Imperial Princes Research Articles

The Administration of the Chinwangbu System during the Korean Empire and Imperial Prince Yŏng’s Productions of Calligraphy and Painting

This paper examines how the newly introduced Imperial Prince System (ch'inwangje 親王制) and the management of the Imperial Prince’s Bureau (ch'inwangbu 親王府) in the Korean Empire shaped the early education of calligraphy and painting and artistic activities of imperial prince Yŏng 英親王 (1897~1970). The ch'inwangje system during the Korean Empire was modeled after the Tang dynasty’s royal title system and governmental structures, illustrating Emperor Kojong’s strong interest in the education and cultivation of the prince’s qualities. Imperial prince Yŏng, who developed a notable interest in calligraphy and painting, appears to have received a systemized education from an early age with the guidance of several teachers. While the previous scholarship dealt mostly with Kim Kyu-jin 金圭鎭 (1868~1933) as a primary role in the prince’s education, this study sheds new light on the contributions of An T'aek-chung 安宅重 (1858~1929), who served as a teaching official at the Suhagwŏn Royal Academy and as a tutor to the Crown Prince. Imperial prince Yŏng’s extant work can be categorized into two distinct phases: those produced before the age of ten, which are mostly limited to calligraphy, and works from his later years that demonstrate modern education, as seen in Imperial prince Yŏng’s Childhood Calligraphy and Paintings 英親王幼年時書畵. Considering that Imperial prince Yŏng was trained in both traditional and modern styles of calligraphy and painting, An’s artistic endeavors during his time in the prince’s household offer valuable insights into the nature of court art during the Korean Empire era. Furthermore, they contribute to a broader understanding of the impact of modern art education in Korea across different social strata during this period.

A Brief Discussion on the Art Education of the Qing Imperial Family

Throughout the history of the Qing Dynasty, its rulers showed great enthusiasm for literary and artistic pursuits, leading to the emergence of numerous imperial family members with talent in painting and calligraphy. This phenomenon holds significant importance for dynasties governed by ethnic minorities, making it a subject worthy of study. In this paper, the author explores the educational institution for imperial princesthe "Shangshufang" (the Imperial Study) to understand the curriculum they studied. Furthermore, the focus shifts to the art education, as not all imperial princes were required to study painting and calligraphy. However, mastering these art forms not only nurtured their characters but also brought them closer to literati, enabling their integration into the social circle of the Han Chinese. This, in turn, facilitated better communication and cultural blending between the Manchu and Han ethnicities.

In the service of the clergy and the world: St. Benno in the history of Saxony

Until recently, historiography has lacked major comparative studies on the phenomen of Holy in Central Europe. Meanwhile, there were very vast regions in which there were no local saints until the end of the Middle Ages. One of these historical regions was Upper Saxony. What was the way of formation of the sacral cult here? What political or socio-cultural factors played a decisive role in the emergence of the cult of saints? And what were the functions of the saints in a changing society? The problems are studied on the example of St. Benno, Bishop of Meißen, who was canonized in 1523. He became the last saint of the medieval Latin Church and the first saint for the Wettin dynasty. The article shows the instrumentalization of his memory at various stages. From the 13th century he acted in the service of the bishops of Meißen, who aspired to become imperial princes. From the 15th century the princely dynasty of the Wettins (Albertine House) was busy about the canonization of Benno in order to strengthen their own authority in the Holy Roman Empire. The decisive contribution in this direction was made by Duke George the Bearded. Two events marked the efforts of the Saxon prince in the public space: the translation into German of the Life of St. Benno, made by Hieronymus Emser in 1517 and the transfer of Benno’s relics in the cathedral of Meißen in 1524. During the Reformation, the cult of St. Benno was called upon to oppose Protestantism. Paradoxically, however, he was able to play his role as a link between the dynasty and subjects only in Bavaria from the end of the 16th century.

