Ideology Scale Research Articles

Positions and Salience in European Union Politics: A New Dataset

This research note introduces a new dataset, called ‘Pep-Us,’ containing positional and salience estimates of parties and governments in the European Union. The point estimates, which all come with measures of uncertainty, pertain to nine important EU policy domains as well as a European Integration and an ideological scale. The dataset is based on statistics from hand-coded European party manifestos provided by the ‘Euromanifestos’ project (Wust and Volkens, 2003), and corrects for stochastic error using simulation (Benoit, Mikhaylov and Laver, 2009). The manifestos are scaled using a novel scaling technique for count data that employs principles from psychophysics (Lowe et al., 2010). For most European domestic parties and major European Parliament groups, the estimates range from 1979 to 2004, while for member state governments time-series between 1998 and 2007 are available. The dataset and replication material will be made freely available from a special website by November 2010.

The effect of religiosity on political ideology via value types and personality traits: A comparison between Turkey and USA

In this study, the relationships between religiosity, values, personality and political ideology were investigated across two different cultures: Turkish and American. Participants completed Portrait Values Questionnaire, Big Five Inventory, Religiosity Scale and Political Ideology Scale together with some demographics. Based on the findings, it was concluded that, religiosity influences political ideology indirectly (also directly) via their influence on value structure in both individualist and collectivist cultures, then this value structure inarguably creates a propensity toward endorsing certain political ideologies. The findings were discussed in the light of relevant literature and possible impacts on psychological functioning of individuals.

Party Election Programmes, Signalling Policies and Salience of Specific Policy Domains: The German Parties from 1990 to 2005

Parliaments and governments function as problem-solving institutions for specific policy domains. Due to the division of labour in governments, parties are interested in the stated policy priorities and the domain-specific positions of their possible coalition partners. This article investigates the coalition-relevant content of German election manifestos. Our goal is to identify policy domain-specific party positions and saliencies; we are less interested in the positions of parties on broadly defined ideological scales. Therefore, we present a new method of coding election manifestos. We partition manifestos into text corpora belonging to different policy domains by hand coding the titles the parties themselves have chosen for these sections. Section length is used as our measure of domain salience. We then estimate policy positions for these domains with the computerised content analysis algorithm WORDFISH. In this manner we estimate positions and saliencies of the German federal parties from 1990–2005. To validate our method, we compare our results with those of Slapin and Proksch and with results based on the CMP data.

Masculinity in Post-Soviet Ukraine

This study represents a collaboration between Western and Ukrainian researchers interested in generating a structural model of masculinity in Ukrainian culture. Using the Multicultural Masculinity Ideology Scale (Doss & Hopkins, 1998) and exploratory factor analysis, we explored the factor structure of a sample of Ukrainian men (N = 187). Data was obtained from four public universities in two large cities in Ukraine. Principle components analysis with oblique rotation revealed four components: Sexuality/Prosperity, Stoic Protector, Competitive Perseverance, and Reserved Sexuality. Sexuality/Prosperity and Reserved Sexuality resembled components found in Russia, with the former demonstrating the most favorable psychometric properties. Stoic Protector and Competitive Perseverance appeared to be unique, though with weaker evidence of validity and reliability. Implications, limitations, and suggestions for future research are discussed.

Recrutamento político no PT e no PFL paranaenses nas eleições de 2006: sugestões de pesquisa

O objetivo deste artigo é, num primeiro momento, analisar os estatutos de dois partidos situados em pólos opostos do espectro ideológico, quais sejam, o PT e o PFL (atual Democratas). Com relação a este ponto, nosso objetivo é avaliar o grau de inclusividade que cada um dos referidos partidos prevê no processo de formação de suas listas de candidatos. Num segundo momento, pretendemos analisar os perfis dos candidatos à Assembléia Legislativa e à Câmara dos Deputados dos dois partidos e, por fim, ver em que medida tais perfis se relacionam às regras formais de recrutamento previstas nos estatutos partidários. A hipótese é que o processo formal exerce influência de alguma forma no recrutamento de candidatos e que a oposição ideológica sirva como um aparato explicativo das diferenças entre o recrutamento nos dois partidos.

