Independent Club Research Articles

Syngman Rhee and his Role in the Korean National Movement 1875-1965

This research sheds light on a Korean personality who had a prominent impact on Korean history, namely, the personality of singman Rhee, so that this research dealls with the study of his upbringing, and how he joined the independence club, then we showed his position on the protestant church and its teachings, and his political activity from 1904 to 1965.

한국 사회교육의 뿌리로서 성재 이동휘의 구국사회교육 탐구

The purpose of this critical review is to find the origin and implications for the direction of lifelong education in the future through social education studies during the Japanese colonial period. Through historical literature approach, the researcher studied the thought formation process of Sungjae Lee Dong-hwi's social education and his social education practice. As a result of the critical review, Sungjae Lee Dong-hwi's social education ideology would be influenced by Lee Seung-gyo's teaching, raising modern consciousness during military training and activities in the Independence Club, freedom and equality from Christian admission, and proletarian revolutionary ideology embraced socialism. It was confirmed that Lee Dong-hwi's practice of social education was a kind of revolutionary social education movement to save the country from Japanese oppression. He practiced early social education from Socialism with the building of schools actively, patriotic enlightenment movements through academic societies and social organizations, religious social education movements that carried out Christian evangelism and educational movements, and establishing the Korean Socialist Party and the Goryeo Communist Party. These changing process of Sungjae Lee Dong-hwi's social education and practicing social education that recognizes the importance of people's education and national independence as the highest value rather than socialist ideology could provide the important implications to Korean lifelong education by establishing its philosophy and presenting direction, solution of emerging challenges, and orientation of lifelong education after unification.

한국 근대 Ⅰ] ‘조선과 세계’라는 복합 공간과 ‘전통과 근대’라는 복합 시간

This article reviews the recent trends in the research of Korean modern history from 2020 to 2021. That modern history refers to the period from the Korean port-opening [開港] to the Japanese annexation of Korea[倂合].BR This is a period when Joseon and the world are spatially connected, and when tradition and modernity are combined together. The main points of research from the perspective of ‘Joseon and the World’ and ‘Tradition and Modernity’ are presented as follows.BR From the perspective of ‘Joseon and the world’, useful issues such as global capitalism and the Joseon market, international relations of world powers and the geopolitics of the Korean Peninsula, and the East Asian world order and the diplomatic role of Korea are provided.BR Also, the eschatology and moral enlightenment of the Taoist tradition, the political publicness of the Independence Club with the Confucian minds, and the modern international law influenced by the concept of traditional public law are important themes from the perspective of ‘tradition and modernity’.BR This is valuable insight into the complexities of ‘Joseon and the world’ and ‘tradition and modernity’ in Korean modern history.

학생들의 역사 텍스트 읽기에서 나타난 상호텍스트성 분석

This study shows how students read and understand historical texts on the basis of intertextuality. The students in this study wrote on the Independence Club(독립협회) and the act of dissolution by King of Gojong (고종). Most of them often relied on textbooks when writing. But some of them tended to use the internet for further, detailed information about topics, not referring to the books they had read, such a reliable source of knowledge. And they were rather attracted to the opinions opposing to what they had already known without cross-checking multiple sources. Most of the students recognized that each text they read adopts its own different perspectives or interpretations. But they failed to distinguish between the facts and the interpretations included in the texts. Some of them constructed their own narratives by filling the knowledge gaps with false information and even envisaged the aims and purposes of historical characters. A few of them were found just copying what a textbook says, or writing nothing, to clear up the confusion they were having. Most of the students, influenced by the social environment or context, interpreted the given topic with the frame of democracy versus dictatorship. Those who considered the direction of the Independence Club(독립협회) as democracy often claimed that democracy should be established. Also they believed that democracy is a natural condition for all human races. However, when seeing that democracy would be difficult to realize, some of them doubted and denied the possibility of democracy ironically. Even though the national curriculum, textbooks, and teachers’ classes were well structured, the students did not accept as intended.

