Ideological Struggle Research Articles

The initial period of the sino-japanese war 1937-1939

The article provides political assessments of the attitude of German military specialists to the processes of the initial period of the Sino-Japanese War. The authors are based on previously little-known documents from the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense of Russia, some of these documents are put into circulation for the first time. The article reflects the struggle of ideologies on the territory of China during its military clash with Japan. The authors, based on German documents, show the harsh anti-communist nature of Japanese policy in the occupied Chinese territories, and also address the problem of Japanese chauvinism in the late 1930s. The complexity of relations between the Japanese military and representatives of the political and economic elites of China at the initial stage of the Sino-Japanese War led to the support of the Chinese bourgeoisie for the Kuomintang regime, which weakened the position of Chinese collaborators. The article shows the failure of the strategy of the Japanese occupation authorities aimed at splitting the Chinese society. The article reflects the role of Alexander von Falkenhausen at the initial stage of the Sino-Japanese War. The authors highlight the issues of strategic miscalculations of the Japanese high command and shortcomings in the strategy of Chiang Kai-shek.

ОРГАНИЗАЦИЯ ТЮРКСКИХ ГОСУДАРСТВ (ОТГ): ПРОИСХОЖДЕНИЕ, МОТИВЫ, ОСОБЕННОСТИ И ВЛИЯНИЕ

Based on the analysis of official documents of Turkic Council, Organization of Turkic States and the relevant media reports, the article examines the origin, motives, features and influence of Organization of Turkic States. The analysis shows that the internal structure of the Organization is highly systematized. Currently, OTS sets great development plans, although its five member-countries and two observer-countries have different aspirations. OTS has striking geopolitical features in terms of level of representation in Turkic-speaking populations. The author concludes that the prospects of OTS are limited by several conditions. First, the lack of internal motivation. Secondly, the absence of a continuous geographical space, which hinders the process of Turkic integration. Thirdly, the diversity of the geopolitical and geo-economic interests of its members and observer countries weakens the effectiveness of their collective actions. Fourthly, the efforts of the newly independent states to create a titular nation somewhat contradict the goals of Turkic integration. Moreover, OTS’s desire for integration in a wider space is a distant goal lacking strong leadership. However, OTS influences Central Asia, the ideological struggles of the respective countries, the initiative of the "Belt and Road" and the game of Major powers. In particular, the OTS is a serious challenge for Russia in its national security and foreign interests.

Newspaper Controversy about the Institution of the Governorates General in the Western Russian Periphery

Several significant events simultaneously took place in 1888: the celebration of the 900th anniversary of the baptism of Rus’, the disaster in Borki and subsequent transformations in the railway business, the beginning of discussions about the project of land captains (head of zemstvo), the accession to the throne of Wilhelm II. In the history of Russian social thought, or rather, in the history of the conservative “camp”, this first years after the death of M. N. Katkov and I. S. Aksakov became a year of decisive crisis. The so-called “Russian conservatism” had never been a single entity. Ever since the 1860s, two different types of conservatism opposed each other aristocratic and national. One of the most important subjects of constant discussions between these camps was the Polish question, which encompassed not only national, but also social problems. It remained relevant in the late 1880s, when the nationalist camp was represented by the epigones of M. N. Katkov and by A. S. Suvorin. V. P. Meshcherskii and K. N. Leontiev stood out among the class conservatives. Both ideological and literary trends were inspired by influential dignitaries: on the one hand, by K. P. Pobedonostsev, on the other, by T. I. Filippov. The most striking episode of this ideological struggle was the controversy around the Kiev celebrations dedicated to the 900th anniversary of the baptism of Rus’. The unexpected death at these celebrations of the Kiev Governor-General A. R. Drentel’n exacerbated the debate about the need to maintain the governor-general in the North-Western and South-Western regions. This institution at the time was regarded as emergency, and the controversy about it became at the same time a controversy about the extent to which the Polish question was resolved in these regions. In the ensuing discussion, the nationalist publications “Novoye Vremya” and “Kievlianin” supported the preservation of the governorates. The cohort of opponents of the governorates included the conservative “Grazhdanin”, the liberal “Novosti”, and the Polish newspaper “Kraj”, which was published in St. Petersburg. A peculiar position was taken by the liberal “Kievskoe slovo”.

