Indigenous Movements Research Articles

Assessment of Intercultural Bilingual Education in the Brazilian State of Amazonas

In Brazil, and more generally, in Latin America, the struggle of the indigenous movements for the demarcation of their ancestral land and the development of an intercultural education contributed to the constitutional changes of the 1980s, which led these states to regard themselves as a multicultural nation and to recognize specific collective rights to native people and tribes living on their territory. This dynamic deals with the scope of a democratic transition and a decentralization process which characterizes a new form of governance of almost all Latin America countries where the indigenous territories and the resources at their disposal can be preserved. By giving the possibility to formulate another vision of the school education based on a dialectic between indigenous knowledge and school knowledge in a sustainable developmental perspective of the indigenous territories, new experiments started to be expanded from the 1990s. This article advances the discussion between globalized and localized educational practices. It enlightens the debate between the homogenization of school systems and other alternatives such as the use of traditional knowledge. It focuses on socio-cultural knowledge and its intersection between formal and informal education. The first section of this paper presents the theoretical framework of my research and its methodology. The second section discusses, in a historical background, how the Brazilian indigenous public policies were implemented. In the third section, I use my fieldwork data to examine and analyze the advent and the development of intercultural bilingual education (IBE) in two regions of Amazonas state (Alto Solimões and Alto Rio Negro) among the Ticuna, Baniwa, and Tukano people during the 1990s and 2000s.

INDIGENOUS PROTAGONISM IN RORAIMA AND ENVIRONMENT GUARDIANSHIP INSIDE THE SÃO MARCOS INDIGENOUS LAND

This paper presents a case study about an environmental lawsuit proposed by an indigenous citizen and signed by an indigenous lawyer aiming at preserving the environment inside the Indigenous Land of São Marcos, near Pacaraima city seat, at the border of the Indigenous Community of Ouro Preto. The case is about the irregular disposal of solid waste by the city seat inside the indigenous land and within the limits of the community where the tuxaua author of lawsuit lives. The objective of the paper is to check whether the judicialization of this environmental claim resulted in the maturation of the indigenous movement pointed out by the exercise of the full protagonism in solving problems arising from the relationship with the Brazilian State. The methodological procedures were partially empirical, based on two years of field observations, carried out at the community and in several meetings at the Public Prosecution Office in Roraima, workshops and assemblies with indigenous leaderships; bibliographic and documental, based on literature and on procedural documents. Finally, it was possible to observe the indigenous protagonism in the defense of their interests through the judicial apparatus of the State, reinforced, in the concrete case, by the nature of the indigenous land as a conservation unit and abandonment of the government tradition of the representation guardianship.

Vivir bien governance in Bolivia: chimera or attainable utopia?

The notion of vivir bien – a complex set of ideas, worldviews, and knowledge deriving from indigenous movements, activist groups, and scholars of indigeneity – has become an overarching principle for policy-making and state transformation processes in Andean countries. This article analyses the contradiction between the principle of vivir bien as an egalitarian utopian category and its bureaucratic application in Bolivia to state formation processes and power dynamics involving social movements. It argues that while discursively grounded on such egalitarian principles as reciprocity and rotating authority, its implementation entails bureaucratic propensities to centralise power and authority. Instead of decolonising the state, it is used to discipline the masses.

Cauca's Indigenous Movement in Southwestern Colombia: Land, Violence, and Ethnic Identity

Cauca's Indigenous Movement in Southwestern Colombia: Land, Violence, and Ethnic Identity

Silent Crusade? Indigenous Women in Taiwanese Indigenous Movements

Among the various indigenous rights movements across different times in Taiwan, the presence of indigenous women often goes obscure. Although in recent years there has been a great deal of publications on Taiwanese indigenous movements, some of the literature —constructed under the structure of the indigenous knowledge system—, while insisting on the status and value of indigenous autonomy, tend to overlook the historical context in Taiwanese society of indigenous women who participated in social movements. What are the issues of concern? This paper primarily serves to reveal the “silent crusades” and to bring forward the directions of interests of the indigenous women’s movements by analyzing related reports, autobiographies, interview transcripts, texts, etc. spanning over two decades and published in the weekly newspaper of the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan (PCT), Taiwan Church News, in addition to in-depth interviews with the leaders of indigenous women’s social movements.