Foreign Friends: Syngman Rhee, American Exceptionalism, and the Division of Korea

Foreign Friends: Syngman Rhee, American Exceptionalism, and the Division of Korea

The Radicalization of the Independence Club’s Democratic Thought: From Paternalism to Political Activism

이 글은 전통적 입장과 수정주의 입장에서 논쟁의 대상이 되고 있는 독립협회의 1898년 대중운동의 성격을 새롭게 검토하기 위해 독립신문의 사상의 내적 변화를 살펴본다. 독립협회에 관한 전통적 연구가 운동의 민주주의적 성격을, 수정주의적 연구가 엘리트주의적 특징을 강조했다면, 본 연구는 독립신문에서 발견되는 사상의 내적 변화에 주목함으로써 독립협회의 1898년 대중운동에서 엿보이는 두 가지 성격을 동시에 설명하고자 한다. 이에 따르면, 독립신문의 민주주의 사상은 자유주의적 이념 위에 구축되었으며, 이런 점에서 후견주의적 면모를 띠고 있었다. 하지만 군주권의 제도화 실패와 그로 인한 고종의 실정에 대한 반작용으로 독립신문의 애국주의는 저항적 성격을 띠면서 정치적 행동을 촉구하는 이데올로기로 전환되었고, 이는 독립협회의 민주주의 사상의 급진화를 촉발시키면서 이 단체의 대중운동으로 하여금 두 성격을 모두 지니도록 만들었다. 이 글은 결론적으로 한국 민주주의의 기원에서 발견되는 민주주의에 대한 두 가지 시각 즉, 엘리트적 그리고 급진적 시각 간의 경쟁과 협력이 20세기 이후 한국 민주주의 사상사 연구에도 적용될 필요가 있음을 제안한다.

Do challenge and threat evaluations predict netball performance and selection at trials in youth netball players?

n the current paper, we investigated the extent to which challenge and threat evaluations predicted the trials performance of youth netball players. This paper compared two theoretical frameworks, the Theory of Challenge and Threat States in Athletes (TCTSA) and the BioPsychoSocial Model (BPSM) of Challenge and Threat, in their prediction of trials performance. A field-based cross-sectional design was adopted, including self-report psychometric, and observational performance, data. Data were collected prior to the participants’ trials performance. Youth female netball athletes (n = 92, Mage = 13.26 years, SD = 1.55) completed psychometrics concerning challenge and threat evaluations and emotions, in relation to upcoming trials performance. Performance was rated by 10 independent club coaches. Binary logistic and linear regression analyses revealed that BPSM derived resource evaluations (general self-confidence, general perception of positive challenge, positive disposition) were related to trials performance, whilst TCTSA-derived resource evaluations (self-efficacy, perceived control, goal orientation) were not. Also, a greater perceived ability to cope with demands was positively related to trial outcome. The strongest and most consistent predictor of performance was number of previous trials. The greater number of previously attended trials, the better the participants performed in trials. The findings reveal the importance of BPSM-derived resource evaluations and the perceived ability to cope with demands in the prediction of performance outcomes, over and above the TCTSA-derived resource evaluations. The findings also have important implications for sports teams, athletes, and coaches, who should strive to maximise perceptions of resources and coping abilities in the face of pressure situations, such as trials.

독립협회 세력의 정당과 대표에 관한 논의

독립협회 세력의 정당과 대표에 관한 논의

독립협회의 정치운동 모색 과정에서 의리 관념의 역할

독립협회의 정치운동 모색 과정에서 의리 관념의 역할

Acceptance and Proliferation of Democratic Republicanism before the March 1st Movement