Historical and archaeological data for integrated environmental historical analyses on the moat profile of the türbe complex of Sultan Suleiman I at Szigetvár - Turbék Wineyard Hill site (Hungary)

Sultan Suleiman I the Magnificent (1526–1566) died during the siege of Szigetvár in 1566 (between 1 and 2 a.m. on 7th September 1566) in his imperial tent 4.5 kilometers from the castle, on the vineyard hill of Szigetvár – Turbék, Hungary. Later, around 1575 a makam türbe (memorial mausoleum) with a mosque and a dervish lodge was built on the place of his death; the complex was protected by a palisade and surrounded by a deep moat. The layout of the complex was drawn by Count Pál Esterházy (1635–1713) (later palatine and imperial prince) in 1664, during the Winter Campaign. Part of the memorial site and the adjoining small town (Turkish name: Türbe kasabası) burnt down in 1688, most of the buildings were removed by 1691, and by 1693 only the remains of the mausoleum’s wall were left standing, which were soon pulled down. Later the area was used for agricultural purposes, with fields, orchards, gardens, and vineyards. The türbe and other associated buildings were covered with a layer of rubble from the demolition and soil. The significant site was identified in 2014 and was excavated by remote sensing, geophysical, geological, and archaeological investigations between 2015 and 2019.

Princely Funerals in Europe 1400–1700: Commemoration, Diplomacy and Political Propaganda edited by Monique Chatenet, Murielle Gaude-Ferragu, and Gérard Sabatier

<i>Princely Funerals in Europe 1400–1700: Commemoration, Diplomacy and Political Propaganda</i> edited by Monique Chatenet, Murielle Gaude-Ferragu, and Gérard Sabatier

Die Reichstagsteilnahme des livländischen Deutschordenszweiges und seine Beziehungen mit dem deutschen Zweig (ca. 1520‒1560)

The participation of the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order at the Imperial Diets and its relations with the German branch (from the 1520s to the 1550s) This article discusses the relations of Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order with the German branch from the secularization of Prussia (1525) to the beginning of the Livonian War (1558), and concentrates on the topics that were connected with the participation of the Order at the Imperial Diet of the Holy Roman Empire. Before the aforementioned period, the branches had very few direct connections, and relations of the Livonian branch with the Empire were usually mediated by the Grand Master of the Order. After 1525, the German Master largely took over the role of a mediator, as he became the acting head of the Order and had close relations with the central Imperial institutions. The latter became increasingly important for the Livonian Master, who became an Imperial prince most probably on the 24th of December 1526. This enabled him to participate in the Imperial Diets. At the Diets, the branches represented their interests usually separately. This was partially caused by the fact that these diverged quite strongly: while the German branch aspired for the recuperation of Prussia, tried to protect the Order’s possessions from increasing intrusions of German princes, and paid the Turkish taxes to obtain support from the Emperor; the Livonian branch wanted to obtain support against the Russian threat and rivals inside Livonia, while also trying to avoid paying Imperial taxes. Additionally, the Duke of Prussia was the neighbour of Livonia with whom the Livonian branch usually tried to maintain normal relations. Nevertheless, the branches communicated quite actively during the Diets and supported each other, at least in a rhetorical capacity. Additionally, Livonian envoys normally went firstly to the German Master for consultations and headed to the Diets only thereafter. Thus, the communication was quite vivid, but did not leave many marks to the official documentation, as especially the Livonian branch preferred to represent itself as a separate and independent member of the Empire in front of the Imperial Estates.

Insignia Summorum Principum. Using symbols of power in pursuit of higher rank and status by German prince-electors and Polish-Lithuanian princes

In 1680 an anonymous Polonus Borussus composed a treatise suggesting the equal status between the German imperial princes and the Polish-Lithuanian princely families in terms of their symbolism. Using it as a starting point, the article investigates the way in which these elites expressed their real power and political ambitions in a similar manner. By comparing the Electors of Brandenburg and the houses of Radziwiłł, Wis´niowiecki and Sanguszko it shows that, first, Polonus Borussus did not exaggerate too much when he hinted at the ‘symbolic’ equality of the German electors and the Polish-Lithuanian princes; and second, that these elites differed from each other in two aspects: the primary audiences of their symbolic practices (peers in the case of the German princes as opposed to the middling nobility, the antagonist of the Polish-Lithuanian princes) as well as the potential to exploit symbols (the ‘symbolic audacity’ of the Polish-Lithuanian princes contrasting with the ‘confirmative’ use of the German princes).