The Relationship between Marxism and Indigenous Struggles and Implications of the Theoretical Framework for International Indigenous Struggles

Glen Coulthard’s masterly work,Red Skin, White Masks, raises the theoretical work of Indigenous scholarship in North America to a new level, bringing Marxism into the mix in looking at the political-economic effects of settler-colonialism on Indigenous peoples in North America. He charts a way forward for Indigenous activism outside the state, eschewing the politics of recognition. In addition to assessing Coulthard’s perspective on Marxism, this paper poses questions about privileging Indigenous social movements without addressing the national question and without including the role of the robust international Indigenous movement that has entered its fortieth year.

Good Life As a Social Movement Proposal for Natural Resource Use: The Indigenous Movement in Ecuador

The Ecuadorian indigenous movement has developed the concept of Good Life (Sumak Kawsay or Buen Vivir) as a conceptual weapon in order to defend the territories of indigenous nationalities as the movement itself defines them. Starting in 2002, petroleum exploitation in indigenous areas in the Amazon has been denounced as an attack against the principles of the traditional concept of Good Life. The introduction of the concept of Good Life allowed the local as well as the national indigenous organizations to define their vision of the country and society, while allowing easier coalitions with a growing Ecological Left. Good Life is not only a new content in the indigenous discourse, but also an instrument for social movement mobilization and coalition building. This text aims to offer a clearer idea of what the indigenous movement in Ecuador understands as Good Life, the development of the concept, the different contents and relations it has, and its strategic use in Ecuadorian politics.

Collective right to life and new social justice: the case of the bolivian indigenous movement

Para explorar o interesse atual em novos direitos coletivos e comunitários que surgiram através de lutas coletivas, tirando os limites da perspectiva do liberalismo como solução para os desequilíbrios sistêmicos como a violência atual e a desigualdade, sugerimos o caso da Bolívia, portanto do pluralismo político e dos direitos comunitários. Para nós, este caso é importante para se refletir sobre a emergência de novos direitos coletivos focando nos aspectos humanos e inspirado nas perspectivas de boa vida e dos bens comuns com base na justiça social e igualitarismo. O caso dos bolivianos nos ajuda a refletir sobre os limites de direitos privados capitalistas para governar a atual complexidade das sociedades globais.

Displacement and revitalization of the Nahuatl language in the High Mountains of Veracruz, Mexico

This article focuses on language displacement in the High Mountains of Central Veracruz. It begins by presenting a brief historical account of the Nahuatl presence in the region in order to distinguish this group from other Nahuatl-speaking groups. Later, it describes the situation of language loss that is currently underway and argues that the gains of the indigenous movement in the last two decades, such as the intercultural system of education, have not translated into a process of language revitalization. It focuses on the lower linguistic status of Nahuatl in the region as a key factor in language displacement, caused by (a) a hierarchical value system associated with different language domains, (b) the absence of Nahuatl in educational spaces, and (c) the current low vitality of Nahuatl. The article concludes with some actions being taken at the Intercultural University of Veracruz to address the deep causes of language displacement.

Indigenous Movements in Southeast Asia: An Analysis Based on the Concept of ‘Resonance’

Indigenous Movements in Southeast Asia: An Analysis Based on the Concept of ‘Resonance’

NOVOS ATORES EM CENA NA ANTROPOLOGIA

Nas lutas empreendidas pelos povos indígenas, a descolonização dos “espaços acadêmicos” tem adquirido relevância para os movimentos indígenas e aliados nas últimas décadas. No âmbito da academia, a luta pela descolonização implica na possibilidade do diálogo entre saberes e na valorização da perspectiva do “outro”, superando a sobreposição de conhecimentos. Sendo assim, as inúmeras pesquisas, trabalhos e reflexões desenvolvidas por indígenas no âmbito da academia, constituem novas estratégias de enfrentamento. Partindo de minha trajetória de vida e estudantil, pretendo mostrar os caminhos percorridos para alcançar o ensino superior, os desafios e as dificuldades enfrentadas num ambiente hostil, a importância das ações afirmativas e as possibilidades de organização política nestes espaços. Também exponho sobre a experiência de oito anos de trabalho junto aos povos indígenas e populações tradicionais no estado do Pará, fundamentais para formação pessoal, política e acadêmica. Procuro demonstrar como a formação de indígenas em nível superior pode proporcionar o alcance de diálogos entre os diferentes saberes de forma que não se sobreponham, além da vivência da interculturalidade, vencendo resistências e barreiras instituídas em tempos imemoriais.

