Incorporation Of Minorities Research Articles

Sexuality securitized: how Russia’s invasion of Ukraine reconfigures (anti-)LGBTQ politics in Eastern Europe

ABSTRACT This article examines how the shifting security landscape following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine is reconfiguring (anti)-LGBTQ politics in Eastern Europe. Drawing on securitization theory, we unravel the changing construction of LGBTQ rights as a security issue in Ukraine and Georgia. We posit that securitization of sexuality occurs at the intersection of processes taking place at multiple scales: nation-building, in its imbrication with militarized conflicts, and EU-Russia geopolitical competition. We argue that Russia’s war has led to diverging paths regarding anti-genderism and political homophobia in each country. In Ukraine, we identify a move towards desecuritization, through the incorporation of (some) sexual minorities into the struggle against Russian invasion. In Georgia, the ruling elites’ attempts to retain power in a complex geopolitical landscape have crystallized the securitization of LGBTQ people as a threat from which society has to be protected. The article suggests that a major security crisis can result in differential and ambiguous outcomes for (anti-)LGBTQ politics, both across geopolitical locations and within a single national space. Overall, it advances our understanding of how anti-genderism and political homophobia connect with geopolitical dynamics in Eastern Europe and beyond.

National Cultural Frames and Muslims’ Economic Incorporation: A Comparison of France and Canada

This article shows that differences in the economic incorporation of Muslims and other immigrant minorities in France and in Canada are mainly related to immigrant selectivity, labor market structures, and welfare transfers. Differences in ethno-specific penalties due to national cultural frames — related to multiculturalism in Canada and secular republicanism in France — are small, affect only the second generation, and are related both to minority household patterns and to treatment in mainstream institutions. Using data on household incomes from two large-scale surveys (Trajectories and Origins in France 2008–2009 and the Canadian National Household Survey 2011) and taking account of cross-setting differences in Muslim and other minority origins, we model cross-generational economic trajectories reflecting the impact of immigrant selectivity, labor market structures, and welfare transfers. Within this framework, we examine four ways that cultural frames may affect minority economic disadvantage: the significance of religion relative to race, citizenship access, labor market discrimination, and minority household patterns, including employment of women in couples and intergenerational cohabitation. Across all minorities, we find a striking cross-national difference in intergenerational economic trajectories: flat in France and upward in Canada, plausibly reflecting institutional differences. Net of sociodemographic controls, both religion and race matter in each setting, and net Muslim disadvantage is similar in each. Citizenship differences have little impact. Labor market earnings discrimination appears similar. A small potential effect of cultural frames appears in second-generation Muslim households: in France, lower female employment rates reduce household incomes, while in English-speaking Canada, more frequent cohabitation with more affluent parents increases household incomes. Yet even these findings do not necessarily diminish the overriding significance of immigrant selectivity, labor market structure, and welfare transfers.

Whitewashing of Social Work History

Severe racial inequity has characterized the incorporation of ethnic minorities’ contributions to U.S. history and advancements (Sandoval et al., 2016). These disparities are inextricably connected to White Supremacist ideologies and practices, and are perpetuated in higher education through textbooks, pedagogy, and research. Social work, like many disciplines, teaches about its early roots with a whitewashed historical lens. Indeed, review of the social work literature reveals the scarcity of attributions to Black, Indigenous, and other People of Color (BIPOC). Without a more racially diverse perspective on social work’s history, social work scholars promote and sustain White Supremacy. The implications of this are crucial since social work education is predominantly populated by privileged White students who adopt this mentality, unaware of Black, Brown, Latino, Asian, Native or Other ethnic “Jane Addams” who have massively promoted the social welfare of communities for decades without historical recognition or the privileged positions of Addams and Richmond. Historical distortions also potentially discourage BIPOC social work students’ self-efficacy and future efforts to contribute and excel in the discipline. To properly address this issue, social work history must be refaced with a more equitable and just lens. This review seeks to address the gap in the literature pertaining to the need for a greater integration and infusion of racially diverse social work historical contributions in several ways. Recommendations will be made for future research in this area to dismantle racist perspectives in social work history, and strategies will be offered to help social work educators and researchers address this critical issue.