한국에서 공화제는 민주정체와 결합한 민주공화제로 한정되어 받아들여졌 는데, 그 과정이 혁명을 수반하는 대신에 국민국가 담론이 군주제를 단계적으로 잠식해가는 방식으로 진행되었다는 데 하나의 특징이 있었다. 한국에서 민주공화제 수용의 바탕은 국민국가의 발견을 통해 만들어졌다. 독립협회는 왕조에 대한 충군 개념을 디딤돌 삼아 이를 국민국가에 대한 애국 으로 확장시키는 ‘충군애국’의 구호와 다양한 상징조작을 통해 왕조와 국가를 구분함으로써 국민통합에 기초한 근대 국가를 상상할 수 있게끔 하였다. 이후 대한제국기에 공화제 논의는 금기시되었으나, 고종의 강제 퇴위를 거치며 점차 변화하는 양상을 띠어 군주에 대한 국가의 우위를 내세우는 가운데 민주공화제를 가장 바람직한 정치제도로 보는 논설이 속속 등장하였다. 그럼 에도 불구하고 당시 지식인 사회의 주류는 민주공화제의 도입을 시기상조로 바라보면서 점진적 개혁을 주장하였다. 그러한 경향은 기존에 공화제를 표방한 단체로 받아들여졌던 신민회의 경우도 예외가 아니었다. 신민회 인사들이 공화제의 실행을 유예한 데는 황실 타도로 운동의 전선을 분산시키기에는 당면한 국권회복의 과제가 너무도 막중하 다는 현실인식 또한 작용하고 있었다. 더불어 그들이 근거했던 사회진화론의 입장에서 볼 때에도 형체만 남아 있을지라도 경쟁 주체로서 대한제국이라는 국가는 보존되어야 했다.이렇게 유예된 공화제 구상은 대한제국의 멸망 이후 미주 한인사회의 ‘정신상 신한국’ 담론을 통해 비로소 그 실체를 드러냈다. 국망의 소식에 접한 미주 한인사회는 형질상 대한제국의 멸망을 정신상 민주주의 신한국의 시작으로 받아들였다. 그 같은 담론은 삼권분립의 미국식 공화제 민주주의 임시정부 건설 론으로 이어져, 새로운 생존경쟁의 주체로서 신한국을 설정한 가운데 독립운 동에 다시 불을 지필 수 있게끔 하였다.In Korea, republicanism was accepted narrowly as a system of democratic republic combined with democracy. And its development went through the process of making the nation-state discourses encroach on monarchy gradually rather than accompanying a revolution. The acceptance of democratic republic system in Korea was grounded upon the recognition of nation-state. The Independence Club(Dongnip Hyophoe) has made it possible to imagine a modern nation on the basis of national integration. In this effort, it distinguished the notion of the state from that of the dynasty, by instigating and expanding the slogan of the ’Chung’gun Aeguk’ (a stepping stone to the ideology of loyalty to the dynasty) to the patriotism of the nation state. The debate on republican system was officially banned during the whole period of the Daehan Empire. But with the forced deportation of Emperor Gojong, the issue was revived with the consideration of the democratic republic system as the most desirable political system. Nonetheless, the intellectual society advocated a gradual reform and regarded the adoption of democratic republican system as premature. It was no exception to the New People’s Association(Sinminhoe), which had been accepted as a representative of republicanism. The members of the New People’s Association recognized that the task of restoring the national sovereignty would be much more important than that of turning into the front line of the movement against the Imperial Regime. In addition, from the standpoint of the social evolution doctrine on which they were based, the state of the Daehan Empire had to be preserved as the subject of competition. This deferred plan for republicanism was realized in the discourse on ’New Korea’ initiated by the Korean American community after the fall of the Daehan empire. The Korean American community accepted the fall of the Daehan Empire as the beginning of democratic New Korea. Such a discourse led to the conceptual development of doctrines on republican democracy and provisional government construction, and set up New Korea as the subject of survival competition, which could eventually allow the independence movement to be ignited again.

1898년 독립협회의 정치기획과 ‘충군애국(忠君愛國)’

Examined in this article is the concept of ‘Serving the King and Loving the Country’ (Chung’gun Aeguk, 忠君愛國), a political notion conceived in 1898 by the Independence Club as an anchor to its own political campaigns. Independence Club as we all know was a political association that operated in the late 1890s to support the idea of enlightened modernization. The publication of『Dokrib Shinmun (Independence Newspaper)』 and the launch of the People’s Joint Association (Manmin Gongdong-hwe) were both very important events in the modern history of Korea.BR Previous studies considered the Independence Club as one of the more important entities that contributed to the foundation of a modern state, and extensively discussed or debated whether they were supportive of the idea of ‘power in the people’s hands’ or in the ‘monarch’s hands.’ It should be noted, however, that results of a political campaign do not always represent what the campaigns’ launchers initially had in mind. What the Independence Club wanted to obtain was ultimately political power, and the concept of ‘modern citizens’ they came up with was in fact necessary to them as their own would-be base of supporters. To that end, the Independence Club came up with the “Chung’gun Aeguk” campaign slogan which was very political in nature. As a result, their political actions proceeded upon two very different (and potentially incompatible) philosophical pillars: pursuing the increase of civilians’ participation in politics, while apparently calling for the reinforcement of a premodern despotic political regime.BR In this article, which intended to break away from the previous frame of discussion, three realms are suggested: official realm of politics, private realm of politics, and the realm of civilians. From the standpoint of this author, the Independence Club belonged to the second category. It seems like political organizations of the second category either cooperated or collided with the not only the king, the government but also people in the private sector, so hopefully examination of all their relations would let us see the active nature of politics since the Gabo-year reforms.