Corporate and Personal Relations among the Literary Intelligentsia in the 1920s

The article examines the important issue of corporate and personal relations among the literary intelligentsia in the 1920s, which influenced significantly the development of not only the literary and artistic process but the course of the ideologization of cultural life in Soviet Ukraine as well. By examining the formation and confrontation of literary groups, the author investigates the consequences of the struggle in the intelligentsia’s environment. Besides, highlighting interpersonal relations, the author shows its influence on the results of the writers’ activity in the conditions of Ukrainization and pressure from the totalitarian state. The turbulent literary process in the 1920s was largely defined by the presence of various movements and groups in the USSR (Ukrainian Socialistic Soviet Republic) among literary figures. They waged a fierce, often destructive ideological struggle. The Bolshevik regime was able to give this struggle the character of an ideological confrontation and, consequently, to transfer it to the political area. Thus, in the conditions of totalitarian communist discourse the Soviet authorities got the opportunity to use this circumstance as a ground for political and physical destruction. At the same time, it was very difficult for the Bolshevik authorities to control horizontal corporate, and especially personal, ties. That is why the process of constant surveillance of literary and artistic figures was launched. The examples of H. Kosynka, M. Khvylovyi, and other writers show that this process was aimed not only at total control, but also at influencing the environment of cultural figures. This influence had an impact on the formation of an atmosphere of general fear and widespread distrust in the society of the cultural and artistic elite. And, as a consequence, the severance of horizontal ties, atomization and institutional weakening of the literary and artistic intelligentsia. It is determined that the Ukrainian literary and artistic intelligentsia in the paradigm of its own vision of the goals and objectives of Ukrainization, which were different from those of the governing Party, actually became a counter-elite for the Bolshevik party. This was the fundamental reason for the confrontation between the regime and the writers of the 1920s. Having used corporate and personal confrontation among writers, the Communist Party soon began to destroy intellectuals in Soviet Ukraine.

ВЗГЛЯДЫ М. Н. КАТКОВА НА ЛИБЕРАЛИЗМ КОНЦА 70-Х – НАЧАЛА 80-Х ГОДОВ XIX ВЕКА

The purpose of the article is to analyze the contribution of Mikhail Nikiforovich Katkov to the development of ideas of liberalism in the Russian Empire of the late 70s - early 80s of the 19th century. The historical context and the ideological genesis of Katkov's views on liberalism in this period are revealed. The editor in chief of the «Moskovskie Vedomosti» in his leading articles at the turn of the 1870s – 1880s pays great attention to the criticism of liberalism in Russia. M.N. Katkov adhered to the point of view that the actions and ideas of Russian liberals led the state to disastrous consequences. As a result the authors come to the conclusion about the relevance of appealing to the position of M.N. Katkov in order to form an idea of the ideological struggle in the Russian Empire, which prepared the ground for the policy of «counter-reform».

Civilizational approach to human rights: on the 75th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

Documents and materials related to the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and related international documents 75 years ago show the close relationship between the processes taking place in the world and the state of human rights. Over the past decades, human rights have remained among the most acute problems of law and politics, and not only theoretical discussions were conducted around them, but a real ideological struggle unfolded. Disputes and contradictory assessments of the significance of the Universal Declaration and its impact on the further development of legal systems continue to this day. Tools and solutions that allow taking into account national interests while observing International human rights standards are being actively discussed. For example, with the help of a civilizational approach, an attempt is being made to solve the problem of fulfilling International human rights obligations while preserving the fundamental cultural, historical and religious differences of individual civilizations and regions. At the Institute of State and Law of the Russian Academy of Sciences, this approach was developed by a Corresponding Member of the RAS E.A. Lukasheva.