Sobre indigenismo e autoria indígena no Brasil: novas epistemologias na contemporaneidade

Indigenism is an intellectual discourse, popular imaginary and indigenism practice in different American countries. Attentive to the understanding of the symbolic elements that make up this field, we propose an analysis of indigenism on the basis of indigenous authorship narratives that in our view mark new epistemologies. For this, we analyze works produced as a result of the integration of these collective subjects in universities. The article was produced through a dialogue between a historian and an anthropologist, recalling the experience shared by the authors as advisers of works produced by indigenous students in a master’s course offered to indigenous people at the University of Brasilia. Thus, we reflect on the possibilities of understanding the indigenous movement based on a notion of indigenous authorship that points to new epistemologies in contemporary times. We believe that the academic production of indigenous researchers has not yet been properly analyzed or visualized in its particularities, so we try to explore aspects that underline the relevance of recognizing indigenous authorship as part of the political action of these individuals in the field of indigenism. Keywords: indigenism, indigenous authorship, new epistemologies.

Ethnopolitics in Ecuador: Inter-American Constitutionalism and Good Living

The 1990’s saw the rise and consolidation of Ecuador’s indigenous movement. As a result of converging economic, social and political crises during this period, the traditional centres of power were forced to recede, clearing the way for indigenous peoples to demand cultural, social, political and economic transformation in Ecuadorian society.This process coincided with a transformative era that some have called the ‘progressive constitutionalism of the global south’. A transformation led by the convergence of domestic, regional and international human rights law. The concurrent timing of these events led to the consolidation of a particular form of ethnopolitics, which combined historical demands for social and political equality with newer concepts such as plurinationalism, multiculturalism and protecting the integrity of the environment. Conceptual advancements that were later enshrined in Ecuador’s 2008 Constitution in the form of Good Living and subsequently reinstated in the Sarayaku v Ecuador judgment of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.

A New Dawn? Indigenous Movements and Ethnic Inclusion in Latin America

This article investigates how indigenous movements in Latin America promote the political inclusion of historically marginalized indigenous groups. I argue that the social pressure produced by a strong movement promotes the inclusion of indigenous representatives in formal leadership positions. However, this effect depends on both the movement’s internal unity and the general responsiveness of the political system. I examine my claims using a mixed-methods design. I draw on a new group-level data set on ethnic parties and ethnic civil society organizations in Latin America between 1946 and 2009. My statistical analysis finds that indigenous groups with well-organized movements are more likely to achieve inclusion in executive positions of state power. The level of democratic freedom in a country greatly conditions this effect, while movement-internal factionalism undermines the political effectiveness of indigenous mobilization. I illuminate the causal mechanisms underlying these results in a case study of the rise and decline of indigenous mobilization in Ecuador.

Her Majesty's Justice Be Done: Métis Legal Mobilization and the Pitfalls to Indigenous Political Movement Building

AbstractIndigenous peoples have, to varying degrees, turned to the courts to litigate their ongoing disputes with Canada's settler colonial governments. Scholars have examined well the ways courts are used for strategic political ends by a variety of Indigenous and non-Indigenous litigants and are laden with settler values and institutional logics that are foreign to Indigenous peoples. However, it is less clear what effect turning to the courts in pursuit of strategic goals has on specific relationships between Indigenous peoples. This gap is more pronounced in Métis scholarship where there have been few final appellate cases. This paper argues the interaction between the Manitoba Métis Federation and Treaty 1 peoples seeking leave to intervene at the Manitoba Court of Appeal inMMF v. Canadailluminates the way litigating Indigenous-settler disputes can advance divisive, exclusionary, zero-sum political relationships between Indigenous peoples. These fractious interactions serve to undermine the construction of a co-ordinated and related inter-Indigenous decolonizing politics.