독립협회의 ‘국민’ 인식과 창출 활동 － 尙武論과 관련하여－

독립협회의 ‘국민’ 인식과 창출 활동 － 尙武論과 관련하여－

The Public Sphere and Literary Journals: An Investigation of the Discursive Formation of New Fiction's Utopian Imagination in Late Qing

This article considers New Fiction's utopian imagination in the Late Qing period as a product of Foucauldian discursive formation, an important element of which is the channel of production through literary journals in the Chinese public sphere. Developing Jürgen Habermas's concept of a bourgeois public sphere during eighteenth- and nineteeth-century Europe, Rudolf Wagner's notion of a Chinese public sphere stresses that the participants came from the top and bottom of society, and that the Qing court was an important and legitimate player. In applying that notion, this article shows how fiction could be a means of public opinion and how a literary journal could be a platform in the public sphere. Monthly Fiction and Racing Independent Club Fiction Monthly, and their publication of utopian novels, are two examples that demonstrate their reactions to political issues and their vertical relationship with the court in the Chinese public sphere. By examining these two case studies, the processes by which the narratives of a new China(s) were produced by this utopian discourse are shown.

Understanding and Respondence of the U.S. Ministers to the Great Han Empire toward to movement of Independence Club

Understanding and Respondence of the U.S. Ministers to the Great Han Empire toward to movement of Independence Club