The Significance and Dynamics of the Marriages of Imperial Princes in the Political Plans of the Hongwu Emperor

AbstractThe Hongwu emperor’s marriage arrangements between members of the noblity and his own children, particularly the imperial princes, are widely recognized as efforts to centralize imperial power. On the other hand, a rivalry for power has been assumed between the nobles and imperial princes. Some scholars even suggested that the ruler intended to first affiliate with the nobles and then to eliminate them. This essay first explains that the significance of these marriages lay in the reproduction and sustainability of the system of princedoms, which Hongwu held in high regard. Then through an extensive analysis of the development of the system of princedoms and the marriages involved, a comparison between the marriages of the princes and princesses, and a study of the fates of purged in-laws, this essay demonstrates that Hongwu’s marriage arrangements for the princes were crucial to his institutional and political designs for the empire.

Shrines, Imperial Prince Temples (Monzeki) and Priests belonging to Shrine

Shrines, Imperial Prince Temples (<i>Monzeki</i>) and Priests belonging to Shrine

Ritual Practices of the World of the Aisin-Daicing Gurun

만주족의 전통 풍습인 포견은 아이신 구룬이 발전하면서 매우 격식있는 국가 의례로 발전해갔다. 특히 장수의 개선, 몽고 부락의 수장들의 접견, 투항한 한인 장수를 맞이할 때 포견례가 시행되었으며 아이신 구룬의 신분질서를 상징하는 의식으로 적극적으로 활용되었다. 본고는 홍타이지 시기에 시행된 고두와 포견이 국가의 공적 의례에서 적극적으로 활용되고 나아가 아이신 구룬의 팽창에 맞추어 점점 진화하고 발전해가는 과정을 분석한다. 첫째, 명이나 몽고로 출정하고 개선하는 만주의 버일러들을 전송하고 영접하는 의식은 고두와 포견이 홍타이지와 그의 형제·조카 사이의 친밀한 관계를 드러내고 동시에 汗 과 버일러의 위계질서를 과시하는 데 활용되었음을 보여준다. 둘째, 몽고 부락의 수장들과 한인 관료를 맞이하는 의식은 포견례가 몽고 수장의 신분이나 한인 관료의 지위에 따라 汗 의 신체에 접근할 수 있는 범위를 차등적으로 설정함으로써 아이신 구룬의 위계 질서를 가시적으로 드러내었음을 보여준다. 셋째, 정월 초하루에 열리는 원단 의식과 황실의 책봉 의례는 황제의 권위와 상대방의 신분을 드러낼 수 있도록 고두의 횟수가 차등적으로 정해졌음을 보여준다. 끝으로 삼전도 의식에 대한 만문자료는 고두를 포함한 당시의 투항례가 조선에게만 강요된 특수한 의식이 아니라 아이신 구룬과 다이칭 구룬에서 만주·몽고·한인 사이에서 오랫동안 시행된 공적 의례의 한 형태였음을 보여준다. 삼전도의 의식은 조선이 몽고 부락이나 변경의 한인 등 다른 여러 주변 세력과 마찬가지로 폭력적인 과정을 통해 청제국의 질서로 편입되었음을 상징하는 의례였다.By analyzing the practice of kowtow ( genuflections and prostrations ) and the physical embracement that the Aisin Gurun applied to various state rituals, this paper addresses the ways in which these ritual performances evolved during the course of the development of the Manchu state . When Manchu princes left Shenyang in order to attack the Ming or Mongols , and when they made a triumphant return from battlefields , Hong Taiji allowed his generals to perform kowtow and embrace him physically . This unique Manchu practice was performed with an intention of expressing the intimate personal relationship between Hong Taiji and his brothers and cousins , as well as the clear hierarchy between the khan and the imperial princes . This physical performance was also done at meetings between Mongol princes and Han Chinese generals , the two most important alliances for the Aisin Gurun . The body part of the khan that these guests were allowed to approach and embrace was strictly regulated according to the rank and status of each Mongol prince and Han Chinese general . For example , while high - class Mongol princes were permitted to embrace the khan ’ s shoulder , lower - class figures were only allowed to hold his knees or legs . Such division in the way in which people were permitted to approach the khan ’ s body made a visual representation of the visitor ’ s status in the Aisin Gurun ’ s world. As the Aisin Gurun further expanded throughout the 1630 s , the ritual practices and processes performed on New Year ’ s Day and other various events for celebration became more elaborate and complicated . Details of the rituals , such as the number of kowtow that guests should perform and the location of where they stood and performed kowtow , all became specified according to the participants ’ status and the nature of the events . Ceremonies of bestowing imperial titles and ranks , which took place after the establishment of the Daicing Gurun in 1636, show that many details of state rituals were revised in order to promote the status of the emperor and the imperial family . Finally , this paper analyzes the ceremony of the Chos&#335;n surrender to the Qing army that was held at Samj&#335;ndo in February 1637, an event that was described in detail in Manchu documents . This paper argues that the kowtow of the Chos&#335;n king and princes at Samj&#335;ndo was not an exceptional case that was only forced upon the Chos&#335;n ; instead , it was part of the state ritual that the Manchus , Mongols and Han Chinese performed for many years in front of the khan - emperor as an official announcement of their incorporation into the world of the Aisin - Daicing Gurun .

