conflict resolution effectiveness (t (209) = 5.66; P < 0.05). Based on the findings of the study, it is recommended that democratic management style be encouraged as conflict resolution strategy in order to guarantee effective management of industrial conflict and sustainable peace and harmony. Also, both male and female managers should avoid the use of autocratic management style in the course of managing industrial conflict. Rather, participatory management style should be employed during collective bargaining process in order to foster effective management of conflict in work organizations.

Organizational Culture as a Predictor of Industrial Relations: A Study of Indian Industries

Industrial peace is indispensable for the smooth functioning of an organization. Active presence of harmonious and good Industrial Relations (IR) generating amity and goodwill between the partners in an industry can only bring in industrial peace. Managers are becoming more and more disappointed with the conventional IR policies, which are usually stagnant and are based on safety of law, caution, and fear for unions. It has also been realized that fire fighting to douse the conflict is a temporary solution. There has to be some permanent solution with long-term perspective. For this permanent solution with a longterm perspective, industries should comprehend Organization Culture (OC) and must take adequate measures to fine-tune it to optimize IR. In the present study, an attempt has been made to probe how during the period of 2008-2011, organization culture could be the predictor of industrial relations. An attempt has been made to undergo an empirical research to argue on two issues. First, OC is a Predictor of IR. And second, in spite of the notional and the distinctive existing OC, IR can be optimized by controlling a few critical dimensions of OC.

Business-Government Relations and Institutional Leadership in Singapore: The Case of the Singapore National Employers’ Federation

Industrial peace and rapid economic development have been central goals of the People’s Action Party (PAP) which has dominated Singapore’s government for more than 50 years. It gradually established a comprehensive tripartite corporatist system to achieve and maintain those goals. Industrial peace was also important for its strategy of attracting and retaining foreign direct investment, as was forging successful business-government relations. Until the formation of the Singapore National Employers’ Federation (SNEF) in 1980, employer representation remained fragmented. Faced with the enormous social and economic challenges it had unleashed through its second industrial revolution in 1979, the PAP required coordinated employer engagement in its principal corporatist bodies through a single authoritative employer voice. PAP’s role in fostering the SNEF’s formation demonstrated how institutional links contributed to a more effective distributed pattern of leadership in national business and labour coordination. We contend that by incorporating Asian values and institutional leadership, the Singaporean government adroitly interwove political and economic priorities with business interests in building coordinating mechanisms and successful policies to secure national success.

Impact of Workers’ Training on Industrial Strikes in Nigeria

This study investigated the impact of workers` training programmes on industrial strike reduction among industrial workers in Nigeria. This is for the purpose of ascertaining the relevance of workers` training programmes, as an alternative approach to human capital formation, to industrial strike reduction among industrial workers in Nigeria. A total of 230 respondents were selected for the study using stratified sampling technique to reflect the two strata of public and private organizations. Two sets of questionnaire, with three subscales, titled ‘Workers Training Programmes Scale (WTPS) and Industrial Strike Reduction Scale (CRS) were used for data collection. All the hypothesized research questions were examined using Regression Analysis and t-test statistical methods at 0.05 alpha levels. The finding revealed that workers` training programmes (taken together) had significantly influenced industrial strike reduction among industrial workers. It was also found that only three independent variables (conflict skill, communication skill and interpersonal relations skill training programmes) have significantly influenced industrial strike reduction. However, it was found that management skill and computer skill training programmes were not as significant in influencing industrial strike reduction in selected work organizations. Also, there was no significant difference in the level of female and male workers` participation in workers` training programmes in both public and private organizations selected for the study. Based on the findings of study, it is recommended that workers` training programmes should be given priority by all establishments in order to forestall industrial peace for all levels of workers. Also, training needs of the organization as well as that of workers must be identified before making recommendations for training. This will possibly foster specialization and encourage technical-driven training in work organizations. Key Words: Workers, Training Programmes, Industrial strike reduction, Organizations,Nigeria