Settler solidarities as praxis: understanding ‘granny activism’ beyond the highly-visible

Across Canada, the Raging Grannies are renowned for appearing, invited or not, in spaces not typically open to older women, with outrageous ‘Granny’ costumes and satirical songs. A movement of predominantly non-Indigenous, settler women, the Raging Grannies regularly work in diverse activist coalitions in pursuit of social and environmental justice; many are seeking to ally themselves with contemporary Indigenous movements. However, while analyses have so far focused on their highly visible and iconic activist strategies, their solidarity-building efforts remain under-examined. Based on focus groups, interviews, and participant observation carried out in 2014–2015, this paper probes why and how Raging Grannies are building alliances with Indigenous movements in Canada. What emerges is an important tension. While many view their irreverent and theatrical strategies as quintessential to their ‘Granny Activism,’ such tactics were unanimously deemed inappropriate for engaging with Indigenous movements. Underpinned by reflections on their own settler histories, feelings of outrage at ongoing and state-sanctioned colonial practices, fears of inadvertently reproducing colonial relations, and a sense of interconnected futures with Canada’s First Peoples, they sought different, less-visible ways of practicing their solidarities. Many chose to attend rallies dressed in their everyday clothes, provide resources to Indigenous-led protests, invite Indigenous activists to speak at their gatherings, and work through their churches to redress past harm. Their solidarity efforts incorporated small acts, often pivoting around individual members’ personal connections. This article thus depicts the Raging Grannies as more diverse in their practices than typically recognized. It also addresses an important gap in scholarship on older women’s roles in solidarity movements. Finally, it extends existing scholarship on solidarity-building, suggesting that how solidarity is understood cannot be disconnected from how it is practiced, and thus demonstrating how solidarity can be relational, performative, and contingent.

World War II and the development of global indigenous identities

ABSTRACTThe indigenous rights movement emerged in the last quarter of the twentieth century, establishing a newly conceptualized identity claimed not on the grounds of shared culture, language or ancestry but on shared experience as native peoples marginalized by colonial expansion. This article examines how the Second World War created conditions favouring the emergence of indigenous identity as a global concept. Using a comparative perspective, this paper considers two ways in which war conditions affected indigenous peoples: by highlighting issues of citizenship, loyalty and military service; and by altering how combatant powers evaluated indigenous cultures. While the experiences of particular groups varied widely, the wartime era focused attention on both policies of assimilation and assertions of distinctiveness, creating a fluid context for change. A global, comparative perspective offers insight into the role of the war era in understanding the relationship between indigenous activism and the international order.

Environmental Injustice in Argentina: Struggles against Genetically Modified Soy

This paper explores the unequal distribution of the environmental and social costs and benefits of the genetically modified (GM) soy model in Argentina and its impact on grievance formation and the emergence of contestation. In the 1990s, Argentina transitioned into a neoliberal agro‐industrial model based on producing GM soy for export. Though celebrated as a success, the expansion of GM soy monocultures has brought widespread socio‐ecological disruption. Various social actors have started to mobilize against the resulting environmental injustice. I focus on the peasant–indigenous movement in the north of the country, which is struggling for land rights, and the movements against agrochemical spraying in the central Pampas region. These groups, which are relatively powerless to control resources where they live, and that experience little or no benefit from GM soy production, nevertheless bear most of its social and ecological costs. These struggles link environmental and social well‐being, becoming struggles for ecological sustainability as well as social justice and equity.

Protest as pedagogy: Exploring teaching and learning in Indigenous environmental movements

ABSTRACTThis article reports on a recent study into the experiences of Indigenous and allied environmental activists with teaching and learning during and as a result of Indigenous environmental movements. This inquiry is grounded in a theoretical framework informed by decolonization and cultural revitalization, social movement learning, and repressive tolerance. Interviews with 10 participants across Canada produced rich insights related to significant life experiences, the tensions encountered by activist educators, the complexity of inter-activist relationships, interaction with police agencies, the plurality of protest, and the revitalization and sharing of Indigenous traditions as the ultimate form of resistance.

‘Following Uncle Hồ to save the nation’: Empowerment, legitimacy, and nationalistic aspirations in a Vietnamese new religious movement

This article investigates new religious movements that have emerged in post-Renovation Vietnam. The formation and development of movements that worship Hồ Chí Minh will be examined through the Way of the Jade Buddha. My analysis of this indigenous movement will discuss its controversial attempts to establish communication with the spirit of Hồ Chí Minh. It is argued that the movement is a channel through which people can empower themselves, seek legitimacy, and promote nationalistic aspirations. The emergence of such movements demonstrates the ongoing millenarian dream of social transformation in the face of the challenges of international integration and the tensions caused by maritime conflicts with China.