Preventive Cardio-Oncology: Cardiovascular Disease Prevention in Cancer Patients and Survivors

To review the most common forms of cardiovascular toxicities from anti-cancer drugs, with a focus on their prevention via cardioprotective pharmacologic or lifestyle therapy, risk factors management, screening, monitoring, and surveillance methods. There are almost 20 million cancer survivors in the USA, and their leading cause of death besides cancer recurrence or a secondary cancer is cardiovascular disease (CVD). CVD is prevalent in this population, with the most common forms being cardiomyopathy, ischemia, atrial fibrillation, and hypertension from cancer drugs or radiation therapy. The field of cardio-oncology is continuously evolving with multi-modality risk prediction strategies, moving towards precision surveillance and interventions that allow for safe continuation of life-saving chemotherapy. Preventative measures with implementation of novel drugs (including sodium-glucose cotransporter inhibitors) and modulated chemotherapy administration can aid in cardiotoxicity risk reduction. Recently, clonal hematopoiesis of indeterminate potential has been identified as a common risk factor for atherosclerotic cardiovascular disease present in > 10% of those age 70 or older. Also, risk stratification for atrial fibrillation appears pivotal. Multidisciplinary team management might have a central role in patient management and care. There is a central role for the optimization of cardiovascular disease risk for cancer patients and survivors in multidisciplinary teams, with descriptions of four forms of cardiovascular toxicities. In addition to pharmacologic cardioprotection, lifestyle modification is becoming more prominent as a preventive tool. Moreover, studies relevant to one type of toxicity should be scrutinized routinely to determine how those result may play out in the setting of other types of toxicities. All of these areas of investigation should ultimately be pursued in the setting of personalized medicine, and will likely benefit from the integration of artificial intelligence methods. Studies in genomics and transcriptomics have identified variations in the genome and gene expression profiles that associate with induction of or protection from cardiovascular toxicity and can affect cardioprotection efforts. Larger randomized clinical trials will be needed for all patients, with a focus on incorporation of ethnic minorities likely by intentional oversampling, to overcome decades of demographic homogeneity in the trials.

Muslims’ political and civic incorporation in France and Canada: testing models of participation

ABSTRACT This study examines the impact of national contexts on the political and civic incorporation of Muslim minorities by comparing France and Canada, with their sharply contrasting national integration ‘models’. Using large and comparable national surveys of immigrant minorities (French Trajectories and Origins Survey, 2008; Canadian Ethnic Diversity Survey, 2002), we analyse three interrelated dimensions of political and civic incorporation: acquiring citizenship, voting, and association membership. Our findings suggest a limited effect of national ‘models’ on these outcomes. While citizenship law produces lower naturalisation rates for all non-European-origin immigrants in France compared to Canada – with notably lower rates among French Muslims – Muslims and other non-European minorities are less likely to vote in Canada but not in France. Moreover, association membership positively influences citizenship in France but not in Canada. We conclude that the main effect of national ‘models’ on minorities’ political and civic incorporation occurs through differences in citizenship law itself.

Turkish Nationalism and the Incorporation of Migrants and Minorities into the Turkish State: a Study in the Civic and Ethnic Contours of Turkish Nationalism

This article uses the integration of immigrants and minorities into Turkey as a lever to investigate the boundaries of Turkish nationalism. Turkish nationalism is often treated as an ethnic nationalism, and that’s indeed how it was thought of by many of its Ottoman founders. However, the legal system is constructed in a largely civic way, such that ethnic heritage—in theory—does not matter for citizenship. Immigrants and domestic minorities provide a useful lens to look at who is included within the category of “Turk”. This article uses the integration of immigrants and minorities into Turkey as a lever to investigate the boundaries of Turkish nationalism. Turkish nationalism is often treated as an ethnic nationalism, and that’s indeed how it was thought of by many of its Ottoman founders. However, the legal system is constructed in a largely civic way, such that ethnic heritage—in theory—does not matter for citizenship. Immigrants and domestic minorities provide a useful lens to look at who is included within the category of “Turk”.