Consensus Building: Implications for Labour – Management Relations in Nigeria

This paper adopts a qualitative approach to describing the concepts of consensus building in labour and management relations in the industry. Labour management relations in Nigeria are often described as a soar relationship. This is because labour - management views are seen as diametrically opposed to each other. The relevant stakeholders have failed in their responsibility to ensure that industrial peace and harmony reigns. Rather, they prefer conflicts and strikes as the only veritable means to actualize their desired needs. Consequently in this soar relationship, there is disobedience, incessant breakdown of law and order, man – hour – loss, state of job insecurity and so on. So in order to reduce to the barest minimum these occurrences, there is the need for consensus building among relevant stakeholders in industries. This will help ensure long awaited industrial peace and harmony needed for industrial growth and economic development. Authors therefore used the, consensus theory, which is a sociological perspective model, by Thomas Kilmann (1974), a conflict – handling model to explain the tenets and managerial implications of consensus building. The fifteen step decision making process credited to Barbara Gray was recommended for implementation of consensus building. Finally, the paper concludes that in spite of the conflictual nature of people in industry, conflict accommodation, collaboration, problem – solving mode remain best and effective consensus building strategies when fully implemented. The methods of data collection include textbooks, journal articles, newspapers, and internet source.

"Acute Depression ... in ... the Age of Plenty": Capital Migration, Economic Dislocation, and the Missing "Social Contract" of the 1950s

Scholars and popular commentators have long depicted the first decades following World War II as a prosperous time when US workers, through a “social contract” with management, achieved economic progress and union security in exchange for industrial peace. This article reconsiders that perspective by exploring how, during the 1950s and early 1960s, employers' investment (and disinvestment) strategies undercut labor's leverage across much of the United States. Through capital flight, mechanization, and other cost-cutting measures, corporate leaders in a range of sectors — including textiles, auto, steel, mining, and meatpacking — produced severe economic hardship in many industrial communities and rendered workers increasingly vulnerable to business demands. When labor's advocates pursued federal aid to mitigate the crisis, business-minded adversaries — bolstered by the ethos of individualism so prevalent in this period — stood in their way. The article also examines how, among other factors, gendered and racial perceptions of working-class identity have helped perpetuate the dominant image of the 1950s as an affluent era in which a labor-management accord prevailed.

Employee Rights and Prevalent Statutes

Good governance is the result of an over all awareness of the problems and their timely and efficacious solution. Industrial peace plays a vital role in this behalf. Employer and employees relationship when cordial and peaceful brings economic development. It comes by respecting the rights of each other and paying them honestly and punctually avoiding all sorts of unfair labour practice from both sides. Healthy and constructive trade union activities are in the long run a training forum for democratic and civilized process in any society. It is the mala fide or unfair labour practice that cause damage to the industrial peace. Labour is to work hard to the satisfaction of the employer according to its capacity and the employer is to provide every human facility in a pleasant and respectful manner before the sweat of the labourers dries i.e. well in time. Where master and servant or employer and employee relations are cordial the working in such factories is much more productive, qualitative and competing in standards. Employment is not slavery. It is a contract by mutual consent keeping in view the freedom and liberty of both sides. Statutes only regulate where the need arise as the ultimate resolution of dispute not resolved at mutual level is to be resolved by the state tribunals, where everything is to be seen and judged according to law and under the law.

Un análisis económico de las habilidades de comunicación en globalizado relaciones industriales: diálogo social y el proceso de negociación en Turquía

El propósito de este trabajo es proporcionar un análisis económico de la experiencia de diálogo social en Turquía, con un énfasis en el papel de la comunicación en las relaciones laborales. Comprobamos el diálogo social y el proceso de negociación relacionadas, como una forma de comunicación importante en las relaciones industriales y tratar de averiguar si se sirve bien a promover la creación de consenso y la participación democrática de los actores principales en el empleo. En particular, la pregunta del éxito de las estructuras de diálogo social existentes y los procesos de Turquía en la resolución de las cuestiones económicas y sociales a través de la comunicación, promover la paz social e industrial, la mejora de la competitividad mediante una mayor productividad y el cumplimiento de los compromisos internacionales en materia de empleo.

