War Ideology Research Articles

‘Khaki Hamlets’ and ‘The Absent Minded Beggar’: The Boer War in Joyce’s Ulysses

Joycean critics and scholars have paid little attention to the references to the Boer War, especially in “Penelope,” the most feminine chapter in Ulysses. The historical setting of Ulysses fixed on June 16, 1904 makes it almost impossible to directly deal with the Great War, so this anachronistic positioning is Joyce’s tactical approach to the problematic operations of war ideology in general. Joyce’s references to Boer War-related events and characters scattered throughout Ulysses show the ways in which Joyce criticizes the operations of war ideologies in the cultural strata, exemplified in Kipling’s poem, ’The Absentminded Beggar,’ and its endorsement of British imperialism. In “Penelope,” Molly compains that she was teased by pro-British people for three reasons: her father participated in the Boer War, she wore a brooch for Lord Roberts, the British hero of the victory over the Boers, and she sang a song, “The Absentminded beggar,” based on Kipling’s patriotic poem. In thise sense, Molly could be regarded as pro-British, but she also scorns Bloom’s talks about politics, by showing indifference to such Irish famous politicians as Arthur Griffith. So it is difficult to categorize Molly either antinationalist or supporter for British imperialism, since she exists outside the world of androcentric values.

Review: Architecture in Global Socialism: Eastern Europe, West Africa, and the Middle East in the Cold War

Review: <i>Architecture in Global Socialism: Eastern Europe, West Africa, and the Middle East in the Cold War</i>

The Crime of Leprosy: The Red Threat and U.S. Hansen’s Disease Policy in Cold War Korea

ABSTRACT This article examines how and why Hansen’s disease (leprosy) patients in South Korea emerged as a Cold War ideological battleground. Against the backdrop of U.S. wars of intervention in Asia, I argue that Cold War narratives of contagion used medical terms to conflate “infectious” ideologies and Hansen’s disease. Through reading Litany of Hope (1962), a film produced by the United States Information Service and loosely based on the life of Korean poet and former Hansen’s disease patient Han Ha-un, I analyze how U.S. Cold War ideology characterized Hansen’s disease patients in South Korea as recuperable internal enemies in need of humanitarian medical intervention.

Trapped within ideological wars: Femininities in a Muslim society and the contest of women as leaders

AbstractThis paper analyzes the discursive contestation among online news media about women in leadership roles within a Muslim majority society, Indonesia. Indonesian women have established a substantial leadership role in which the “ideal” modern woman has been the image of “wanita karir,” a commingling of various Indonesian feminist discourses and Western (post)feminist discursive formations. Despite the progress, women's leadership in Indonesia has recently been challenged by reactionary Islamist forces. Using a critical poststructural discourse perspective, we identify a range of four forms of femininity and female leadership in Indonesian online media that reside at the intersections of competing discourses. This paper offers two areas of contributions. First, we identify the leadership challenges faced by women in a South‐East Asian context, in particular within a democratic Muslim society like Indonesia. Second, we contribute to the theorization of women's leadership challenges from the perspective of femininity construction. In particular, we want to emphasize the notion of the multiplicity of discourses in shaping femininities. In doing so, we demonstrate the permutability, transformability, and adaptability of gender discrimination in our identified forms of femininity, and the limitations of the virtuous burden imposed by apparently supportive discourse.

Идеологическая последовательность и идеологическая война: американский фашизм против антифашизма, январь 2021 г.

This work analyzes the ideological war between American fascists and antifascists and the relation between the existence of an ideological consistency among the masses and the emergence of this type of conflict. The storming of the US Capitol in January 2021 by fascists and the activities of fascists and antifascists on social media serve as subjects for the analysis of this ideological war. The purpose of this work is to study literature on ideological wars and analyze how States encourage extremist ideologies based on their own ideological consistencies. The method employed to expose the ideological war is a content analysis of social media used by the Proud Boys and Atlanta Antifascists. The results show that the two competing ideologies cannot coexist peacefully in the same territory and at the same time. The State and the elites agree that the confrontation should end. This work can be useful for academics, policy makers and students working on the issue of fascist and extremist ideologies, as well as for developing ways to fight these ideologies by addressing their enablers.