Luther und die Freiheit. Religionsfreiheit und religiöse Toleranz im Zeitalter der Reformation

The essay deals with important and so-far relatively often discussed question of what Martin Luther meant by the term of freedom. This was indeed highlighted in his treatise On the freedom of a Christian, which belonged to his masterpieces, but careful reading leads to conclusion that the term was at this text associated rather with theology and spiritual life while the reformer strictly rejected its social and political potentialities. This was fully expressed during the German Peasants' War when its initiators conjectured some of Luther's theses in socio-political context and requested a total change of society. Martin Luther however condemned their views in several texts and supported the formation of land churches and rule of some imperial princes which was incidentally beneficial to him and all the reformation movement. In the confessionally divided Holy Roman Empire remained the highest freedom in its broad terms the possibility to move together with personal property.

Konflikte zwischen lutherischen und katholischen Reichsfürsten in der Berichterstattung für die böhmischen Adeligen (1542-1545)

The study analyzes three unique news sources which informed Bohemian noblemen about the complex confessional and political situation in the Holy Roman Empire between years 1542-1546. The first of these is represented by a hand-written pamphlet from 1542 or 1543 whose author strived to render the situation to significant imperial princes, dukes and bishops with help of biblical quotations. The writer took the side of Lutherans to whom he predicted success, whereas the leaders of Catholic fractions were threatened and sneered upon. The second important source is represented by a comprehensive hand-written newspaper describing an attempt of Henry II, duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbuttel to reconquer his lost domain. The reporter, who took part in fights on the side of Murice of Saxony, depicted all affairs from the first clashes until the capture of Henry II, duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbuttel and dissolution of his defeated army after the battle of Bockelom on 21st October 1545. The third source is a satirical pamphlet sharply attacking Henry II, duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbuttel. Although this text had been written probably before the capture of the Duke in 1545, it was obviously delivered to Bohemia as an attachement to the above mentioned hand-written newspaper.

Ritual and noble costume in The Tale of Genji

『겐지 이야기』를 비롯한 헤이안 平安 시대의 문학 작품에는 의식주 중에서 의복에 관한 기술이 비교적 세밀하게 묘사되어 있다. 의복은 각종 의례에서 신분을 나타내기도 하고, 남녀의 화려한 복장은 개개인의 개성과 품위, 미의식을 표현하고 있다. 본고에서는 『겐지 이야기』에 나타난 남성 귀족들의 의례와 일상생활에서 어떠한 옷을 입고 활동을 했는가를 살펴보았다. 하카마기는 남녀 3-5세 무렵에 어린아이가 처음으로 하카마를 입는 의식이다. 기리쓰보 천황이 겐지의 하카마기를 성대하게 치른 것은 총애를 상징하고, 아카시노히메기미의 하카마기를 품위있게 치른 것은 겐지의 권세를 천명한 것이다. 남자의 성인식은 ‘원복(元服)’ 또는 ‘관 かうぶり’이라 했는데, 이는 성인으로서 자립하는 의례였다. 천황가의 성인식은 어떤 정도로 성대히 치렀느냐에 따라 황자의 위상을 나타내고, 귀족 가문의 아들이 성인식을 하는 것은 관직을 받아 자립하는 계기가 되었다. 『律令』에 의하면 신분에 따라 조복(朝服)을 자세히 규정하고 있다. 헤이안 시대가 되면 조복은 국풍문화의 영향으로 ‘속대(束&#24111;)’라는 이름으로 불리게 된다. 관직에 따라 겉옷인 포의(袍衣)의 색이 엄격하게 정해져 있는데, 이를 금색(禁色)이라 했다. 이와 같이 『겐지 이야기』에 나타난 남성 의복은 인생의례와 밀접한 관계가 있고, 제일 위에 입는 옷의 색에 따라 각각 신분을 나타냈다. 특히 하카마기와 성인식의 의례에서 제일 중요한 것은 복장이었고, 어떤 색의 포의를 입느냐에 따라 그 인간관계가 형성되는 것을 확인할 수 있었다.Amongst the three basic necessities, namely, food, shelter, and clothing, the description of clothes is relatively detailed in the literary works of the Heian era, including the The Tale of Genji. This article examines the rituals of noblemen in The Tale of Genji and what clothes they wear in their daily life. Hakamagi is a ceremony in which a child wears a hakama for the first time, around the age of three to five. Emperor Kiritsubo celebrates Genji s Hakamagi on a grand scale, which is an indication of his favoritism towards Genji. The coming-of-age-ceremony for men which is a ritual for self - reliance as an adult is called Original Costume or Kauburi . For the Imperial family, it represents the prestige of the imperial prince; the grander the rite is, the higher his status is and for a noble family it generates the required momentum for the son to become a government official. The color of one s jacket is strictly decided by one’s social status, and is called the forbidden color . The clothing for men appeared in the The Tale of Genji is closely related to the rituals of life, and represents the social status of the wearer. The most important costumes are those for Hakamagi and for the coming-of-age-ceremony, and interpersonal relationships are formed by the colors of the clothing.