Pakistan: labour legislation and fundamental rights

REPORT□ PAKISTAN LABOURRIGHTS Pakistan: labour legislation and fundamental rights The 18th Constitutional Amendment... has created a paradoxical situationdenying the right of freedomof association to the national industry-wide tradeunionsand federations Secretary of the Pakistan ■ ■ r«JnwMnw«ranún imm mimi Labour cordial topromote legislation labour the management welfare inPakistan ofthe relations aims workers, to in ensure order raise Labour cordial labourmanagement relations inorder topromote thewelfare oftheworkers, raise productivity andensuresocialjustice insociety. It isalsomeant topromote industrial peace through mutual consultation anddialogue between therepresentatives oftheemployers andworkers. Unfortunately, the18th Constitutional Amendment introduced bytheGovernment has deleteditem No.27oftheConcurrent List, namely 'trade unions and industrial labourdispute'and devolvedthis subject totheProvincial List. Thisamendment hascreated a paradoxical situationdenying theright offreedom ofassociation tothenational industry-wide trade unions andfederations and nationalemployers federation from getting theirorganisation registered and obtain legalstatus. Theeffect ofthis amendment isthat trade unions that promote national unity andharmony anddefeat divisive forces based upon ethnic, parochial and religioussectarian forces, might be confined to workonlyattheProvincial level. Thisamendment isnotonlyinviolation offundamental rights enshrined inArticle 17/Aofthe PakistanConstitution pertaining to Freedomof Association andCollective Bargaining, butalso of international obligations undertaken bythegovernment ofPakistan, including ILO Conventions No. 87 & 98. Various provincial governments including Punjab, Sindh, Khyber Pakhunkhwa, Balochistan hadadopted Provincial Industrial Relations Legislation' in recentmonths.The ProvincialGovernment of Punjab initslegislation, namely "Industrial Relations Act2010',has debarred 'theworkers engagedin establishments having lessthan50workers. Ithas done so on thegroundthatthemajority ofthe workers areengagedinsmallandmedium enterprises . Thegovernment claimsthat theseworkers havenoright either toform trade unions ortohave a collective voice to attain socialjusticethrough exercising their fundamental right offreedom of association andcollective bargaining inconformitywithILO Conventions 87 and98. Had thelegislators takenthetrouble toconsult theessentialstakeholders priorto bringing the Constitutional Amendment on labourissues,this legalvacuumwouldnothaveoccurred. TheILO hasrecommended totheGovernment ofPakistan toreview thislegislation andconstitutionalamendment tobring itintoconformity with international obligations. The ProvincialGovernment should honour nationalconstitutional obligations by removing restrictions formembership oftradeunionsfrom workers inenterprises with fewer than50employees , something whichis notonlyanti-democratic butalso inviolation ofthefundamental rights of workers. ...Continuedfrom Page 25 ersconstitutes an impediment toone oftheprincipal objectivesoftheguaranteeoffreedom of association - theforming ofindependent organisations explicitly capableofconcluding collective agreements." TheFraser decisiondoes notbode wellfor the future ofcollective bargaining rights inCanadaand leavesagricultural workers in a precarious position .SeveralSupremeCourtjudgeswillbe retiringinthenextfour yearsandtherecently elected right-wing Conservative federal government will makethenewappointments. The fearis thatthe newappointments willcontinue rolling backcollective bargaining rights. On May30,2011,theCanadianFoundation for Labour Rights helda seminar inToronto todiscuss theimplications oftheFraser decision. Participants includedprominent tradeunionlawyers, academicsandunionleaders . Therewasconsensus that thetradeunionmovement willhaveto takethis dance outside of the courtsand concentrate resources in political mobilisation. Therewillbe anelection inOntario this fall andtheUFCW intends tomakeagricultural workers' bargaining rights an election issue.Wewillhavetowaitandsee ifany ofthepolitical parties or thefuture government willcomeon thedancefloor. INTERNATIONAL union rights Page 28Volume 18Issue 2201 1 ...