Ақселеу Сейдімбек көсемсөзіндегі ұлттық идея

The article analyzes the features of writing the theme of the national idea in the journalism of A. Seydimbek. Since our country gained independence, the mass media and the work of individual publicists have played an important role in shaping public opinion. Publicists protect the interests of people through the media; contribute to the creation of their own information space on the world of political arena. Modern mass media are a powerful tool for influencing human consciousness and the political system of society. Akseleu Seydimbek is a unique person, relying on his publicism on the topic of the national idea, going ahead in presenting this topic to the attention of readers. The reason for addressing the topic of the national idea in the journalism of A. Slanuly is that the author is distinguished by the fact that he writes extensively on issues of ideological and political literacy during the formation of the national idea. From the journalistic activity of the author it can be seen that during the period of various reforms taking place in society, in the era of globalization, he sought to introduce his advanced thoughts and conclusions about the national idea into society as much as possible. Akseleu Seydimbek was a person who fully realized the need to revive the ideological struggle against the theories of Eurocentrism, Orientalism, cosmopolitanism, racism, nationalism and tribalism in modern society. This article analyzed A. Seydimbek’s articles on the national idea published in the media, Revealed the history and significance of the national idea, weighing the role of the media in this context, the author’s national consciousness, lifestyle, religion, language of the Kazakh people. Also analyzed the meaning of advanced ideas about culture and study how these materials have influenced the mind of the reader.

Reflection of the Developments of “Sexenio Democratico” (1868—1874) on the Example of the Catalan Caricature

The Sexenio Democrático (1868—1874) is one of the most eventful periods in the history of Spain in the 19th century. It was a time of ideological conflicts, civil wars, the First Spanish Republic and etc. All these events were actively discussed in the pages of the Spanish press, which thrived after the Glorious Revolution of 1868. Satirical press became an important means of communication, through which information about political, economic, and social changes was conveyed in a humorous and ironic form. Republicans, leading the ideological struggle, utilized expressive imagery in their activities. This article analyzes the visual language of the magazine La Flaca and its heteronyms: La Carcajada, La Madeja Politica, El Lio and La Madeja which had a significant influence on the Republican political culture. Specific topics such as the depiction of right and left-wing political figures, candidates for the Spanish throne, the church, Carlists, and cantonal uprisings the main opponents of the Republicans are examined in this study.

Идеология. Экзистенциализм. Феноменология

The article deals with the reception of phenomenology and existentialism in Soviet philosophy in the 1940–60-s. Compared to the reception of the early 20th century, acquaintance with the ideas of the main representatives of German phenomenology takes place in a much less favorable environment: it is heavily burdened by the requirements of the ideological struggle. Additionaly, phenomenology is being understood through the ideas of existentialism, a completely different type of philosophy. Mistakenly considering existentialism as a natural consequence of Husserl's phenomenology, Soviet researchers for a long time reinforce suspicions of the irrationality of phenomenology itself as well. Typical for the 40-50s the model of perception of phenomenology as Husserlianism prevails in the Soviet Union for several more decades, laying formidable obstacles to the study of the phenomenological movement. The ambiguity of the thematic area of what phenomenology should refer to led to ambiguity also in determining the nature of the philosophical program denoted by this name, as well as those specific researchers who contributed to its development. The article offers a new perspective on this story.