Incorporation of Immigrants and Second Generations into the French Labour Market: Changes between Generations and the Role of Human Capital and Origins

This article analyses the labour market incorporation of migrants and second-generation minorities in France. Using the 2013–2017 French Labour Surveys and the 2014 adhoc module, we focus on labour market outcomes—activity, employment, occupation and subjective overqualification—and measure the gaps between ethnic minorities and the majority group by origins, generation and by gender. In order to elucidate the mechanisms behind these gaps and explain ethnic disadvantages for immigrants, we take into account different factors, such as education, and factors linked to migration—duration of stay in France, language skills, foreign qualifications, nationality—with additional controls for family, socioeconomic and contextual characteristics. We also investigate the returns to higher education among second-generation minority members compared to the majority population. We show large differences by country of origins, generation and gender. Across generations, most minority members have made clear progress in terms of access to employment and skilled jobs, but ethnic penalties remain for the descendants of North-Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa and Turkey. In contrast, Asian second-generation men and women encounter slight advantages in attaining highly-skilled positions. Controlling for tertiary degrees even increases the gap with majority members mostly in access to highly-skills jobs.

Fertility and education among British Asian women: a success story of social mobility?

High fertility among immigrant groups is often analysed as an expression of specific cultural factors and/or lower social status. I hypothesise that differences in educational attainment explain the fertility differentials across immigrant groups and generations in the UK. Building on previous work, and using household survey data and the Own-Child reverse-survival method, the paper presents for the first time total fertility and age-specific fertility estimates by broad categories of educational attainment for immigrant and second-generation British Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Indian, and Chinese women. I use these estimates to analyse how education influences childbearing across British Asian ethnic groups, and compare the fertility patterns of these groups to those of the whole UK population. High levels of educational attainment contribute substantially to the low overall fertility levels of Indian and Chinese women. Higher education also contributes to the lower fertility levels of the second-generation British Pakistani and Bangladeshi women relative to those of the immigrant generation. Some differences between groups remain after decomposing by educational level, which suggests that there are additional influencing factors. The results are discussed in the context of social theories on the incorporation of immigrants and minorities.

The populism of the\xa0Alternative for Germany (AfD): an extended Essex School perspective

This paper seeks to draw on the tools of Ernesto Laclau’s theory of discourse, hegemony and populism as well as recent Essex School work on populism to examine the discourse of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and, in the process, come closer to a more systematic understanding of nature and limits of right-wing populism as well as the interplay and distinction between populist and non-populist discursive logics more generally. The paper situates itself in the context of existing Essex School work that has distinguished populism from institutionalism—and, more recently, from nationalism —in terms of either the length of the equivalential chain or the centrality of “the people” as nodal point in addition to the degree of antagonistic division between “people” and “power.” Building on this latter strand in the recent work of Yannis Stavrakakis and others, this paper proposes a formal distinction between populism and reductionism as internal to Laclau’s theory of populism. Reductionism, it is argued, tends to reduce “the people” onto a differential particularity that sets a priori limits on the equivalential chain as opposed to constructing it as a tendentially empty signifier attached to an open-ended chain—producing a tendential closure of the equivalential chain and thus undercutting the primacy of the logic of equivalence that is fundamental to Laclau’s understanding of populism and subsequent Essex School applications of it. It is argued that predominantly ethno-, cultural- or nativist-reductionist discourses may nonetheless deploy a populist logic of partial openings in the equivalential chain, especially through the selective equivalential incorporation of sexual or ethno-linguistic minorities against a common (often “Islamic”) constitutive outside. This is demonstrated empirically in a discourse analysis of the AfD and its development from a “competition populism” into an ethno-culturally reductionist conception of “the people” coexisting with partial openings in relation to the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community and Russian-Germans in the Berlin context in particular.