Influence of workers' training programmes on conflict reduction in industrial organizations in Nigeria

This study investigated the influence of workers’ training programmes on conflict reduction among industrial workers in Nigeria. This is for the purpose of ascertaining the relevance of workers’ training programmes, as an alternative approach to human capital formation and conflict reduction among industrial workers in Nigeria. A total of 416 respondents were selected for the study using stratified sampling technique to reflect the two strata of public and private organizations. Two sets of questionnaires, with five subscales, titled ‘Workers Training Programmes Scale (WTPS) and Conflict Reduction Scale (CRS)’ were used for data collection. All the hypothesized research questions were tested using Regression Analysis and t-test statistical methods at 0.05 alpha levels. The findings revealed that workers’ training programmes (taken together) had significantly influenced conflict reduction among industrial workers. It was also found that only three independent variables (computer skill training, labour relations skill training and interpersonal treatment skill training) have significantly influenced conflict reduction. However, it was found that management skill, conflict skill and communication skill training programmes were not as significant in influencing conflict reduction in work organization. Also, there was no significant difference in the level of both female and male workers’ participation in workers’ training programmes in both public and private organizations selected for the study. Based on the findings of this study, it is recommended that workers’ training programmes should be given priority by all establishments in order to forestall industrial peace for all levels of workers. Also, training needs of the organization as well as that of workers must be identified before making recommendations for training. This will possibly foster specialization and encourage technical-driven training in work organizations. Key words: Nigeria, workers, training programmes, conflict reduction, organizations.

THE REPRESSIVE FACE OF LAW TO STRIKE IN NIGERIA: HOPE FOR INDUSTRIAL PEACE?

Though the strike is accepted as an indispensable component of a democracy and a stimulus to social dialogue in industrial relations, strikes have remained controversial in many jurisdictions and are repressed by law in some legal systems. This paper examines the legal response to strikes in Nigeria and the implications for workers. It reviews the law over time and finds that it has remained repressive, based on the lopsided desire to protect general services and the business interests of the employer over and above the interests of the worker. In spite of these repressive laws, workers have continued to use strikes in expressing their grievances. The paper argues for legitimization of strikes in industrial relations in Nigeria. This is necessary if we are to encourage social dialogue and workers' participation in the democratic management of the enterprise and the economy as a whole. The paper posits that sustained social dialogue and workers' participation in the democratic management of the enterprise is a panacea for industrial peace and sustainable economic development.

Discerning The Motivational Basis For Trade Unionism In Public And Private Sectors Of Business: An Imperative For Institutionalizing Industrial Peace And Progress

Even though the motives for managing public and private businesses are very clear to the actors of industrial relations; those of their respective unions seem to oscillate between improving only members' welfare and facilitating socio-economic policies that can ameliorate the plight of the common man in various societies. Hence the ambiguity surrounding the motivational orientations of unions in the public and private sectors makes it difficult to predict the nature of labour relations that ensues when government owned enterprises are privatized. However, given the fact that the public administration literature has established that those who choose to work in the public sector should be altruistically motivated towards serving members of society, while those who select the private sector are motivated by their own selfish interests; unions in the public sector ought to function as uplift unions, while their counterparts in the private sector should have inclinations towards a business orientation to trade unionism that aligns with the ethos of capitalism. This article therefore sets out to create the conditions under which public and private unions can function in these ways. It is believed that for the purpose of institutionalizing industrial peace and progress in today's mixed economies, governments must enact labour laws that reflect the rationale for trade unionism in the two different sectors. This would help induce a self functioning motivational system of labour relations that minimizes the incidence of industrial conflicts; which in turn would give some credence to the unitary frame of reference of industrial relations that assumes that employment relationships are conflict free. IFE PsychologIA Vol. 16 (2) 2008: pp. 47-61

Editorial: To move forward, let there be industrial peace in our tertiary institutions

Editorial: To move forward, let there be industrial peace in our tertiary institutions

Fifty years in the Practice of Law (review)

