Secularism In India Research Articles

“Sacred Duty”

Ismat Chughtai, an Indian writer in the 20th Century was influential in the Urdu literary scene for her role in furthering the women’s cause. This paper focuses on her translated short story “Sacred Duty” in which the sanctity of ‘secularism’ is questioned by addressing interfaith marriages in order to polarise religious orthodoxy of older generations with that of the flippancy of the youth. It unfurls the pseudo-fraternal form of coexistence of the middle and upper class ‘progressives’ that was practiced to appease their own sense of modernity. By contextualising this within the communal riots of post-partition India, a seeming anxiety is noticed within the newer generations in contending with their ‘duty’ to the nation and religion. Offsetting this against the postcolonial scholarship by Partha Chatterjee based on Benedict Anderson’s notion of an “imagined community,” this story remarks on the strength of that argument in view of the religious boundaries that consecrate such a nation. The married couple Samina and Tashar’s stance heralds a crucial question about the possibility of climbing over this wall drawn out by Hindus and Muslims and escaping this ‘community’ altogether. Through this analysis, the restricted nature of Indian secularism post-Independence is highlighted as propagating divisionist ideology.

Racialisation, ‘religious violence’ and radicalisation: the persistence of narratives of ‘Sikh extremism’

ABSTRACT Recent years have seen concerns raised in media and by policymakers about rising levels of ‘Sikh extremism’ and ‘Sikh radicalisation’ in Western Sikh diasporas. In this article I analyse why these concerns persist, particularly given the general non-violent nature of ‘Sikh militancy’ (Wallace [2011]. “Sikh Militancy and Non-Violence.” In Sikhism In Global Context, edited by Pashaura Singh, 122–144. Oxford University Press) and the relatively few incidents of terrorism beyond those which took place during the height of Sikh militancy in the 1980s. I argue that these concerns are a consequence of an underlying ‘anxiety about anti-assimilationist religious others’ impacted by (a) the racialisation of religious minorities which began in the colonial period, (b) a specific type of ‘Indian secularism’ which frames Indian legislation and media reporting and (c) the post 9/11 securitisation and increased surveillance of Sikh bodies as part of the ‘War on Terror’ with its concerns about ‘religious violence’ and the necessity of the secular nation state to ensure that any such violence is suitably policed. This article will be of interest to those examining the racialisation and representations of religious minorities in Western liberal democracies and the impact of securitisation policies on these communities.

A STUDY ON EVALUATION OF SECULARISM IN INDIA

A STUDY ON EVALUATION OF SECULARISM IN INDIA

Privileging the Powerful: Religion and Constitutional Law in India

AbstractThere is vast literature on secularism in India and on the effects of Hindu nationalism on secular constitutionalism. This article takes a different tack. It focuses on cases where minority status is contested or competing rights of minorities are at stake. The article uses three exemplary recent cases to illustrate how judicial doctrines devised to reform discriminatory religious practices or to protect minority interests have, perversely, favoured certain groups at the expense of others. In each area examined, the jurisprudence privileges the more powerful of those interests: the sanctity of Muslim personal law over the rights of Muslim women; Hindu dalits over dalits that converted to other religions; and minority educational institutions over children from ‘weaker’ and ‘disadvantaged’ sections of society. The article concludes by proposing a new jurisprudence of religion and constitutional practice for India, one that takes account of these inequalities and gives meaning to the fundamental rights of the most vulnerable individuals and groups.

„Wir sind nie säkular gewesen“: Politische Theologie und die Geographien des Religiösen

Abstract. In these afterthoughts to a themed issue on the „Geographies of Post-Secularity“, I critically interrogate the analytical purchase of the terminology of post-secularism. I suggest that the concept of the post-secular is ill-suited to provide a vocabulary for multi-religious societies in the West as much as elsewhere. Instead, I suggest that the vocabulary of a descriptive political theology (Assmann) better helps us grasp the continuing negotiation of the dialectic relations between the secular and the religious. I illustrate this conceptual vocabulary for the study of religion and politics in the postcolonial world, first, in the political-normative debates on Indian secularism, and second, in the everyday struggles of religious actors in the violent politics of Sri Lanka's civil war, to then return to debates on (post-) secularity. I conclude that, indeed, we have never been secular – that the dialectic relations between the secular and the religious are bound to remain, and to become further complicated in increasingly multi-religious societies.