POWER, OPPOSITION AND SOCIAL MEDIA IN RUSSIA

In this article, the relations and contradictions between the opposition, social media, and power in Russia are examined. These relations and contradictions were considered important in terms of pointing out the function of social media in authoritarian regimes. The article presents the subject from an objective point of view. First of all, the definition of opposition in Russia and the concept of ‘real opposition’ is discussed. Indeed, in order to understand what real opposition especially in Russia is, it is necessary to understand what it is not. Then, by using the descriptive analysis method, it is revealed what social media means for both opposition and Kremlin. Power categorically sees social media as an instrument of an ideological war against itself. According to the Kremlin, social media is an “American mischief.” On the other hand, social media is accepted as the only option for the opposition, who are almost completely devoid of traditional media opportunities. Therefore, social media discussions continue on the axis of westernism-Americanism in terms of power. In terms of opposition, social media discussions are handled within the framework of freedom of expression, and social media is seen as the ‘last castle’.

The Y chromosome ancestry marker R1b1b2: a surrogate of the SARS-CoV-2 population affinity

Individual and population susceptibilities to disease remain a murky area of investigation, clouded by past bias based on ideological differences and wars. The current SARS-CoV-2 pandemic, the largest in living memory, brought this matter to forefront as the disparity in disease burden became apparent. A timeline analysis of the pandemic revealed the presence of country clusters that display a marked preponderance of disease among populations carrying the ancestry marker R1b1b2, notably associated with both infection and mortality. This marker is a relic of past human expansions from western Asia and subsequently Europe and the rest of the world, which may have been accompanied by peculiar biological events rendering these populations vulnerable to SARS-CoV-2.

Losing the Discursive Battle but Winning the Ideological War: Who Holds Thatcherite Values Now?

In what ways, if at all, do past ideologies shape the values of subsequent generations of citizens? Are public attitudes in one period shaped by the discourses and constructions of an earlier generation of political leaders? Using Thatcherism – one variant of the political New Right of the 1980s – as the object of our enquiries, this article explores the extent to which an attitudinal legacy is detectable among the citizens of the UK some 40 years after Margaret Thatcher first became Prime Minister. Our article, drawing on survey data collected in early 2019 (n = 5781), finds that younger generations express and seemingly embrace key tenets of her and her governments’ philosophies. Yet at the same time, they are keen to describe her government’s policies as having ‘gone too far’. Our contribution throws further light on the complex and often covert character of attitudinal legacies. One reading of the data suggests that younger generations do not attribute the broadly Thatcherite values that they hold to Thatcher or Thatcherism since they were socialised politically after such values had become normalised.

Populism, Religion and Catholic Civil Society in Poland: The Case of Primary Education

This article analyses two cases of populist mobilisation – namely, one against a primary school entry-age reform and another against WHO sexuality education and the concept of gender – that took place in Poland between 2008 and 2019. Both campaigns had a populist character and were oriented towards restoring social justice taken away from ‘the people’ by a morally corrupted ‘elite’. There are differences between the cases that can be analytically delineated by assessing whether a religious mobilisation has an overt or a covert character. While the series of protests against the school-age reform represents a case of mobilisation with covert religious symbolism, the campaigns against sexuality education and the use of the concept of gender are characterised by overt religious populism. To characterise the dynamics of the two campaigns, the study uses the concept of a moral panic, emphasising the importance of moral entrepreneurs waging ideological war against the government and/or liberal experts conceived of as ‘folk devils’.

Cyber Bullying Against Indonesian Muslim Leaders Through Social Media

The development of social media in Indonesia today enters a new phase. Social media is no longer used to obtain and disseminate information or entertainment, but it is also used to attack someone’s personality. Through slander and hoax information, character assassination is carried out on individuals. This study seeks to portray the negative effects of social media, especially related to cyber violence, character assassination through cyberbullying. This study focuses on cyberbullying of Muslim leaders (ulama) on social media. This abuse can be said as a model of killing new characters towards someone's character in the new public sphere. Through the data of the status, comments, tweets, and memes on Facebook and Twitter, this study found that cyberbullying occurred through social media towards ulama was perpetuated by other Islamic groups, which have different political attitudes and choices. In other words, abuse is the fruit of ideological and political wars, which occur both in the real world and in cyberspace. There is a shift in the Indonesian Muslim community which was previously known to be very respectful to their ulama, and currently they are bold to bully their religious leaders This is a symptom of ambiguity from the conservative turn issue. Norms, traditions, and ethics of the community that shows conservative symptoms, actually show resistance to the values ​​of the conservative community. There are two opposing faces:in one place, these accounts display godliness, but in other places, they show the opposite.&#x0D;