Association between political ideology and health in Europe

Studies have largely examined the association between political ideology and health at the aggregate/ecological level. Using individual-level data from 29 European countries, we investigated whether self-reports of political ideology and health are associated. In adjusted models, we found an inverse association between political ideology and self-rated poor health; for a unit increase in the political ideology scale (towards right) the odds ratio (OR) for reporting poor health decreased (OR 0.95, 95% confidence interval 0.94-0.96). Although political ideology per se is unlikely to have a causal link to health, it could be a marker for health-promoting latent attitudes, values and beliefs.

Estimating Ideology of Brazilian Legislative Parties, 1990–2005: A Research Communication

We present a new data set on the left-right placement of major Brazilian political parties serving in the first five legislatures under democracy. On the basis of survey responses of more than 850 federal legislators from 1990 to 2005, we generate party placements on an ideological scale where 1 = "left" and 10 = "right." The data are rescaled to account for idiosyncrasies in responses as well as variation in use of the survey scale across time. We discuss both the validity and the reliability of our new measures by comparing them to other data sets. We further discuss three substantive issues that the data reveal. First, ideological polarization has moderated over time. Second, the median legislator has shifted noticeably to the left and now stands equidistant from the influential PT and PSDB, the parties that have anchored recent presidential elections. Third, Brazilian political elites continue to shun self-identifications associated with political conservatism or neoliberalism.

Disciplina e coalizões partidárias na Assembléia Legislativa de Santa Catarina (1999-2006)

Este artigo analisa a disciplina partidária e as coalizões no plenário da Assembléia Legislativa de Santa Catarina, no período entre 1999 e 2006. Mostra que as taxas de disciplina, embora variem entre os principais partidos, são relativamente elevadas em seu conjunto, levando a uma significativa previsibilidade dos resultados das votações. Quanto às coalizões, a dimensão governo/oposição revelou ser mais significativa na formação de coalizões em plenário do que o posicionamento dos partidos na escala ideológica (esquerda/direita).

“Making a Perfect Man”: Traditional Masculine Ideology and Perfectionism among Adolescent Boys

We examine adolescent males' subscription to traditional masculine norms, and its effect on acquisition of perfectionist tendencies. These constructs were measured by the Frost Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (1990) and the Traditional Masculine Ideology Scale (TMI). The masculinity and perfectionism constructs are also considered in the light of boys' relationships with their fathers. Questionnaires were administered to 141 Grades 10, 11, and 12 boys at a public single-sex high school. Analysis revealed positive and significant correlations between TMI and Total Perfectionism, as well as with TMI and the ‘Concern over Mistakes’, ‘Parental Expectations’ and ‘Personal Standards’ subscales. These findings are discussed in terms of the construction of male identity in modernity.

Sex Role Ideology, Relationship Context, and Response to Sexual Coercion in College Females

This study examined the impacts of traditional sex role orientation and relationship context upon women’s responses to sexual coercion in a sample of 114 female undergraduates in the northwestern USA. We examined differences in the amount of time participants allowed a simulated sexually coercive situation to continue, comparing groups based upon the extent to which participants endorsed traditional feminine sex roles on the Sex Role Ideology Scale, as well as the context of the relationship in which such behaviors occurred, which was manipulated as an independent variable. Results indicated that individuals in the long-term relationship condition took significantly longer to terminate the vignette than did their peers. However, no significant effect of traditionality upon response latency was observed.

Empirical Investigations of the MMPI-2 Gender-Masculine and Gender-Feminine Scales

Empirical Investigations of the MMPI-2 Gender-Masculine and Gender-Feminine Scales

The Femininity Ideology Scale: Factor Structure, Reliability, Convergent and Discriminant Validity, and Social Contextual Variation

This study reports on the psychometric properties of the Femininity Ideology Scale (FIS) from the responses of 407 undergraduate participants in the USA. Factor analysis supported the five factor structure. Cronbach alpha coefficients of the factors and total scale were adequate. Support for discriminant validity was found after examining the relationship between the FIS and the Bem Sex Role Inventory, which measures feminine traits. Support for convergent validity was found after examining, first, with the entire sample, the relationships between the FIS and the Male Role Norm Inventory, and second, with the female sample, the relationships between the FIS and the Feminist Identity Development Scale. We also found that FIS scores vary in relationship to the social contextual variables of race/ethnicity and sex.