Отношение сибирских студентов к контенту зарубежных радиостанций в конце советского периода в русле политической культуры

The modern development of the world political process demonstrates an already halfforgotten state of acute and uncompromising ideological confrontation. The current ideological discourse is neither a continuation nor a repetition of the ideological confrontation of the 20th century. Today, at the epicenter of the struggle are civilizational paradigms that give rise to mental wars. Based on the fact that current events are the result of yesterday's processes, the study of the forms and methods of the ideological struggle between the USSR and the collective West can be useful in solving today's problems. The article is a modern interpretation of the results of a large-scale sociological study of the mentality of Irkutsk students, carried out in 1985 by the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences as part of the project “Young Intelligentsia of Russia”. In Irkutsk, the survey covered 1145 respondents, the general population consisted of students from seven universities, and the data collection method was a questionnaire survey at the place of study. From the totality of the data obtained, the article considers one aspect – the attitude of students to foreign radio stations in comparison with domestic media, i.e. pre-communication installation. Of course, the Internet and social networks are a fundamentally different channel for the formation of opinions than radio broadcasting, but the perception of information by a person, especially young people, is similar. Channels of communication in the process of development of civilization are constantly being improved, but the principles of perception of information by the human body have remained unchanged.

Rise of India and Its future Global Vision

It is not that world which had controlled by dictators; it is the world of democracy that means the will of the people. It is not the 20th century where too permeated by ideological struggles [e.g., communism vs. capitalism]. It is the world of innovative ideas to explore beyond borders and traditions. It is the first half of the 21st century where market economy overarching drivers of the world nations and where soft power played a diplomatic role across the world. Many regional nations have been influencing world politics because of their geo-political importance and emerging economic power. Such as China and India shaping the world structure differently on the international scenario. All the nations stand like a pawn on their international chessboard. Every country changing their economic and diplomatic policies step by step to survive on this power game politics. as an emerging power and global ambitions, India does not have the chance to follow its traditional policies such as non-alignment and so. This is the alarming time for India to shift its policy from non-alignment to multi-alignment by putting its advantages such as diaspora, culture and regional technology forward to play a dominant role on the world stage. India was recognized as the hub of the vaccine manufacturing of the world where it had not even mask to wear after the coronavirus outbreak over the world. This is the best sign of how India is raising by overcoming its hurdles economically, politically and diplomatically. The economic experts said that India and China will overtake the global economy in the world. India rising from regional power to global power by changing its economic and diplomatic methods. This paper will discuss, why India changing its economic and international policy and why India attained more economic and environmental security over the world stage and how these values could be useful to attain India's global power objectives. Secondly, how India could depend on its policy of multi alignment in the two blocked worlds and how it depends on China's response against India’s rise and its crucial security concerns.

STUDYING THE 1938 MUNICH TREATY IN MODERN RUSSIA: OBSERVATIONS BY A HISTORIOGRAPHER

The Munich Treaty of 1938 has been of great interest to both Russian and foreign scholarship since its conclusion and up to the present time. The interest of researchers to this scientific problem can be explained by the fact that it has not only historical, but also great political importance. The circumstances of the treaty and its place in world politics on the eve of World War II are the object of fierce ideological struggle. For more than 80 years of study of the Munich Treaty a vast amount of historical literature has been accumulated, which is periodically analyzed in the historiographical literature. The article is devoted to the analysis of the historiographical literature, devoted to the analysis of the study of the Munich treaty of 1938 in the Russian historical science. Modern historiographers distinguish two periods in the study of the problem: The Soviet and post-Soviet periods. The analysis of the historiographical literature shows that while the authors' opinions largely coincide in assessing the Soviet period, there are significant differences in the assessment of the contribution of historians to the study of the Munich Treaty in the years of «perestroika», as well as in the post-Soviet period. This applies not only to the assessment of individual works of Russian scholars, but also to the directions in the development of post-Soviet science and stages in its development. Since the historiographic tradition in the study of the Munich Treaty has not ceased until now, the article analyzes the peculiarities of the literature, which was published on the occasion of the 80th anniversary of the Munich Treaty.