Will Rogers’ 1920s (1976), An American Family (1973) and The War Room (1993): A Cowboy’s Guide to the Pristine Sunshine and Wars in the Name of Peace

The study compares the responses of an artist, a common man and an American president to the times by analyzing the content of three documentary films: Will Rogers’ 1920s: A Cowboy’s Guide to the Times, An American Family (1973) and The War Room (1993) from the twentieth century. Will Rogers’1920s gives an insight into the simple life of a jongleur and a troubadour, cowboy cum actor, Will Rogers who was famous for topical humor in 1920s and whose life size sculpture occupies space in the American White House to keep an eye on the deeds of the greatest world leaders. An American Family, the world’s first ever reality show, documents real life events of seven members of a common American family and provide a contrast to the perfect Hollywood family portrait in 12 episodes. The War Room focuses on the president Clinton’s political agenda during his 1992 election campaign. The authors reviewed literature on the said documentaries and history of documentary film, American institutions and movements by Jack C. Ellis and Betsy A. McLane, Jeffrey Ruoff, Peter C. Rollins, Peter Ian Crawford, Klin Richard, Chris Hegedus, Shawn J. Parry-Giles and Trevor Parry-Giles. The study finds that Will Rogers learned to share his inherent happiness with the American audience by mollifying and disciplining many of their anxieties in the context of industrialization and the world war in 1920s. An American family is disturbing yet hilarious and presents a real portrait of the American family against 70s “culturally polyglot confluence backdrops” (Ellis and McLane 254). Pat Loud divorces her husband on air and their son Lance Loud becomes the first gay icon of the ‘gay decade,’ as several feminist, gay/lesbian, and civil rights, antiwar, ecology, and environmental protection movements takeover America. An American Family shows the mundane truth of everyday life in its social context. Its controlled realism reflects the filmmaker’s social conscience for audience’s identification and political action. The War Room celebrates the ideology of war during the president Clinton’s election campaign.

Apuntes para una ideología de la guerra y la paz en época Antonina: ¿tradición o cambio?

The aim of this article is to analyse the conception of war ideology and peace during the Antonine dynasty (96-192) by using comparative criteria. To the elements which survived from the 1st century are added new aspects specific to the 2nd century. The analysis was built on two levels, first, the narrative construction of war ideals and peace, and second, the numismatic presence of some values such as peace and victory, reflected by the interests and ideals of Roman Emperors. We are going to show that during the 2nd century there was an ideological diversification of topics related to war and peace, keeeping nevertheless certain symbols and ideals from previous times, all issues which led to a renewal of the idea of pax romana.

Private Confederacies: The Emotional Worlds of Southern Men as Citizens and Soldiers by James J. Broomall