Reviewed by: Fifty Years in the Practice of Law Ellen Anderson (bio) Frank Manning Covert. Fifty Years in the Practice of Law. Edited by Barry Cahill McGill-Queen’s University Press. xvii, 230. $49.95 Work-life balance? For Frank Manning Covert, work was life. He acknowledges cheerfully and without noticeable remorse that he neglected his wife Mollie and their four children 'in the pursuit of the law.' But this account of Covert's rise to pre-eminence through his work as a corporate lawyer is very lively indeed. In 2000, independent Halifax scholar Barry Cahill published The Thousandth Man: A Biography of James McGregor Stewart – founder of the leading Maritimes law firm now known as Stewart McKelvey Stirling Scales. Stewart was Covert's principal and hero. However, through his memoir – diaries he distilled after retirement, enhanced with foreword, epilogue, and footnotes by Cahill – Covert himself emerges as a prototypical hero of contemporary corporate Big Law in service to Big Biz. Covert describes an idyllic childhood in an apple-treed Nova Scotia village; the diligence and discipline modelled by his doctor father, who died when Covert was only fourteen; lessons learned from the gritty reality of agricultural labour; early schooling and Dalhousie arts classes endured as prerequisite to the study of law, at which Covert immediately excelled; and then ten years of practice in a wide range of solicitor and barrister matters. When the Second World War broke out, Covert had achieved sufficient prominence that he was called to Ottawa to serve in the Department of Munitions and Supply. However, this prestigious safe berth was not for Covert while others fought and died. Already thirty-five, he quit to train as an rcaf navigator, flying missions so terrifying that he candidly acknowledges that he would never have had the guts to sign up had he known what he would face. Covert never preaches, but his account might make us question the relative efficacy of an mba-llb preparatory to tightly focused practice group as training for corporate law. Back in Halifax, and in response to the demands of postwar business reconstruction, he reimmersed himself in tax law while persuading his corporate clients that fair treatment for trade unions was fundamental to industrial peace. There followed a dazzling multiplication of appointments to directorships of corporations regional and national, small and large, with Covert drafting necessarily ingenious reorganization documents and sometimes himself stepping in to run soon-prosperous companies. Covert served on the Royal Commission on Transportation. He was a lifelong Liberal, proud of establishing a trust fund that ensured financial independence for Nova Scotia's Liberal leader (whether in power or in opposition) and instrumental in encouraging Pierre Elliott Trudeau to become leader of the federal Liberal party. And through board memberships [End Page 567] Covert was also instrumental in consolidating academic and financial solidarity for many Nova Scotia post-secondary and health institutions. By his own account Covert worked continuously and very hard, fascinated by the complexity of the law, the structures that can be achieved through law, and the human dynamics that can be controlled through law. He worked too hard to spend much time with his family, but he was clearly devoted to them. His references to his wife are shyly tender. He tells us, for example, that when he started dating Mollie 'the whole world was suddenly wonderful – not just the practice of law,' and that he wrote to her every day of the seventy-one days he initially spent in Ottawa at the start of the Second World War before she could join him. Covert worked in an era when wives and families supported the work of the breadwinner and his contributions to civic life, and were supported in return. Such single-mindedness may no longer be fashionable, such family structures no longer fathomable. But for all his differences from us and from our times, Covert comes across as a consummate navigator to substantial accomplishment. He was not just a corporate lawyer, but also a singularly admirable human being. Ellen Anderson Ellen Anderson, Independent Scholar Copyright © 2007 University of Toronto Press Incorporated

A New Approach to Resolving the Right-to-work Ethical Dilemma

Union security has long been an industrial relations controversy. While compulsory unionism supporters say it benefits the working class, right-to-work advocates denounce it as an unethical infringement of individual rights and freedom. Unfortunately, neither side has adequately addressed the shortcomings of their viewpoint, nor the broader worker concerns about effective representation beyond just “unionism”. In this paper, we examine the ethical and practical problems of compulsory (union security) and voluntary (right-to-work) unionism and propose a new resolution, compulsory proportional representation, that has the advantages of: (a) ensuring workers’ freedom to associate or not associate, (b) promoting freedom to contract, (c) allowing free competition in representation in line with anti-trust principles, (d) improving industrial peace and efficiency, (e) enhancing fairness and social justice, and (f) addressing the employer–employee power imbalance. It is superior to either voluntary unionism, which often lead to management unilateralism, or compulsory unionism, where workers are compelled to join unions against their will.