Leibniz on the Division of Sovereignty

G. W. Leibniz is usually not regarded as a political philosopher. However, despite this prevailing opinion, Leibniz’ impact on political theory is valuable. The paper discusses Leibniz in the context of the history of the concepts of “sovereignty” and “federation”, and demonstrates that Leibniz presents an original interpretation of these concepts. Even though Leibniz’ attention to the problem of sovereignty is conditioned by the practical interests of his patron, the Duke of Brunswick-Luneburg, and Leibniz’ own intentions to participate in international negotiations, Leibniz’ theoretical solution is no less original. Leibniz, in his attempt to defend the independence of imperial princes, creates an alternative to Jean Bodin’s theory of absolute sovereignty, and argues that sovereignty is compatible with divisibility. In demonstrating the possible coexistence of several centers of power, Leibniz makes the notion of sovereignty relative, which, however, does not force him into rejecting the notion entirely. The article discusses the historical context framing the appearance of the Leibniz’ doctrine, the reasons why Leibniz is critical of Bodin’s theory, and the innovations introduced by his approach. Based on Leibniz’ texts Codex Juris Gentium (1693) and Caesarinus Furstenerius (De Suprematu Principium Germaniae) (1677), the paper analyzes the development of his theory, and shows how power is divided between the Emperor (majestas) and the princes (suprematus). The paper raises the questions of how Leibniz’ interests are similar to those of contemporary political theorists in trying to reevaluate the notion of sovereignty, of which model of federation Leibniz prefers, and of how his political ideas are connected with his metaphysical system.

The Ming Prince and Daoism: Institutional Patronage of an Elite by Richard G. Wang (review)