개항기 한국인의 공원관 형성

개항(1876년)을 기점으로 우리나라에 존재해 온 공원의 태동기 역사를 규명하고자 한 본 논문은 개항기 한국인의 공원관 형성과 도시 공원의 성립에 관해 고찰하였다. 즉, 서구로부터 도입된 공원 개념을 받아들이는 입장에서 한국인들이 그것을 어떤 태도로, 어떤 시각으로 바라보았으며, 어떠한 방식으로 수용하고자 했는지를 파악해 보고자 했다. 이를 위해 개항 이후 최초로 외국의 근대 문물을 시찰하고 그 내용을 기록으로 남겼던 수신사의 "수신사기록"에서부터 해외 유학생들의 견문 기록 중 가장 대표적인 저작으로 볼 수 있는 유길준의 "서유견문"과 윤치호의 "윤치호일기", 그리고 한국 최초의 자주적 공원인 '독립공원' 조성에 관한 기록을 남기고 있는 "독립신문"을 비롯한 서재필과 독립협회의 몇 가지 기록들을 면밀히 검토했으며, 가능한 한 1차 문헌에서 관련 내용을 발굴하고 해석하는데 중점을 두었다. 그 결과, 개항기 한국의 근대적 개혁을 이끌었던 지식인들 사이 공원 의식이 생겨나고, 그것을 발전시켜 나가는 모습을 파악할 수 있었다. 수신사의 공원 인식에서부터 유길준의 공원의 필요성 인식, 그리고 윤치호의 공원에 대한 문화적 예술적 관심에 이르기까지, 공원관이 확대되고 심화되어 가는 과정이 확인되었다. 특히 서재필과 독립협회가 주도적으로 참여한 독립공원은 사회적 의미와 상징을 담은 공간으로 운동, 휴식, 위생, 계몽을 위한 도시 공원이었으며, 이러한 공원을 비롯한 도시 녹지의 필요성에 관한 내용이 지속적으로 대중들에게 전달되고 있었다. 즉, 일제 강점기가 시작되기 훨씬 이전부터 한국인들에게는 공원에 대한 의식과 견해가 형성되었으며, 단순한 모방과 이식이 아니라 충분한 이해와 사회적 필요성을 바탕으로 공원이 등장한 것으로 볼 수 있다. 한국 공원의 근간을 이루는 태동기 역사를 규명하고자 했던 본 논문은 분명히 존재하고 있었지만, 지금까지 소홀히 다뤄져 왔던 한국 공원의 뿌리를 규명했다는 점에서 그 의의를 지닐 수 있을 것이다. This research explores the Korean perspective on parks and the beginning of urban parks in the port opening period. The purpose of the study is to understand how Koreans viewed and accepted the idea of a park as imported from western culture and with what attitudes. Analyzed sources included: "Susinsa's Record"(修信使記錄) by Susinsa(修信使) who wrote the inspection records of foreign modern cultures for the first time after the port opening, "Seoyukyunmun"(西遊見聞) by Yu Kil-jun(兪吉濬) and "Yun Chi-ho's Diary"(尹致昊日記) by Yun Chi-ho(尹致昊), which are representative works by students sent abroad, as well as some records of Seo Jae-pil(徐載弼) and The Independence Club(獨立協會) such as "The Independent"(獨立新聞), which contains the records of 'IndependencePark'. This research is focused on the literature that reexamins and interprets the related data from primary sources. As a result, it was found that the people who led the modern reformation in the Port Opening period adopted and developed social thinking regarding parks. Indeed, it was possible to witness the gradual sophistication of the concept of a park from the time of Susina's thoughts on parks to that of Yu Kil-jun's support for the need and importance of parks and Yun Chi-ho's cultural and artistic interest in parks. Also, Seo Jae-pil and the Independence Club drove the development of Independence Park, which was designed to incorporate social values and symbols while also serving to meet the needs of recreation, leisure, hygiene, and enlightenment. The Independence Club consistently advocated for the necessity of open spaces and delivered this message to the public via article writing. In short, even prior to the Japanese colonial period, Koreans shared thoughts and exchanged opinions on parks. Parks were to be created not just as a copy or transplant of western parks, but were constructed based on social demands and necessity. As few studies have taken the approach of identifying this origin of Korean parks, thus, this research which traces back the origin of Korean parks, is significant.

Tramping Through the Baseball Subculture: <i>The Career of Alfred W. Lawson</i>

Since his death in 1954, Alfred W. Lawson has gained renown as a notable American eccentric. This reputation is mainly due to his post-baseball career exploits as a commercial aviation pioneer, Depression-era populist social reformer, and writer of books detailing his all-encompassing folk philosophy of Lawsonomy.1 Major league record keeping has long confirmed his three-game cup of coffee in the tumultuous National League season of 1890, but further details of his 23 years in baseball have been slow to emerge. Until recently, the primary resource for his sporting career has been a handful of selective highlights mentioned by Lawson himself in autobiographical sections of his books. The advent of digitized historical newspaper collections has revealed rich new insights into Lawson's career as player, manager, league organizer, and promoter. These reports reveal a prototypical 19th century ballplayer, as well as an adept innovator of baseball economics, promotion, and marketing.Like the majority of 19th century professional baseball players, Lawson came from a lower-class background. His family had emigrated from the East End of London and settled in Detroit, Michigan. As a child he contributed to the family economy as a bootblack and newspaper boy; he also worked in his father's rag carpet home factory. Lawson attended elementary and trade school (participating in student athletics), but his wanderlust led him to leave home at age 17 to seek his fortune. By his own account, in 1887 he arrived via freight train at Frankfort, Indiana, and successfully pitched a game for their independent club against a heavily favored league club. He was rewarded with a $40-per-month contract. That same summer, he moved from the Frankfort club to a team in South Bend.2In the late 1880s, the Upper Midwest region where Alfred Lawson started playing baseball supported early incarnations of regional minor leagues: the Western League (with cities as far-flung as Denver and Milwaukee); the Interstate League (Iowa, Illinois, and Indiana); the Michigan League; the Ohio League; and the International League (western New York, Ontario, northern Ohio). The composition of these regional leagues fluctuated from year to year-if they survived more than one season. Larger cities sup- ported multiple semipro local leagues. Chicago, for example, had a City League and a handful of company-sponsored leagues, including the Garden City League, the Market Street League, and the Wholesale Grocers League. The sports pages from cities with local leagues would often announce open dates as opportunities for unscheduled games, or announce the hastily arranged games themselves.Lawson played for eight different teams over the next two years (1888-1889), moving between towns in Indiana, Illinois, and Wisconsin. The reasons for the jumps probably varied: better contract offers, league or club failures, or disagreements with management. The number of clubs he played for was probably not unusual for itinerant professional ballplayers. It is possible that injuries or poor performances might have caused him to be released from some teams, but the incomplete records that have been uncovered so far indicate that he was a pitcher whose talent was on the rise. His appearances for Sterling (Illinois) and Appleton (Wisconsin) in 1889 were phenomenal.3 It is likely that by the time Appleton's season ended at the end of September, Lawson had been advised to head south to play winter ball in Florida in order to hone his skills for the next season.One can not imagine a better year for a young ballplayer to hope to get his first major league contract than the year 1890. The revolt of the major league union, the Brotherhood of Professional Base Ball Players, led to the formation of the Players League that year, which depleted the National League of more than 55 percent of its players and took a similar percentage from the American Association. Consequently, the NL and the AA were scouring the nation for young talent in the early months of 1890. …