She's Come Undone: Parsi Women's Property and Propriety under the Law

AbstractParsis (Indian Zoroastrians), like many religious groups, manage their ritual spaces and funds with charitable trusts. High numbers of intermarriage have caused much debate over who counts as a Parsi within the community, and more attention is being paid to women and their rights of access. After a local trust in Valsad, Gujarat, barred intermarried women from entering Zoroastrian sacred spaces, Goolrukh Gupta, an intermarried Parsi woman, sued her trust in the high court. It ruled that Gupta was no longer a Parsi but a Hindu, like her husband, even though she had married under the Special Marriage Act of 1954, which enables civil marriage. Offering fresh insight into debates on the politics of recognition and the potentialities and pitfalls for women who appeal to the law to secure their communal rights, I argue that the mechanism of the trust allows the analysis of the two distinct but not separable notions of property and propriety. I analyze how the communal trust in India propertizes married women's legal and religious personhood. This article reveals how Indian women's composition as communal subjects as well as some aspirations of Indian secularism come undone.

India’s Secular Journey

Secularism as an ideology and a framework of governance evolved in the West, but this Western inheritance had no relevance to secularism in India. It was Jawaharlal Nehru who gave currency to it in India. Hindu masses had not the slightest notion of what secularism meant or should mean. They saw it as an invitation for social and communal harmony and as a concession to the minorities. Ultra Hindu groups such as the Hindu Mahasabha and the Rashtriya Sweyam Sangh were hostile to the idea of secularism. Muslim responses were even more varied. Muslim theologians rejected it on theological grounds. Muslims who were influenced by liberal and leftist ideologies espoused it. A large number of Muslims were sceptical whether the Indian State could remain secular for long. For them the presence of Nehru at the helm of affairs was a greater assurance that they would be treated fairly. Therefore, they decided to wait and watch. However, subsequent developments weakened the thrust towards secularism. The developments include Jaiprakash Narayan’s idea of non-statal politics and the legitimacy it provided to the forces which had been and were opposed to secularism from the start. The current situation is a continuation of that process.

The picture, the parable, the performance and the sword: secularism’s demographic imperatives

ABSTRACTIn the making of colonial modernity, the newspaper, novel and theatre were three fundamental implements for the development of a bourgeois public sphere. Nevertheless, their introduction led to significant alterations in modes of inter-communal social contestation. This article traces three separate instances of the outbreak and prevention of Parsi-Muslim communal riots in colonial India sparked by three representations of Muslim prophets – pictorial, narrative and theatrical – within the city of Bombay in 1851, 1874 and 1891. Through this analysis, the article traces the embedded predilection within colonialism’s “secular” juridical mechanisms towards majoritarian religious sensitivities. It argues against the equation of Indian secularism with substantive values, reintroducing questions of hegemony and demography to normative analyses of secularism. Secularism’s legal machinery thereby emerges as neither dispassionate nor independent of the epistemological claims of the majority, exposing the limits of current views of Indian secularism as distinctive from its western counterparts.

Indian Secularism and Religious Minorities: The Case of Muslims

A secular state is supposed to remain indifferent to individual beliefs and to ensure that every individual enjoys the religious freedom in personal life. But practically, the nature and character of secularism changes in different contexts. India being a predominantly Hindu and fundamentally religious society has its own flavor of secularism. The Constitution of India on one hand assures personal freedoms and declares the state as secular but on the other hand carries contradictory indications of anti-religious objectives and prominence of Hinduism. This confusion creates the room for using the cloak of secularism to promote Hindutva. As populism and exclusive nationalism seem to dominate the political front domestically in India and several other countries around the world, it seems improbable, if not impossible, for secularism to take over religion as the primary paradigm of life in India. And with the history of communal violence in India, this scenario is threatening not only for minorities as well as the vulnerable and moderate elements among Hindus but also has far-reaching effects for the region and the world at large. With this context in view, this paper has surveyed the treatment of Muslims in India who are the largest minority in the country and the third largest population of Muslims in a country. The article was initially prepared for a presentation in a seminar held at the Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI) on July 12, 2017 on the same topic. The author thankfully acknowledges the assistance provided by Nadeem Farhat and Asifa Tanvir in writing the paper.

Between mourning and melancholia: Religion and politics in modern India

AbstractIn reviewing this autobiographical book by Saeed Naqvi, an internationally known Indian journalist, this essay first discusses the relationship amongst journalism, autobiography and anthropology, the discipline this reviewer broadly works in. Arguing for a crossover amongst them, it documents the evolving relationships Naqvi describes between religion and politics in modern India, including the moment of India’s Partition in 1947. It discusses such figures as Azad, Gandhi, Nehru, Patel, Rao, Vajpayee and issues such as ethnic/communal violence, the role of the state in genocide, demolition of Babri Masjid, the US-led “Global War On Terror (GWOT)” and more. This essay notes the salience of Naqvi’s thesis that the much-valorized Indian secularism was and is at best a mask for majoritarian religious impulse. However, it critiques Naqvi’s solution as a return to India’s founding fathers and the imagined era of so-called composite culture. Central to this critique is the point that Naqvi’s own personal...