Спектакль Паўлінка (1944–2021) Льва Літвінава як прастора барацьбы за памяць

The article explores the almost indescribable history of the famous performance Pavlinka staged in 1944 by Lev Litvinav that still is performed at the National Kupala Theatre in Minsk. Despite the ethnographic and comedy character of the performance, during the protests 2020, it became a space for the ideological struggle between the actors who left the theatre (joined the protests) and those who supported the regime. Briefly presenting the main points of this ideological campaign between two troupes of the National Kupala Theatre, the article describes the history of the play Pavlinka and as well as the biography of its director Lev Litvinav, which the author could reconstruct using archival documents, including from Litvinav’s family archive.

Issue of Czechoslovak radio in struggle against Hungarian and German propaganda

Radio as a tool of political propaganda had introduced a new dimension in ideological struggle between Czechoslovak Republic (CSR) and neighbouring countries. Since its establishment, CSR became a target of hostile propaganda spreading namely by Hungary. Technological progress during the second decade of 20th century enabled the radio to become increasingly popular influencing growing segment of population. Caustic relations between both countries had resulted from reluctance of Hungary to accept the Treaty of Trianon. Hungarian authorities determined to reverse inclusion of Slovakia to Czechoslovak Republic, focused foreign policy and state propaganda upon goal to achieve revision, which would result in establishment of status quo ante. This aim was supported by a significant number of Hungarians living in the Southern Slovakia. Therefore, political and cultural activities of ethnic Hungarians were judged by Czechoslovak authorities with suspicion and in cases when they were classified as irredentist, state security agencies suppressed them. On interstate level both countries waged ideological war, accusing each other of hostile acts. In this state of affairs radio gained an increasing importance. Constant improvement of quality and decreasing price made radio a valuable tool of political propaganda. Unlike other forms of propaganda (newspapers, leaflets, books, public speeches, etc.), radio broadcast was impossible to stop from penetrating state boundary. Significance of radio propaganda between Czechoslovakia and Hungary was increased by geographical closeness of both countries which facilitated spreading of radio signal. In addition, radio broadcast was not limited strictly to political issues. Popularity among population was reinforced by its ability to provide a broad scale of various programs such as music, sport, religion and others, which had been influencing ideological outlook listeners. Submitted paper analyzes various aspects of role of radio in Hungarian cross-border propaganda and endeavours of Czechoslovak security authorities to minimize its impact. The paper is mainly composed of documents deposited in Slovak and Czech archives complemented by Czechoslovak contemporary press.

Power in Deaf Pedagogy and Curriculum Design: Multimodality in the Digital Environments of Deaf Education (DE2)

Deaf people are a heterogeneous global minority singularly linked by technology. I posit that deaf people wield the cutting-edge of innovation by developing or repurposing digital technologies in deaf education as a means to leverage the affordances of visuospatial sign languages and multimodal communication. Throughout, I investigate a nexus of historical, cultural, social, political, and ideological struggle where deaf people use their own power and self-determination to counteract harmful forces like oppression and exclusion. To do this, I synthesize the digital environments of deaf education (DE2) and articulate a theory of deaf educational power centered on the interdependence of digital knowledge modes and the deaf users driving their development. I situate modes as a fundamental unit of analysis. Multimodality is related to power and ethics in education and assists in critically analyzing DE2. Multimodal theory illustrates how pow- er is used in DE2 and shows ecological relationships between pedagogical ethics and knowledge co-construction by deaf students and educators. In sum; deaf people use multimodal technologies to construct deaf-centric educational power. Three major findings are categorized: (1) the purposes for which DE2 are designed, (2) the practices constitutive of DE2, and (3) disciplines represented in DE2 research. Two exemplars from category 3 are shown and analyzed. Both interrelate Deaf Culture, sign language, and digital education technologies. One is situated in a deaf student protest about language and communication access. The second is rooted in the multilingual characteristics of an international consortium related to deaf science epistemologies. Overall, I elucidate a social history of technology in deaf education to show that DE2 is a globalized phenomenon transcending geopolitical boundaries.