Reviewed by: Private Confederacies: The Emotional Worlds of Southern Men as Citizens and Soldiers by James J. Broomall John Mayfield Private Confederacies: The Emotional Worlds of Southern Men as Citizens and Soldiers. By James J. Broomall. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2019. 240 pp. $29.95. ISBN 978-1-4696-5198-9. It is ironic, perhaps, that in this age in which Civil War monuments have become the hardware of ideological wars, there is a growing body of scholarship that looks beyond the marble and bronze to the emotional core of the men who fought. This is the burgeoning field of the history of emotions. War is politics; war is leadership and strategy; war is a machine. It is also misery, boredom, euphoria, fear, love, confusion, and all the other thoughts and feelings the human psyche can generate, no matter the political objective. From the soldier's point of view, how does a man or woman navigate the terror and machine-like depersonalization of war without losing one's sense of self? There is no fixed answer, yet there are some fine studies already in hand. Among these are Peter Carmichael's exploration of how the common soldier "thought, fought and survived" [The War for the Common Soldier: How Men Thought, Fought, and Survived in Civil War Armies (Chapel Hill, NC, 2018)] and Stephen Berry's elegant account of their struggle to define themselves as both "good" men and warrior heroes [All That Makes a Man: Love and Ambition in the Civil War South (New York, NY, 2003)]. These and other works inevitably cross paths with gender studies. What, in Berry's terms, "makes a man"? The answer depends, says James Broomall's new book, on the mix of time, place, and circumstance in which a man finds himself. The key phrase in the title is "emotional worlds," plural. What men are expected to feel and how they express those feelings are not constants; they shift with situations—war being a convulsive one. The southern man experienced enormous emotional change in the transition from peace to war and to war's aftermath, and along the way he developed new "emotional communities" in which he could safely express himself. Broomall has employed here a perspective first voiced by Barbara Rosenwein, a medieval historian who found herself [End Page 262] frustrated at the childlike stereotypes modernists had imposed on her subjects. Times change, and the register of acceptable emotional behaviors change with them. Dealing with such challenges (particularly during war) involves what sociologist Arlie Hochschild has termed "emotional work," which historian William Reddy has translated into the "navigation of feelings." Navigating feelings in the emotional community of the Old South was a tough task. To the public, the ideal southern man was a man of honor—that tense mixture of pride, gentility, fearlessness, violence, and supreme self-assurance that gave men mastery over their emotions and, concurrently, other people. It was a stiff code, and it was played for public recognition, not introspection or self-revelation. "Men commanded themselves and their feelings firmly," writes Broomall, a posture which "erected barriers" between men and discouraged "feminine" notions of vulnerability and openness (5). This man of honor became the stereotypical southern gentleman/hothead who had, in Henry Adams's famous phrase, "temperament," not "mind." In fact, it was never that simple, as Broomall is at pains to point out. Books by Berry, Timothy Williams, myself, and others have revealed a questioning, often painful, sometimes ironic side to southern manhood. It crops up in letters, diaries, memoirs, humor, and even sermons. Privately, southern men were prone to self-doubt, but given honor's heroic appeal they could not show it. So they fashioned themselves into "both restrained and martial masculinities, demonstrating a flexible model of manhood that proved essential" to survival in the coming war (31). Here Broomall echoes Carmichael's perspective: Soldiering demanded a "hard-nosed pragmatism" that could accommodate both individualism and military discipline. There could be honor in picket duty, or even in retreat. Broomall's narrative develops soldiers' emotional communities sequentially, through the phases of war. Recruitment and preparation, battle, demobilization, and defeat—all were disorienting and all...

New World Orders and the Geopolitics of the Transpacific

Convergence 2 Field Trip Yuan Shu New World Orders and the Geopolitics of the Transpacific The short essays for this Field Trip feature are drawn from an international conference titled “America’sAsia, Asia’sAmerica” that Ico-­organized with Kenneth Dean, professor and head of the Chinese Department at the National University of Singapore, during my tenure as a Fulbright scholar in Singapore in 2017–­18. By redefining and relocating the emerging field of transpacific American studies in the geostrategic space of Singapore from the diverse perspectives of North America, Oceania, and East and Southeast Asia, the conference invited speakers to reimagine transpacific space by focusing on how it operates as a site of resistance and engagement substantiated by movements of people, commodities, and ideas across the Asia Pacific region (Dirlik 1998, 4; Nguyen and Hoskins 2014, 13; Shu 2019, 12). Central to this reimagination is the notion of a post-­American world, which media critic Fareed Zakaria (2008, 5) characterizes as “the rise of the rest” rather than an “anti-­American” sentiment or “the decline of the West.” One prominent example of Zakaria’s claim is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which President Xi Jinping of China first unveiled in his lecture at Nazarbayev University in the Kazakh capital, Astana (renamed Nur-­Sultan), and then elaborated in his address to the Indonesian parliament in Jakarta a month later in 2013. These two geopolitical locations of enunciation were carefully selected by the Chinese state to signify both land and sea components of the initiative known as the Silk Economic Belt and the Twenty-­ First-­ Century Maritime Silk Road. While the BRI has generated diverse critical responses, many agree that it instantiates China’s efforts to augment its economic and political influence via a soft power narrative that “presents China as an alternative leader to the global Field Trip 3 hegemony of the United States” (Clarke 2018, 72). Even more bluntly, “the Belt and Road is the Chinese plan to build a new world order replacing the US-­ led international system” (Maçães 2018, 5). The challenge that the BRI poses for the United States is to reverse what Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri (2000) call “Empire,” which, albeit a network power, has sought to expand and implement the U.S. constitutional project on a global scale. At what Graham Allison (2017) dubs “Thucydides’s Trap,” we witness the specter of Samuel Huntington’s (1996) theory on the clash of civilizations and remaking of world order, which, according to Giovanni Arrighi, may “help humanity burn up in the horrors (or glories) of the escalating violence that has accompanied the liquidation of the Cold War world order” (Arrighi 2007, 389). Since the Trump administration has been escalating the trade war between the United States and China into a tech war and an ideological war starting in 2018, confrontation between the United States and China has again dominated the geopolitics of the transpacific, which becomes Cold War 2.0 in its full swing (Tharoor 2020). Speaking of United States–­ China tension in relation to the Asia Pacific, the prime minister of Singapore, Lee Hsien Loong (2020), cautions that “their success—­ and the prospect of an Asian century—­ will depend greatly on whether the United States and China can overcome their differences, build mutual trust, and work constructively to uphold a stable and peaceful international order. This is a fundamental issue of our time.” This is a dangerous moment, to be sure, but the contributions in this Field Trip feature collectively remind us that world orders are both politically executed and imagined into being through cultural production . Though the topics and approaches encompassed here are diverse—­ Prasenjit Duara proposes “circular history” as an alternative interpretation of the Asia Pacific; Yuan Shu analyses speculative fiction about a Third World War between the United States and China to track contemporary Cold War politics; Cathy J. Schlund-­ Vials focuses on reseeing U.S. militarization through environmental disaster in Southeast Asia; Brian Russell Roberts attends to the oceanic and the archipelagic in tracing the pasts, presents, and futures of the world; Tina Chen theorizes the “imaginable ageography” of Global Asias—­ they address conflicts of the Asia-­Pacific region...

