THE FRONTIERS OF ETHIOPIA have been restored, or are being restored, to their old Imperial limits, and ethnic minorities in Eritrea and the Ogaden which were seeking to break away are either cowed or on the defensive, at any rate for the present. The difficulties that Ethiopia has been enduring in the Horn have received fairly full news coverage, because the fighting zones have been accessible to reporters and the interests of the Great Powers and their satellites have been involved. Memories of European perfidy to Ethiopia in the 1930s perhaps still tugs a little at the consciences of the elderly, while the young question why it is that, whereas the technology of the rich nations could only be tardily organized to alleviate the famine which toppled Haile Selassie, it can quickly be organized to airlift tanks to Jigjiga and to distribute machine guns to penniless peasants. But the efflorescence of feelings of common nationhood and of aspirations for self-determination among the cluster of peoples who speak Oromo has not been much commented upon. Yet the problem of the Oromo people has been a major and central one in the Ethiopian Empire ever since it was created by Minilik in the last two decades of the nineteenth century. If the Oromo people only obtain a portion of the freedoms which they seek then the balance of political power in Ethiopia will be completely altered. If the Oromo act with unity they must necessarily constitute a powerful force. What is left of the Ethiopian regular army and the militia depends amongst other things on Oromo officers and other ranks. If an honest and free election was held (an unlikely event) and the people voted by ethnic blocs, as experience of elections elsewhere in Africa suggests that they well might do, then around half the votes would be cast by Oromo for Oromo and only about one-third for Amhara.
Read full abstract