Iran-Saudi Arabia Rivalry and the Yemen Crisis

Iran’s confrontation with the USA and its allies within the framework of its revolutionary Islamic identity has led many Arab countries, especially Saudi Arabia, to be vigilant. After the 1979 Iranian Revolution, the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia deteriorated fundamentally, and the ideological and geopolitical struggle between the two countries deepened. This situation not only affected the two countries, but also drew many countries in the region to the firing line. While regional instability has increased in the Middle East, sectarian rivalry and ideological struggle have also escalated. The Arab Spring process, on the other hand, made the Hobbesian anarchic structure among the Middle Eastern states even more evident. In this respect, after the Arab Spring, an axis of tension has emerged between Iran and Saudi Arabia, covering countries such as Yemen, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and Bahrain. The hottest point of this tension axis has been Yemen. As a matter of fact, the progress of the Zaydi Houthis, known as Shiite, in Yemen was supported by Iran, but was found unacceptable by Saudi Arabia and its allies. Ultimately, Saudi Arabia and its allies started a struggle against the Houthis, which they saw as part of Shiite expansionism. On the other hand, with the aggressive policy of Saudi Arabia towards them, the Houthis have further developed their relations with Iran for pragmatic and ideological reasons. In essence, the Houthis, which emerged as a result of Yemen’s local and social problems, gradually became another denominator in the equation of the Iran-Saudi Arabia rivalry.

‘Did my grandfather storm the beaches of Normandy for this shit?’ Mnemonic wars and digital games

In the last 40 years, digital games have become an important negotiating space for experiencing historical worlds, and games with historical content enjoy an exceptionally high level of popularity. However, the way history is portrayed in these games has been the subject of heated controversy. These conflicts arise primarily around the question of what constitutes ‘authentic’ and thus ‘correct’ representations of the past and intensify when current ideological debates intersect with particularly emotionally charged collective memories. This article shows how collective memory can be contested when it becomes the object of ideological struggle.

The Responsibility to Rebuild, Transitional Justice, and Afghanistan: A Debacle as a Consequence of the Denial of Ownership

Abstract After intervention and occupation lasting for two decades, the US and their allies left Afghanistan hastily and precipitately. Afghanistan is again ruled by the Taliban who do not seem to be able to provide minimum guarantees of stability and basic human rights protection. These events put into question pivotal international law concepts, such as the Responsibility to Protect or the requirement to provide for transitional justice, brought forward as a justification for intervention and occupation in the first place. This article aims to evidence that these concepts, independently from the terminology chosen, are expression of overarching aims of the State community. Interventions directed at these goals are associated with broader responsibilities both by the interveners as by the State community as a whole. In view of limited intervention and administration capacity, it is crucial to return ownership to the affected populations as soon as possible. Protracted intervention and foreign rule undermines self-determination and the capacity to find a self-reliant way to justice. More attention has also to be devoted to the long-term effects of measures of intervention and the reciprocal interaction between rebuilding activities in the larger sense. It is submitted that attempts to re-engineer a societal fabric as a fighting tool in an ideological struggle creates enhanced responsibility as it undermines self-determination and ownership. A glaring example is the purposeful radicalization of students in Afghan refugee camps.

Kedudukan Badan Pengawas Pemilu Berdasarkan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945

In the history of the implementation of elections in Indonesia, the term election supervision actually only emerged in the 1980. In the implementation of the elections which were first held in Indonesia in 1955, the term election supervision was not yet known. In that era,trust was built among all participants and citizens regarding the implementation of elections which were intended to form a parliamentary institution which is currently it is called as constituent.Although the ideological conflict at that time was quite strong, it can be said that thre was very minimal fraud in the implementation of the stages,even if there was friction outside the area of the election,the friction that emerged was a the logical consequence of the ideological struggle at that time until now the belief that Bawaslu must be able to work synergistically with all elements of the nation
 Kata kunci: Election supervisory body and democratic system