Reviewed by: The Ming Prince and Daoism: Institutional Patronage of an Elite by Richard G. Wang Lucille Chia The Ming Prince and Daoism: Institutional Patronage of an Elite by Richard G. Wang. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2012. Pp. xxx + 301. $74.00. Richard G. Wang’s monograph on the engagement of Ming princely houses in a wide variety of Daoist activities is an impressively detailed study resulting from over a decade of research. The book brings together two subjects that remain understudied in Ming historiography: Daoism and, to a lesser extent, the principalities.1 As Wang points out, scholarship on imperial elite involvement in local religious activities in the Ming period continues to lag behind that for the Song and Qing dynasties, and Timothy Brook’s work on late Ming elite patronage of Buddhism2 has not been matched by a corresponding examination of the imperial princes’ religious activities. This neglect arises partly from a long-standing prejudice among scholars against the Ming princes, whom historian Fu Yiling described as “occupied with nothing because their food was from the estate rents and clothes were from the tax revenue. What they could do was to get addicted to Buddhism and involved in Daoist alchemy” (quoted by Wang, p. 64). How, then, can we demonstrate the historical importance of the imperial clansmen in both the national and local histories of the Ming? [End Page 101] For the entire Ming period, Wang identified 288 princes at the imperial or the lower commandery level, along with 291 princely members lower in the hierarchy, who were “involved in Daoist affairs.” These approximately 600 individuals made up less than 1 percent of the total number of imperial clansmen for the entire dynasty.3 And certainly, other imperial clansmen whom we do not know about were also engaged in Daoism, as were imperial clanswomen, for whom information remains extremely scarce. Why did these imperial clansmen patronize Daoism? Did they make use of religious activities to secure positions of still greater influence in the local societies where their fiefs were situated? Or did they use their patronage of Daoism to forge empirewide connections, especially to the imperial court? Answering these questions even for one individual shows how complex these issues are. Wang launches his prologue with a discussion of the deep commitment to Daoist cultivation by Zhu Quan 朱權 (1378–1448), a son of Ming Taizu and the founder of the Ning 寧 principality, which was originally located on the northern border in modern Inner Mongolia and later relocated to Nanchang in Jiangxi. By his late teens, Zhu Quan had compiled an encyclopedia that included a chapter on Daoism, in which he wrote fifty-three out of the sixty-five new entries. Of the over seventy works he wrote or compiled, at least twenty-five were Daoist in theme, as were three of his zaju plays. In addition to patronizing Daoist temples and clerics in his own fief and at nationally prominent Daoist sites, he became a master of the Jingming 淨明 school of Zhengyi Daoism. Finally, a number of his descendants, including several Imperial Princes of the Ning, ardently patronized and practiced Daoism. Although Zhu Quan’s devotion to Daoism was especially strong, his motives were shared by many other imperial clansmen: personal interest; the Ming state’s privileging of Daoist practitioners for state rituals (beginning with Taizu); the preferential worship of Daoist deities such as Zhenwu 真武 by soldiers such as those under the command of the earliest princes; the refuge Daoism offered later princes deprived of political and military power by the court; a way to assert their presence in local society in the areas around their fiefs; and a conduit for channeling religious and literary energies. [End Page 102] Chapter 1 provides a useful summary of facts about the principalities. Here, Wang points out that the great military power that Taizu entrusted to the earliest princes had become greatly reduced by the late part of the Yongle reign (1403–1421). Under the fanjin 藩禁 regulations, which “barred holding military commands, participation in politics, holding government office, and engaging in the professions of scholar, peasant, artisan, or merchant,” the later princes and their relatives became increasingly restricted...

Zu den Handlungsspielräumen “kleiner“ Fürsten. Ein neues Forschungsdesign am Beispiel der Herzöge von Pommern-Stolp (1372–1459)

Summary The “Scopes of Action” of “Small” Princes. A New Research Design Tested on the Dukes of Pommern-Stolp (1372–1459) Lately within medieval studies there has been an increased focus on “small” princes. These “small” princes represented the more extensive part of the so-called rank of Imperial princes, the other part of which was represented by important and very well researched dynasties such as the Habsburgs, Luxembourgers, the House of Wittelsbach, or the House of Hohenzollern. In these investigations scholars like to point out that the majority of “small” princes had been, in the best cases, of medium power, mostly of minimum power, and seemingly had almost no “scopes of action” within the imperial structure. This mostly unverified paradigm is now the subject of an innovative approach within political history, which understands politics as spaces of action and communication, in which processes of negotiation and decisions take place. Using such an approach this article will examine the little-know...

PRINCES IN THE POLITY: THE ANHUA PRINCE’S UPRISING OF 1510

Focusing on a brief but comparatively well-documented uprising in 1510 in the important frontier city of Ningxia, this essay explores the composition of the Anhua Prince’s inner circle, the place of his court in local society, particularly its intimate connections to the local officer corps, and finally how imperial princes figured in the wider discourse of the Ming polity. This essay begins with a few words on the Qing House, to which the Anhua Prince belonged, moves to the prince’s imperial pretensions and the uprising itself, and then examines the lengthy deliberations over defining the crimes and punishing the conspirators. It concludes with some observations about the revolt’s relevance for understanding provincial courts during the Ming.