Surveillance and prayer \u2013 comparing Muslim prison chaplaincy in Germany\u2019s federal states

Moving beyond approaches that emphasise the influence of national ideologies and transnational frameworks on the governance of religious diversity in Western Europe, recent scholarship has underlined the importance of analysing the impact of concrete institutional settings such as hospitals, schools and prisons on the public incorporation of religious minorities. Building on this approach, the present article analyses the emergence of Muslim prison chaplaincies in three German federal states by focussing on how framing strategies of state- and religious actors accommodate the national state-church framework and prison-related norms. The article thus shows how national ideologies of diversity regulation and prison norms are mutually shaped in the process of the local governance of Islam. The comparative perspective of the article highlights subnational variations regarding actor constellations and strategies and thereby emphasises a multidimensional process of negotiating the national regime of diversity governance.

The Politics of Religious Heritage: Framing Claims to Religion as Culture in Spain

This article contributes to sociological theorizations of religion as heritage through analyzing the politics of religious heritage in Spain since its transition to democracy during the late 1970s. Our analysis is organized around three historical sequences of critical importance for understanding the political and legal significance of discourses that frame religion as cultural heritage in Spain: (1) negotiations that took place during Spain's democratic transition between 1977 and 1980; (2) discussions that surfaced in the context of the state's decision to recognize Islam, Protestantism, and Judaism in 1992; and (3) more recent debates regarding the incorporation of religious minorities in the context of increasing religious diversity, especially concerning places of worship. We show how framing “religion” using the language of cultural heritage has provided religious actors with a means of defending the connection between religion and national identity—and of protecting the privileges of majoritarian religious institutions without violating core tenets of secularism or pluralism. This scenario has created space for certain religious minorities to claim a place within Spain's evolving socioreligious landscape by invoking alternative heritages from Spain's multicultural past.

“You Talk Like a Book”: Constance Fenimore Woolson’s Civil War Poetry and the Regionalization of Speech

Constance Feminore Woolson’s poetic renderings of Civil War memory, most of them published in Appletons’ Journal from 1873 through 1877, examine the regionalization of speech as a factor bearing on national reconciliation—a concern that is largely absent from better-known commemorations by Melville, Whitman, Whittier, Lowell, and Piatt, and that remains underexplored in recent work in historical poetics. This essay finds Woolson participating in the cultural project of ballad reconstruction, employing vernacular modes and regional speech in the dramatic realism of her more successful dialogue-based poems. “Kentucky Belle,” popularized by actress Charlotte Cushman, marks the linguistic residue of antebellum sectionalism, which Woolson then formally subordinates to a national linguistic standard in the verse drama “Two Women” as well as “At the Smithy” and “Dolores.” While this standard offers an opportunity for the incorporation of oppressed minorities, it does not foster reconciliation between Northern and Southern whites. The terms of war memory favored regionalization. By contrast, Woolson’s genteel lyric commemorations in “Morris Island” and an unpublished poem on Gettysburg only mourn the war’s losses without the compensation of re-Union. Read as a collection, then, Woolson’s Civil War poems underscore the persistent visibility and audibility of Northern and Southern identities still shaped by war memory during the reconciliationist stage of the late nineteenth century.