Secularism and Its Discontents: The Moor’s Last Sigh and Riot

The recurrent theme of dropping frontiers in a world which has become increasingly heterogeneous but intolerant is the leitmotif of Sashi Tharoor’s Riot and Salman Rushdie’s The Moor’s Last Sigh. The figure of the Moor and his hybrid genealogy is central to Rushdie’s vision, as he reconstructs a syncretic, tolerant Moorish Spain and juxtaposes it with Bombay, his haven of pluralism. He celebrates Nehru’s vision of a new Indian nation which, in keeping with the traditions of western modernity, promised to be above religion, clan, and narrow parochial considerations. With the vanishing of such ideals and hopes, as boundaries and religious communalism are getting intensified these diasporic cosmopolitan writers make a case for a boundless world. Their response is a human subjectivity which transcends color, class, narrow parochialism, tribalism and fundamentalism. Secularism is the very base of their humane approach. This essay, therefore, analyzes the theme of secularism and its discontents, particularly in the context of the coexistence of Hindus and Muslims in India, as it runs through Rushdie’s The Moor’s Last Sigh and Tharoor’s Riot by exploring the various layers of allegories related to pluralism and the critique of fundamentalism in them. Toward this end, it will focus on the recent debates on Indian secularism by scholars to interrogate the relevance of the European model of secularism which argues for the separation of state and religion.

Review of: C. S. Adcock, "The Limits of Tolerance: Indian Secularism and the Politics of Religious Freedom"

Review of: C. S. Adcock, "The Limits of Tolerance: Indian Secularism and the Politics of Religious Freedom"

Secularism’s Names: Commitment to Confusion and the Pedagogy of the Name

This essay takes up social and political questions of naming that are often ignored in studies of inequality or exclusion. What if South Asian personal names ceased to reveal demographic ‘data’ about their bearers, scrambling any attempt at automatic categorization? The focus here is on naming and/or renaming for ideological reasons, and in such ways that the identity of the bearer is deliberately blurred. Grounded in ethnographic work amongst committed proponents of secularism in India (principally rationalist, humanist, and atheist activists), the essay identifies two main strategies that activists use for the production of ‘disidentification’: purification of the caste and religious connotations of names, and multiplication of those connotations in the giving of boundary-crossing names. Common to each is a rationale that seeks to break the association between name and pigeonholed identity. However, acts of renaming, and non-normative names as such, can be and are contested. Thus, in order to clarify what is at stake in the domain of secular naming practices the essay also focuses on debates and criticisms from both within and outside it.

Rethinking Secularism in India in the Age of Triumphant Fascism

This essay deals with the rise of the right-wing Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP) to power in the 2014 National Elections, a party that is fundamentally anti-secularist and anti-democratic whose aim is to convert secular and democratic India into a Hindu Kingdom. It deals with the crisis of secularism in India and the Revolutionary Marxist response to this crisis. The methodology that it follows is the Marxist one. The leitmotiv of this paper is rather startling—Marx was not a secularist as one has hitherto imagined. It claims that a new theoretical problematic has to be sought in understanding the dilemma haunting secularism: the discourse and practice of secularism are important, and yet Marx (the exemplary humanist and revolutionary) was not a secularist as one imagines it. What we have done is a terrain shift in our study of secularism, especially on the question of the thesis of the separation of religion and the state. This essay consequently makes a distinction between ‘secularism as we know it’, or liberal secularism, and communist secularism. Besides this, the essay grounds the discourse in material social formations in India that are determined by the Asiatic mode of production and along with this mode, the caste formations that are inherent in the Indic variant of the Asiatic mode of production. By and large, the entire discourses of secularism and the rise of fascism in India determined by the ideologies of liberalism and Stalinism ignore the caste question. Thus along with the caste question, the Asiatic mode of production is also brought in, a mode of production that mainstream Marxists have almost ignored, thereby implanting Eurocentric understandings of secularism in India. We thus discover certain methodological guidelines where we develop new terms and conditions to understand an authentic ‘people's secularism’. This essay deals with the question of secularism in India as rooted in the conflict between ‘secularism from above’ that was grafted by Jawaharlal Nehru and the upper caste elites in the freedom movement against British colonialism and ‘religious politics from above’ that formed the contours of elite politics in India since 1947. In contrast to ‘secularism from above’ (or liberal secularism) and ‘religious politics from above’, this essay argues for ‘secularism from below', which shall serve as the revolutionary critique of Indian fascism.