Медіаосвітні практики розвитку інформаційного патріотизму молоді

Актуальність дослідження. Обстоюється думка, що в умовах гібридної, ідеологічної війни зростає роль патріотизму як потенційного ресурсу збереження національної ідентичності українців. &#x0D; Метою статті було сформулювати нове поняття – інформаційний патріотизм» молоді – та окреслити інноваційні напрями його розвитку.&#x0D; Методологічні засади. Тема патріотизму молоді висвітлюється в контексті теорії кіберсоціалізації. На основі аналізу літератури визначено два напрями, які є дотичними до зазначеної теми: 1) вплив медіа, інтернету на свідомість, світоглядні позиції та соціалізацію молоді; 2) застосування медіаресурсів та нових технологій у вихованні патріотизму молоді.&#x0D; Результати дослідження. На підставі аналізу джерел запропоновано та обґрунтовано нове поняття – «інформаційний патріотизм», створено медіаосвітню модель його розвитку. Визначено, що в психологічному контексті інформаційний патріотизм особистості полягає в актуалізації емоційно-почуттєвої, ментально-когнітивної, мотиваційно-дієвої складових, які реалізуються в площині медіаінформаційного простору. Інформаційний патріотизм розглянуто як новий вид патріотизму, спрямований на збереження, захист та просування українських цінностей в інформаційному просторі. Створено модель розвитку інформаційного патріотизму молоді, яка визначає інноваційні медіаосвітні практики його оптимізації. &#x0D; Перспективи практичного застосування результатів дослідження. Запропонована модель розвитку інформаційного патріотизму спрямована на стимуляцію: активності щодо поширення українського медіаконтенту в соціальних мережах; мотивації захисту українського інформаційного простору від ворожої пропаганди в соціальних мережах; медіатворчості як творення оригінального патріотичного медіаконтенту, здатного популяризувати українські цінності у віртуальній реальності. Перспектива подальших досліджень полягає в моніторингу інформаційного патріотизму молоді, розробленні інноваційних медіаосвітніх методик та їх апробації.

Laboring for the State: Women, Family, and Work in Revolutionary Cuba, 1959–1971. By Rachel Hynson (New York, Cambridge University Press, 2020) 314 pp. $39.99

Laboring for the State: Women, Family, and Work in Revolutionary Cuba, 1959–1971. By Rachel Hynson (New York, Cambridge University Press, 2020) 314 pp. $39.99