Communauté et citoyenneté dans l’ère de la sécurité : le discours britannique sur les politiques publiques en lien avec la diversité et le contre-terrorisme depuis le 11 septembre

Since 2001, successive British governments have rolled back the multiculturalist policies of the previous decades, at least in theory, at the level of policy discourse. In the context of the 9/11 terror attacks, followed by the London bombings of 7 July 2005, and of the riots of the north of England of 2001, the discourse on the incorporation of migrants and minorities, both from the government and the media, has become securitised. Multiculturalism has been criticised for encouraging ethnic communities to foster illiberal values, leading to segregation, and for encouraging separatism or even violent extremism among some individuals. New policy discourses have emphasised common values, a reconstructed British national identity, and intercultural dialogue. Yet within this universalistic turn it is possible to discern the persistence of an understanding of migrant incorporation, which is still framed in terms of cultural or ethnic community. This can be observed in the concepts of “community cohesion” or “Britishness”, which more or less explicitly require migrants and minorities to accept dominant values, thereby implicitly ethnicising them. The same logic is at work in the assumptions underlying the PREVENT programme, which aims at preventing violent extremism in Muslim communities.

A SWOT Analysis of Multiculturalism in Canada, Europe, Mauritius, and South Korea

In this special issue on “Multiculturalism During Challenging Times,” we present six articles focused on multiculturalism as it is currently practiced or implemented in Canada, across Europe, in Mauritius, and in South Korea. We apply SWOT (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, threats) analysis to assess the strengths and weaknesses of its application and the opportunities and threats it presents for the countries studied here. Strengths: We find that multiculturalism fosters national identity, promotes cultural tolerance and modernization, and assists with the incorporation of cultural minorities. Weaknesses: At the same time, multiculturalism also creates “faultlines” along cultural and religious groups, could promote separate and parallel lives, and could pose a challenge to equality in liberal societies. Opportunities: Multiculturalism has the potential to be used as a tool for attracting talents, a source of competitive advantage for nations, and a discourse for politicians to score political gains. Threats: Multiculturalism also has the potential to be perceived as incompatible with Western, liberal values, a burden to the state welfare, and challenge existing national identities. We conclude with some suggestions for future research to extend our understanding of multiculturalism within the context of increasing globalization and greater international migration.

Migration, religion and post‐imperial formations

AbstractMost scholarship on international migration focuses on the incorporation of ethnic and religious minorities into societies in Europe and North America. Much of this work overlooks that a very substantial part of contemporary flows of migration happen within well‐trodden pathways of language, commercial ties and cultural imagination established by colonial empires and the networks of exchange and control they enabled. Adopting a notion of the post‐imperial formation as a crucial economic and cultural factor in contemporary migration flows affords one to understand a much broader set of migratory movements beyond the Euro‐American context. In this article, I explore two such examples – migration to Johannesburg and Durban in South Africa, and labour migration from the Indian subcontinent to the Gulf States – in the light of how movement of labour, commercial transactions and religious‐cultural difference were managed within the British imperial and post‐imperial formation.

MICHAEL B. KATZ. Why Don't American Cities Burn?

As a collection of thoughtful essays about the nature of the American modern city and especially the persistent pattern of concentrated poverty there, this book serves as a useful synthesis for recent policy debate. Going well beyond the topic suggested in his title, Michael B. Katz assesses, among other things, the nature of black inequality and the shift to market-based solutions to urban problems, as well as the reasons why cities have seldom since encountered the widespread civil disturbances that broke out across the United States in the 1960s. Cities no longer burn, but not because their problems have been solved. Rather, Katz argues, the selective incorporation of minorities into local power structures as part of what he calls the management of marginalization as well as draconian measures of social control have dampened collective dissent. Unlike France, which recently witnessed upheavals in suburban ghettos where immigrants without hope are concentrated, the United States has been largely successful in keeping the peace without materially altering place-based disparities in income.