Correctional Officer Control Ideology: Implications for Understanding a System

The present study examined the attitudes and beliefs of 189 correctional officers at four Maryland State prisons representing various security levels regarding the control of inmates (i.e., control ideology) using the Correctional Control Ideology Scale (CCIS). Correctional officers reported moderate levels of custodialism. In the bivariate analysis, African American and female officers reported lower CCIS scores. In the multivariate analysis, being African American and working the evening shift were predictors of CCIS. These findings indicate that a more thorough understanding of race, shift, gender, and to some degree, education, are important in conceptualizing workforce motivation within the prison environment. The sampling procedure consisted of a convenience sample; thus data are not representative of all officers employed (excluding officers absent at shift because of vacation, illness, days off, court appearances) at the four sampled facilities. Finally, a more comprehensive investigation of correctional staff and officers may contribute to greater understanding of the systemic dynamics of inmate confining organizations.

Looking Good, Sounding Good: Femininity Ideology and Adolescent Girls' Mental Health

This study used a feminist psychodynamic developmental framework to test the hypothesis that internalizing conventional femininity ideologies in two domains—inauthenticity in relationships and body objectification—is associated with early adolescent girls' mental health. One hundred forty-eight eighth-grade girls completed measures of femininity ideology, self-esteem, depression, and demographic characteristics. In the first part of this study, we refined the Adolescent Femininity Ideology Scale originally developed by Tolman and Porche (2000) . In the second part, we used structural equation modeling to test models linking femininity ideology to mental health. Results revealed that body objectification, and to a lesser extent, inauthenticity in relationships, accounted for half of the variance in depression and over two-thirds of the variance in self-esteem in a critical period of development for adolescent girls. The importance of a feminist psychodynamic developmental framework for identifying and understanding salient dimensions of female adolescence is discussed.

Masculinity Ideology in Russian Society: Factor Structure and Validity of the Multicultural Masculinity Ideology Scale

This study explores the factor structure and evaluates the validity of the Multicultural Masculinity Ideology Scale (Doss & Hopkins, 1998) using a sample of Russian students ( N = 207) from two large public universities. Oblique rotation revealed four factors: achievement pose, emotional availability/stability, composed sexuality, and dedicated provider. Validity indicators were mixed, with achievement pose and dedicated provider demonstrating the strongest psychometric properties. Implications, limitations, and suggestions for future research are discussed.

Relationship between risky sex behaviors and psichosocial characteristics of students

A study was conducted to asses relationship between risky sex behaviors, aspects of ego-identity, and quality of relationships with friends and parents among freshman and sophomore students. A total of 240 students participated in the study, including 170 women and 70 men. All subjects were between 18 and 20 years of age.Subjects were asked about age of their first intercourse, experience of one-time intercourse, and use of condoms. Relationships with parents and parents and friends were assessed using Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment, while aspects of ego-identity were measured using the Extended Objective Measure of Ego Identity Status.75.7% of men and 58.8% of women indicated having had intercourse. Mean age at the first intercourse was 17.59 for women and 16.44 for men. Both difference in the prevalence of intercourse experience and difference in the mean age at the first experience between men and women was significant.Out of those subjects, who indicated having had intercourse, 70% of men and 48% of women admitted having had experience of one-time intercourse. This difference between women and men was statistically significant. 64.7% of men and 52.0% of women admitted having intercourse without a condom with at least one partner. Among sexually experienced students, 34% of women and 48% of men indicated having had both one-time intercourse and intercourse without a condom. However, these differences were not statistically significant.Students scoring higher on interpersonal diffusion tended to have their first intercourse experience at a younger age. Furthermore, interpersonal diffusion scores were higher for those with one-time intercourse experience than for those without such experience. Interestingly, subjects scoring higher on interpersonal foreclosure scale tended to start their sexual life younger. For women, higher scores on both ideological and interpersonal foreclosure scales were related to intercourse without using condom and to particularly risky sexual behavior (i.e. both having one-time intercourse and sex without using a condom). This result suggests that authority-oriented upbringing resulting in foreclosure may not be effective in forming safe sexual practices among women.Higher quality of relationship with the mother was related to older age at the first intercourse. The same was true of quality of relationships with peers. Furthermore, those subjects, who had never had sex without a condom, reported higher quality of relationships with peers than those who had sex without a condom with one or more partners. This result indicates that social skills training and improved relationship with peers may indeed result in safer sex practices.