RICHARD A. GREENWALD. The Triangle Fire, the Protocols of Peace, and Industrial Democracy in Progressive Era New York. (Labor in Crisis.) Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 2006. Pp. xii, 332. $24.95

Richard A. Greenwald explores the advancement of industrial democracy in Progressive-era New York by connecting the great strikes of 1909 and 1910, the horrifying Triangle Shirtwaist fire in 1911, and the fitful actions of an uneasy coalition of workers, reformers, and political leaders. Defining industrial democracy as “an effort to square free market capitalism with democracy to provide a fair and just workplace” (p. 3), Greenwald identifies collective bargaining as essential to industrial democracy and calls for renewed attention to the subject of industrial relations between unions and employers. The story of the young immigrant women who led the “shirtwaist uprising” of 1909 that startled New York City and attracted the support of middle-class women reformers is largely a familiar one. By paralyzing the industry through a general strike, these women not only saved the International Ladies Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU) but boosted morale and hope, especially as the public became more aware of—and sympathetic to—the plight of women workers. Their action set the stage for the “Great Revolt” of the cloakmakers in 1910, a massive strike that convinced Progressive reformers that achieving industrial peace and stability was essential and required their intervention.

Employees Discipline (Disciplinary Action): A Case Study of TISCO Collieries Jamadoba, Dhanbad

The word ‘Discipline’ is the symbol of a well organised, stabilised, and enlightened society and also forms the very backbone of industrial management. Discipline in every walk of life is the most essential factor in a civilised society. In fact, the general concept of discipline covers a very' large area of the life of an individual and links it with some moral and ethical principles aimed at achieving perfection of life. But the concept of industrial discipline is somewhat different from that of discipline as an abstract idea. In Industry it is more essential because the prosperity, not only of the worker but of the entire nation, depends on the sustained growth of the industry. But discipline in industry cannot be imposed, it must develop from within. It has also to be reformative, not punitive. Discipline is basically founded on leadership, loyalty and dignity of labour. In a developing country like India, the prosperity of the nation depends upon industrial discipline. Discipline is essential for the smooth running of an organisation and for the maintenance of industrial peace which is the very foundation of industrial democracy. Without discipline, no enterprise would prosper.

The American Experience with Exclusive Representation: Implications for the Issue of Plural Unionism in South Korea

Although there is a wide diversity of labor laws among the industrialized democracies of the world, two common purposes behind these laws are the fostering of employees' right to collectively bargain and the promotion of industrial peace. Certainly these are shared purposes behind the laws of the United States and the Republic of Korea. The question of whether to determine employee representation through exclusive representation or plural unionism is a one that touches on both of these fundamental issues in the development of a system of industrial relations. Exclusive representation can improve a union's bargaining power relative to the employer, helping to ensure that the employees can make meaningful contributions to collective bargaining. Exclusive representation can also simplify the problem of collective bargaining, promoting cooperation between the parties by focusing the employer's attention on one set of employee representatives and discouraging strategic behavior by subsets of employees at the expense of overall cooperation. However, exclusive representation can also pose a barrier to employee organization, a problem that has plagued the American industrial relations system. Furthermore, lumping employees with disparate interests together in one unit with one representative can complicate the union politics of collective negotiations and leave minority interests unrepresented. Indeed, in the United States we have found it important and necessary that the grant of exclusive representation to a union be accompanied by a duty to fairly represent all employees in the designated bargaining unit. In this essay we will examine the policy choice between a system of industrial relations based on exclusive representation and one based on plural unionism. We undertake this examination by presenting the American law and experience with respect to exclusive representation, and discussing the relevance of that experience to the question of plural unionism. In the first section we discuss the American law with respect to exclusive representation, including a brief overview of our election procedure, the doctrine of the duty of fair representation and recent developments with respect to the recognition of minority unions and members only contracts in the United States. In the second section we discuss the American experience with exclusive representation and multiple units in one employer and the decline of the American labor movement. In the final section we discuss the implications of the American experience for the issue of plural unions in the Republic of Korea. The United States is an interesting case study on the question of exclusive representation or plural unionism because perhaps no other country has as formal a system for determining questions of representation or clings so closely to the exclusive representation model. On the other hand the United States also has ample experience with multiple unions within one employer. We conclude that there is wisdom in Korea's move to plural unionism with one channel bargaining, although we emphasize the importance of a duty of fair representation, the possible need for workers to organize in multiple channels when they do not share common interests and the possibility of letting the parties determine how they conduct collective negotiations.