Orthodoxy and nation-building: Nichifor Crainic and religious nationalism in 1920s Romania

This article uses the early career of Nichifor Crainic (1889–1972) to show why Orthodox Christianity became a central element of Romanian ultra-nationalism during the 1920s. Most Romanian nationalists were atheists prior to the First World War, but state-sponsored nation-building efforts catalyzed by territorial expansion and the incorporation of ethnic and religious minorities allowed individuals such as Crainic to introduce religious nationalism into the public sphere. Examining Crainic's work during the 1920s shows how his nationalism was shaped by mainstream political and ideological currents, including state institutions such as the Royal Foundations of Prince Carol and the Ministry of Cults and of Art. Despite championing “tradition,” Crainic was committed to changing Romanian society so long as that change followed autochthonous Romanian models. State sponsorship allowed Crainic to promote religious nationalism through his periodical Găndirea. Crainic's literary achievements earned him a chair in theology, from which he pioneered new ways of thinking about mysticism as an expression of Romanian culture and as crucial to understanding the Romanian nation.

Layers of Ethnicity

What impact, if any, do ethnic federalism and the geographic concentration of ethnic minorities have on the political incorporation of minorities in democracies with single-member district elections? Many studies on ethnic voting in the United States have examined the impact of majority-minority districts on the turnout of minority voters and the election of minority candidates. However, few studies have explored the effects of similar institutions in other countries. The authors address this issue by applying insights on ethnic voting from the American politics literature to Russia’s 1995 parliamentary election. They use multilevel regression models and census and electoral data that are disaggregated at the subdistrict ( raion) level to systematically assess whether ethnic federalism and majority-minority districts increase the vote share of minority candidates and encourage the turnout of minority voters. The findings suggest that district-level characteristics—specifically, majority-minority districts—are more important than ethnic federalism for promoting minority representation in Russia.

Between Ideology and Utopia: Honneth and Ricoeur on Symbolic Violence, Marginalization and Recognition

This article focuses on multiculturalism in the context of present-day societies and the need to incorporate minorities within a reframed social order. In his critical theory, Axel Honneth rightly draws attention to the idea of the moral grammar of struggles for recognition. Analyzing his theory in depth, the article shows that Honneth underestimates the violent power of ideological discourse in marginalizing and excluding society’s others, e.g. cultural minorities. It then puts forward an alternative approach based on Ricœur’s creative and original reflections on ideology and utopia. For the incorporation of cultural minorities to occur, the symbolic order of society needs to be critiqued, transformed and expanded. From this perspective, the author highlights the subversive and transformative strength of utopian counter-narratives. The latter form a vital resource for cultural minorities in their struggle for recognition.

An Urban Study of Vote Power on City Councils: The Political Incorporation of Minorities in Miami-Dade and Los Angeles Counties

This study analyzes voting power on city councils in Miami-Dade and Los Angeles counties. The theory extends our understanding of how minority voters are represented on local governing councils, through the analysis of political incorporation in two diverse metropolitan communities. In the greater Miami-Dade County area, the study sample covers thirty-five cities and the Dade County Commission, from municipal incorporation (for each city), where Miami-Dade County is an example of a community that has had an active municipal incorporation movement since 1991 which has resulted in the formation of new cities. For purposes of comparison, data for eighty-eight cities and the Board of Supervisors of Los Angeles County are also included in the analysis, beginning with the current (2000) redistricting. Even though most of the cities in both counties have at-large elections for city councils, the findings are presented by types of council elections and executive plans. Starting from the models of vote power, such as the Banzhaf and Shapley indices, the basic results generate the combinatorics in each of the one hundred and twenty four-local governments under study. This empirical analysis applies and extends existing measures of political incorporation, describing not only the value of council coalitions, but the actual coalition structures and changes to these coalition structures over both the long-run (in Miami-Dade County) and the short-run (in Los Angeles County). By defining local political regimes in terms of coalitions structures, this study provides a theoretical understanding of forming, maintaining, and changing coalitions in local politics. Furthermore, the results summarize the degree of (and trends in) political incorporation for racial and ethnic communities by municipality, by the value of the election districts, under mayor-council and council-manager forms of government. The study also finds greater Latino representation in Miami-Dade County and in the older, general law cities in Los Angeles County. Measures of the degree of political incorporation are shown to be uncorrelated with population per-constituency (or population seat values) or the control of the tax base (in the form of per-person tax revenues).