Japan im Pazifischen Krieg: Herrschaftssystem, politische Willensbildung und Friedenssuche (review)

Reviewed by: Japan im Pazifischen Krieg: Herrschaftssystem, politische Willensbildung und Friedenssuche Peter Pantzer Japan im Pazifischen Krieg: Herrschaftssystem, politische Willensbildung und Friedenssuche. By Gerhard Krebs. Munich: Iudicium, 2010. 936 pages. Hardcover €98.00. Upon finishing this formidable tome of almost one thousand pages, my sense was that readers could only find it, as I did, emotionally stirring. The book—whose title translates into English as Japan in the Pacific War: The System of Government, the Political Decision-making Process, and the Quest for Peace—tells the story of the rise and fall, and the fortunes and misfortunes, of an influential Japanese elite—events constituting the most dramatic years in modern Japanese history. By choosing the ideals of civilization and enlightenment, Japan joined the West to become a responsible member of the international community, its diplomats an asset to the nation. The country then took a path that would lead to dire consequences. How did all this come about? Why, during the 1930s, did Japan turn so militaristic? Aggressive toward its neighbors and ruthlessly exploiting the interests of other powers, Japan justified its crimes with a litany of excuses about their necessity for security and prosperity while suffocating its population under the guise of patriotism. Gerhard Krebs focuses on the Pacific War and on the opportunities Japan missed to maintain a peaceful status quo. The book begins at a time when the clear leadership that circumstances called for was not forthcoming and foreign relations had become conspicuously messy. The government, under the control of the army and navy, who—as the constitution unfortunately allowed—overturned the cabinet ad libitum, was caught up in the wrong kind of choices. Britain and the United States could no longer accept Japan's expansionism to the south and into the Asian continent, especially not its undeclared war in China. The situation [End Page 193] was worsened by Japan's growing alignment with the totalitarian regime in Nazi Germany. It was obvious the country was playing with fire. Joined by the Netherlands, including the Dutch Indies, Britain and the United States imposed an embargo on imports, which hit Japan hard as it badly needed energy and natural resources. The sanctions were not intended as mere economic measures but were an unambiguous strategy to force Japan to abandon her belligerent actions. But by August 1941, when China had been at war for four years and Europe was fearful that its own war would widen, Japan's radical militarists were already bent on taking Japan even further along its hostile path. The book aims to analyze the decision-making processes and to offer a close-up view of the councils, boards, and governmental bodies that in one way or another served the public interest. In doing so, it draws attention to new sources that have only become available in recent years. They include material hitherto unknown, often because people were hesitant to go public with diaries and records—whether because they were unaware of their historical value or reluctant to reveal themselves in a bad light, or out of consideration for their colleagues and their families. The first chapter discusses the constitutional background and lays out the main players. Many democratic institutions still in existence are easily recognizable, though of course they were under pressure from the military at the time. The emperor was surrounded by a considerable body of court officials, among them the minister of the Imperial Household (kunaidaijin), the lord keeper of the privy seal (naidaijin), the lord high chamberlain (jijūchō), and the aide-de-camp to the emperor (jijūbukanchō), the highest attendant to report on military affairs. From 1933, it was customary for former prime ministers to be selected as jūshin, serving as informal advisers to the emperor and replacing the select group of elder statesmen who had performed that function as genrō, a designation established in the early days of the Meiji government. Also near to the emperor were the Privy Council (sūmitsuin), and last but not least the Imperial Princes, who did not always agree with the emperor but were in a favorable position to tell him the truth when circumstances required. The princes were respected and were...

"Aderir", "jurar" e "aclamar": O Império no Maranhão (1823-1826)

Resumo O texto tem como objetivo apresentar nuances da gradativa incorporação simbólica da província do Maranhão ao novo corpo político que se delineava a partir do Rio de Janeiro, novo centro de autoridade, formalmente reconhecido a partir de julho de 1823. Como recurso, priorizei as discretas manifestações de reconhecimento da autoridade do Imperador, entre os anos de 1823 e 1825, os juramentos à Constituição de 1824 e, por fim, os festejos que marcaram a aclamação do Imperador e o aniversário de um ano do príncipe imperial, entre outubro e dezembro de 1826.

Disorder in the Ranks: A Political Analysis of Tang Court Assemblies

AbstractThis article describes the range of contexts in which Tang dynasty officials formally paraded, usually but not always, before the emperor and within the palace precincts. Although these parades were soon politically disempowered, they register the often highly disruptive changes in the power structure of the central administration of the seventh and eighth centuries. The positions of imperial princes and the involvement of high court women in assemblies were both controversial in the first half of the dynasty. From the middle of the eighth century, the good order of the assemblies was further threatened by the intrusion of court eunuchs and by a fundamental shift in the structure of power. The original, statutory hierarchy of posts was subverted by a system of concurrent tenures and of increasingly powerful and independent provincial commissioners. The protocols for court assemblies only slowly recognized that these men had a place in court parades.