Quadragesimo Anno: Schumpeter's alternative to the omnipotent state*

This article published in 1951 is Solterer's presidential address to Association for Social Economics. In it Solterer sets forth two tasks. First he shows that Schumpeterian economics is in harmony with teachings of Catholic church. Second he calls attention to some methods for furthering social in workplace. As to first, Solterer points to Schumpeter's embrace of vocational group ideas set forth in 1931 papal encyclical Quadragesimo as viable alternative to collective state in face of decomposition of market system in Great Depression. Schumpeter warns, however, that vocational group system calls for new sense of social responsibility. As to second task, Solterer advocates in particular profit sharing as way to reconcile differences between labor and management and to encourage industrial peace. His article ends with warning economic stability is rooted not in price stability or full employment but in business enterprises wherein everyone instructed and motivated by the ways of justice shares in both good and bad fortunes of enterprise. Keywords: Schumpeter, Catholic social teaching, subsidiarity, social justice, vocational group, Quadragesimo ********** I Among great economic theorists of our generation, only Joseph Alois Schumpeter explicitly recognized that a reorganization of society along lines of Quadragesima Anno is practical alternative to march into centralist socialism an alternative to development of an omnipotent, bureaucratic state (Schumpeter 1950). It is true that others have arrived at essentially similar conclusions, as for example Professor J. M. Clark with his formula of responsible individuals in responsible groups, but these others give no indication of familiarity with Catholic social philosophy. I shall not concern myself on this occasion with Schumpeter's prognosis of future. His reasons for believing that economic control--the making of decisions will continue to be transferred from private individuals and privately owned firms to public authority are well known. So also is his realization that such development of bureaucratic control is not at all inconsistent with labor capitalism, standing between syndicalism on one hand and new feudalism on other. In common with others, Schumpeter saw that general inflation would be instrument by which new order would come to pass although inflation would be engendered by policies having quite different intentions. In forecasting future, Schumpter predicted that reorganization of society along non-socialist lines is not unlikely alternative in Catholic countries, or in countries where position of Church is sufficiently strong. II My main concern this morning is not with such matters of forecasting most likely future form of society. In keeping with purposes of our Association, I shall rather turn to an examination of Schumpeter's work with respect to relation between ethics and economics. As you all realize, this is very difficult field. There is always dangerous temptation to deny validity either to ethics or to economics, and thus to fall into error of pan-economics--the denial that moral law is involved in economic relations at all; or on other hand (and may I observe that this is more common error among Catholics), to fall into error of pan-ethics, to assert that there is no economic Pius XI warned us against both these errors when he wrote in Quadragesima Anno, ([section]41), the Church can in no wise renounce duty which God entrusted to her authority, not of course in matters of technique for which she is neither suitably equipped nor endowed by office, but in all things that are connected with moral law. This morning I propose to show that Professor Schumpeter's view of relationship between economics and ethics is in harmony with Catholic teaching. …

Labor Militancy in South Korea*

Korea has adopted the labor institutions of Japan, which are noted for ensuring industrial peace unparalleled elsewhere, fostering worker-management cooperation: company unionism, no temporary layoffs, synchronized annual contracts, seniority-based wages, and the bonus system. Yet the labor relations in Korea have been turbulent for the last 15 years, with its strike intensity exceeding that of any industrialized country during most of that period. Why is labor so militant in South Korea? This research identifies two types of factors responsible for Korean labor militancy. First are sociopolitical factors: abrupt decontrol of labor relations in 1987 for which labor and management were and continue to be ill prepared, and the dominance of the age-cohort of young, assertive workers in the workforce. The second factor is that Korean industrial policy and structure are shown to encourage union militancy as an unintended consequence.