Candidate Positioning in US Congressional Elections

Theory suggests that three factors – the importance of ideology to primary voters, costly movement due to candidate reputations and lack of competition – all contribute to candidate divergence in US congressional elections. These predictions are analysed with new data from a 2000 mail survey that asked congressional candidates to place themselves on a left–right ideological scale. The data reveal that candidates often diverge, but that the degree of candidate polarization is variable and may be explained by factors in the theory. Candidates with firm public reputations, those who face weak general election competition, and those who experience stiff primary competition are all more likely to deviate from the median voter's position. Perhaps more importantly, the locations that candidates adopt have clear effects on their vote shares.

Biological Sex, Adherence to Traditional Gender Roles, and Attitudes Toward Persons with Mental Illness: An Exploratory Investigation

Undergraduate students (n = 86) responded to the Community Attitudes Toward the Mentally Ill (CAMI) questionnaire and The Hypergender Ideology Scale, which measures the degree to which they adhered to traditional gender roles. Results indicated that males were significantly more likely than females to endorse intolerant attitudes toward persons with mental illnesses. However, when adherence to hypergender ideology was controlled for, no significant differences emerged between the genders. It was determined that strict gender-role adherence, rather than biological sex, accounted for the variance in CAMI scores. Implications for mental health counselors and for selecting predictor variables for future research are discussed.

Multiculturalism and acculturation: views of Dutch and Turkish–Dutch

AbstractThe psychological component of immigration in the Netherlands was studied by comparing views on multiculturalism and acculturation orientation of Turkish migrants between Dutch majority (N=1565) and Turkish–Dutch minority (N=185) members. Multiculturalism was measured with an adaptation of the Multicultural Ideology Scale (Berry & Kalin, 1995); acculturation orientation was investigated in different domains of life. The results revealed that Dutch on average had a neutral attitude towards multiculturalism in the Netherlands while Turkish–Dutch showed a more positive attitude. Regarding the acculturation strategies, Dutch adults preferred assimilation above integration of Turkish migrants in all life domains. Turkish–Dutch adults made a distinction in public and private domains: integration was preferred in public domains, and separation in private domains. In public domains both cultural groups agreed that Turkish migrants should adapt to the Dutch culture. In private domains there was no agreement at all in the views of Dutch and Turkish–Dutch. These results suggest that the views on acculturation and multiculturalism differ substantially for majority and minority group members. Implications are discussed. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Ukraine's Parliamentray System-from the point of view of presidentialism

This paper aims to analyze the development of parliamentary systems in Ukraine.Since independence, Ukraine held parliamentary elections three times (1994, 1998, 2002) .There are many articles which analyzed these elections. Their approaches were characterized by two. First of all, they were using the left-right ideology scale to analyze them. For instance, parliamentary camps would be classified by this scale. The Communist party of Ukraine was located on the left edge, on the other hand Ukraine nationalists parties were located on the opposite side. Secondly, the political party was their central analysis unit in these studies.However, these approaches have two problems. First, ideology issues are not the central matter of current political arena. It is insignificant to use this scale to classify today's the political parties. Second, political parties are less important actors during the elections and the session of the parliament. As for elections, independent candidates and the electoral blocks are dominant. Also, parliamentary procedures are ran by the fractions, which are the compositions of independents, parties and blocks. There is little coincidence between the three. This is especially for independents who are less ideologized and frequently change their belongings. Once those deputies form their own parties or fractions, few of them are alive by the time of the next elections. Third, these less ideologized deputies, called “Centrist, ” become more important within the current political arena. We should consider these forces as a main unit of our research.The Centrists begin their career as a high rank bureaucrat or directors of large state industries. Since each of them individually retained certain political resources, they did not form any organization such as political party. The rise of the Super-Presidentilaism and the large scale economic reform as well as the introduction of proportional representation, all had an impact on these Centrists. New counter-elites emerged from the privatization and diversification of economic interests, confront old elites. This drove old and new elites to organize each political structure to compete against each other. Also, they had a interest to support the president not to revive old communist regime.Last year's elections proved the above mentioned tendency. The ideologized parties lost their momentum. On the other hand, the Centrists' parties gained more seats than the previous elections. Furthermore, we observed that the Centrists' split into pro and anti presidential camps within the parliament. This will be the strong evidence of how Ukrainian parliament works well.