米国フィットネス産業関連法案の背景と内容分析

In the U.S. the Healthy People policy has been promoted as a core health-related policy. In order to assist Healthy People, some important reports were published from the second half of the 1990s to 2001, such as the Surgeon General Reports in 1996 and 2001, CDC Guidelines for School and Community Programs Promoting Lifelong Physical Activity in 2000, and a report to the President from the Secretary of Health and Human Services and the Secretary of Education, also in 2000. It is clearly described in these reports that not only public resources, but also those from private sectors, should be utilized to implement those policies. The purpose of this paper is to analyze and study the fitness industry activities in the U.S. including: 1) its political activities 2) its lobbing activity partners 3) recent bills supported by the industry. The following are the findings:1) There are two lobbyists working for the industry in Washington. There are four types of fund to assist the political/lobbing activities, such as IHRSA Fund, Independent Club Council (ICC), Industry Leadership Council (ILC) and Political Action Committee (PAC).2) There are three significant lobbing partners. They are the National Coalition for Promoting Physical Activity (NCPPA), Sporting Goods Manufacturers Association (SGMA) and National Federation of Independent Business (NFIB).3) There are three laws in the health-related area. They are the Eating Disorders Awareness, Prevention, and Education Act (HR873), Obesity Prevention Act (HR2227) and Improved Nutrition and Physical Activity (IMPACT) Act (HR716, S1172). In the health insurance area, there are two laws, which are the House Concurrent Resolution 34, Insurance company (HRC34) and Small Business Health Fairness Act (HR660). In the tax-related area, there are twoof them. They are the Workforce Health Improvement Provision (WHIP) (HR1818, S1491) and the Death Tax Repeal Permanency Act (HR8, S169). In aother category, there is one law called the ADA Notification Act (HR728).

Dr. Philip Jaisohn's Reform Movement, 1896-1898: A Critical Appraisal of the Independence Club (review)

Dr. Philip Jaisohn's Reform Movement, 1896-1898: A Critical Appraisal of the Independence Club (review)

Imperialism, Resistance, and Reform in Late Nineteenth-Century Korea: Enlightenment and the Independence Club (review)

Imperialism, Resistance, and Reform in Late Nineteenth-Century Korea: Enlightenment and the Independence Club (review)

Imperialism, Resistance, and Reform in Late Nineteenth-Century Korea: Enlightenment and the Independence Club. By Vipan Chandra. Berkeley: University of California, Institute of East Asian Studies, 1988. xii, 244 pp. $17.00.

Imperialism, Resistance, and Reform in Late Nineteenth-Century Korea: Enlightenment and the Independence Club. By Vipan Chandra. Berkeley: University of California, Institute of East Asian Studies, 1988. xii, 244 pp. $17.00.