Divine Sovereignty, Indian Property Law, and the Dispute over the Padmanabhaswamy Temple

AbstractSecular governance in India was meant to have incorporated religion within public life, but the implementation of ‘Indian secularism’ has in important ways been premised on separating religious and secular lifeworlds. Public Hindu temples, whose assets and operations are managed by a melange of statutory bodies, courts, and state governments, exemplify this puzzling situation. The 2011 discovery of treasures within the Padmanabhaswamy temple in Trivandrum, Kerala, prompted extended public debate about the ownership of temple assets as well as litigation that eventually reached the Supreme Court of India. Indian citizens, erstwhile princely rulers, and the deity of the temple were variously presented as the true owners of the wealth. Ultimately, both public discourse and judicial opinion largely reaffirmed the notion that religious institutions are to be treated as private, contractually defined properties, and that temple wealth, as specifically religious property, exists outside of market circulations.

Media, Citizenship, and Religious Mobilization: The Muharram Awareness Campaign in Mumbai

The great urban diversity of Mumbai has given rise to a range of religious mobilizations that are not only shaped by a history of communalism along religious lines but also driven by intra-religious rivalry and competition in their urban environment. Against the backdrop of a global megacity, contemporary Shi‘ite religious activism in Mumbai provides evidence of the importance of global processes of religious mobilization, while also showing its entanglement with state regulation of religion. An advertising campaign by a Shi‘ite media center illustrates that such religious activism with global ramifications can only be understood if one also takes its intersection with state-sponsored regimes of religious diversity into account. Media practices of Indian Muslims as a vulnerable minority are especially responsive to normative discourses and images of religious diversity, and mobilize alternative strands of Indian secularism in order to counteract the fragility of their citizenship.

C. S. Adcock. The Limits of Tolerance: Indian Secularism and the Politics of Religious Freedom.

C. S. Adcock. The Limits of Tolerance: Indian Secularism and the Politics of Religious Freedom.

Indian secularism, dialogue and the Ayodhya dispute

Indian secularists compound difficulties for the emergence of a genuinely secular society by relying on an exclusively constitutional rather than a dialogical approach to settle India’s religious disputes as manifested in Ayodhya and elsewhere. There are, however, intellectuals who favour dialogue with religious communities to strengthen secularism but are afraid of suggesting dialogue with contending parties on contentious issues like the Ayodhya dispute for fear of legitimising religious fundamentalism. As a result, the notion of ‘contentious dialogue’ is avoided even while the need for dialogue is recognised. Instead of religious grievances getting resolved through law, they get embroiled over a period of time and result in the rise of religious fundamentalism and terrorism, thereby deepening the crisis of secularism. In the Ayodhya dispute, communities encouraged by the secular state have followed a legal approach to the settlement of their religious grievances since 1950. While the dispute languished in court, the demolition of the Babri Mosque in 1992, the emergence of religious terrorism and the riots in Gujarat in 2002 followed. All these developments are in some way interrelated and need a broad and holistic counter-strategy. Only a dialogic approach will induce communities to comprehend the interconnected nature of problems arising from the Ayodhya dispute and make them seek solutions outside the law. This paper proposes a model of reconciliation based on the themes of recognition of intrinsic faith, negotiation with extrinsic elements of each religion and sacrifice. This dialogical approach ought to be carried out by a non-sectarian political society that must involve ruling and opposition parties, NGOs, lawyers, administrators and contending religious organisations in order to seek a realistic solution to the Ayodhya dispute in the larger and long-term interest of a secular polity in India.

The limits of tolerance: Indian secularism and the politics of religious freedom

Table of Contents Acknowledgements Preface Introduction: History and the Limits of Tolerance Part I: Religion and Translation in Colonial India Chapter One. Colonial Politics of Religious Toleration Chapter Two. Religious Controversy and Ritual-Politics: Problems of Translation Part II. Political History of Universal Religion in India Chapter Three. Fountainhead of Religion Chapter Four: The Arya Samaj, a Political Body! Part III. Ritual-Politics and Religious Freedom Chapter Five. Contested Politics of Shuddhi Chapter Six. Ascendance of Tolerance: Debating Religious Freedom in the 1920s Conclusion. Secularism and the Limits of Tolerance Bibliography Notes Index

The modern spirit of Asia: the spiritual and the secular in China and India

Preface ix Chapter 1 Introduction 1 Chapter 2 Spirituality in Modern Society 35 Chapter 3 The Making of Oriental Religion 63 Chapter 4 Conversion to Indian and Chinese Modernities 90 Chapter 5 Secularism's Magic 115 Chapter 6 Smash Temples, Build Schools: Comparing Secularism in India and China 140 Chapter 7 The Spiritual Body 168 Chapter 8 Muslims in India and China 193 Chapter 9 Conclusion 214 Notes 231 Bibliography 253 Index 271