Historical Books: 1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees

Historical Books1 Chronicles–2 Maccabees Christopher T. Begg, Brian J. Meldrum, and William J. Urbrock 2214. [Commentaries on 1 and 2 Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther] James C. Pakala, "A Librarian's Comments on Commentaries 46: 1 & 2 Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther," Presb 47 (1, 2021) 170-76. P. has been writing his librarian's comments concerning commentaries on the books of the Bible (OT and NT) for many years. The above contribution is a follow-up to his survey of English-language resources on the five biblical books of his title that appeared in Presbyterion 24 (1998) and 25 (1999). In it, P. calls attention to the abundance of new commentaries on the books in question that have appeared in the intervening decades. His survey includes commentaries of a primarily scholarly character as well as those whose principal aim is to assist ministers looking to preach on the five books.—C.T.B. **2215. [The Priestly Tent of Meeting in Chronicles] Jaeyoung Jeon, "The Priestly Tent of Meeting in Chronicles: Pro-Priestly or Anti-Priestly?" JHebS 18 (2018) 1-15 [see Editor's Notes, p. 981]. This paper examines how the Chronicler treats the Pentateuchal tradition of the Priestly Tent of Meeting. The Chronicler consistently mentions the Tent of Meeting, but its cultic significance is reduced and placed in an inferior relation to the Davidic cultic system in Jerusalem. Such ambivalent treatment of the Tent of Meeting in Chronicles can be understood in the socio-historical context of the Persian period, especially in terms of the Levites' ideological struggle against the dominant Zadokite priestly group. [Adapted from published abstract—B.J.M.] **2216. [The Altar in Chronicles] Itamar Kislev, "The Role of the Altar in the Book of Chronicles," JHebS 20 (2020) 1-16 [see Editor's Notes, p. 981]. The Book of Chronicles, in several passages that relate the establishment of the temple, features an emphasis on—and an elevation of the status of—the altar and the sacrifices offered on it. By contrast, this elevation of the altar's status in the parallel accounts of Samuel and Kings is lacking. My article examines this phenomenon and suggests that [End Page 821] the shift is part of the Chronicler's attempt to cope with a fundamental theological problem regarding the Second Temple. [Adapted from published abstract—B.J.M.] 2217. [The Reception of Ritual Laws in the Second Temple Period; Ezra-Nehemiah and Chronicles] Julia Rhyder, "The Reception of Ritual Laws in the Early Second Temple Period: Evidence from Ezra-Nehemiah and Chronicles," Text and Ritual in the Pentateuch, 255-79 [see #2504]. R. addresses the relationship between text and ritual in the early Second Temple period through a close reading of selected texts from Nehemiah and Chronicles. She begins by noting that the notion that the writing down of ritual texts fosters ritual standardization has become axiomatic in ritual studies, and the existence of narratives recounting the celebration of festivals mandated in the Pentateuch provides us with a fine opportunity to verify this notion. While these descriptions do not reflect actual historical events, they inform us nonetheless about "the diverse ways in which … scribes imagined that the law might be ideally applied." Basing her analysis on three key texts (Nehemiah 8; 2 Chronicles 30; 2 Chronicles 35), R. argues that in each of these accounts the description of the given festival claims to adhere to the instructions for its celebration found in earlier laws, while in fact they simultaneously present many examples of adaptation, innovation, and revision with regard to those laws. Thus, the story of Nehemiah 8 presents a "new conception" of how the feast of Sukkot (Booths) "was to be applied to the urban context of Jerusalem specifically," whereby the feast is connected more closely to the household than is the case with the corresponding law of Leviticus 23. 2 Chronicles 30, which recounts Hezekiah's Passover, presents substantial deviations from the pentateuchal model for this festival—such as the celebration of the feast in the second month instead of the first, or the eating of the sacrificial meat by unclean members of the community...