Demystifying the Other

This paper harnesses the term Other, though not in a strictly postcolonial sense, to uncover an essential role war poetry played to reveal a hidden side often overshadowed by war propaganda. The two poems, Hardy’s “The Man He Killed” and Owen’s “Strange Meeting,” serve as effective counter war propaganda tools that demystify a crucial element of war ideology that the enemy is an Other: The enemy is unlike me. Wilfred, an outspoken poet of the evils of war, and Thomas Hardy, who penned in some of his poems his abhorrence to war, show that the Other which stands for their enemies could have been a friend had the spatiotemporal factors been different. Both poets enact an imaginary meeting between the speakers and their enemies. Moreover, the paper traces the various poetic techniques that are employed by those poets to achieve this goal. Whereas Owen, for instance, uses pararhyme to depict the fallacy of war claims by drawing attention to the unlikelihood of the meeting in real life, Hardy resorts to punctuation marks to probe the sense of guilt his speaker endures as a result of killing his “enemy.” The form of the two poems contributes to the sense that war propaganda fails to sustain itself in legitimizing the act of killing and thus providing a shield against the feeling of remorse. Throughout the two poems, the Other is no longer a stranger nor is an enemy in the first place. Owen finds that his enemy is a poet who has had similar dreams and ambitions. Thomas Hardy, on the Other hand, reflects how he could have offered the man he killed in battle a drink or even lent him money had they met elsewhere.

The First World Festival of Negro Arts, Dakar 1966: Contexts and Legacies

Reviewed by: The First World Festival of Negro Arts, Dakar 1966: Contexts and Legacies ed. by David Murphy Yohann C. Ripert The First World Festival of Negro Arts, Dakar 1966: Contexts and Legacies ED. DAVID MURPHY Liverpool UP, 2016. xii + 224 pp. ISBN 9781781383162 cloth. The First World Festival of Negro Arts, Dakar 1966: Contexts and Legacies is a collection of ten essays that investigate art performances and postcolonial practices at a major cultural event promoted by Léopold Sedar Senghor, as well as the event's influence in large-scale spectacles of culture and the role of archives and archival-making from 1966 to 2016. Edited and introduced by David Murphy, the book is the only publication dedicated to a festival that some have cited as the "apotheosis" of Negritude (vii). Its most important contribution to the fields of African and postcolonial studies, however, is to combine multifaceted readings that go beyond Negritude and question the ways in which both Cold War ideology and Pan-African ideals haunted the First World Festival of Negro Arts, including how painters, choreographers, writers, and intellectuals have used the encounter to strengthen the ties between the African "homeland" and black peoples in the diaspora—especially in the United States. Though the book does not expand on the history of preceding cultural events (such as the 1956 Congress of Black Writers and Artists and its second iteration in 1959, as well as the 1962 Conference of African Writers of English Expression) to a 1966 festival (FESMAN) that aimed to create a platform for bolstering transnational blackness, David Murphy's thorough introduction theorizes the festival as "an attempt to produce a global community through a shared blackness" (5). Engaging with the most recent literature on aesthetics and politics in the postcolonial period, Murphy focuses on the political climate framing the festival's organization and stages its performance within a double bind that black intellectuals, artists, and statesmen faced after independence: between the reality of nationalism and the imagination of a postcolonial globality. To that end, Murphy questions both the "involvement of the important US delegation" in Senegal and the larger "role of culture in a post-imperial world" (9). In the volume's first part, "Contexts," each chapter engages with the double bind by offering a remarkable archival work on different aspects of the festival: staging of a "tradition" in art exhibitions (Vincent), creation of an "authentic" African ballet (Kringelbach), performance of the past in carefully programmed theatrical plays (Quinn and Bush), and coverage in popular media (Jaji). Perhaps [End Page 202] the strongest connection between these five chapters is their critical approach to the influence of and challenge to Senghor's aesthetic positions at the festival. Hélène Kringelbach not only analyzes how "the past was being reimagined in neo-traditional performance through the selection and standardization of a limited number of preforming practices" (74), she also retrieves from the archives a letter between Senghor's longtime ally Alioune Diop and Gray Cowan (Columbia University professor and future President of the African Studies Association) for academic expertise on "traditional African dances"—a request that seems to reveal an ideological contradiction between Senghor's strong sense of traditionalism and a lack of knowledge about those supposedly innate traditions. Similarly, Brian Quinn's close reading of Senghor's and Malraux's opening speeches revisits the "reworking of the relationship between culture and the State" (84) and then proceeds to analyze the behind-the-scenes of the festival's staging of Amadou Cissé Dia's Les Derniers Jours de Lat Dior to uncover a troubling instrumentalization of culture that "heads of states such as those in the audience at FESMAN" (95) can use for the mobilization of a nationalist sentiment. In the second part of the book, "Legacies," the focus turns to the festival's afterlives: from the 1969 Algiers festival conceived as a direct response to the Dakar event (Anderson) and the 1977 Lagos Festival explicitly hailed as its direct successor (Apter), to the making of the PANAFEST archive that examines the relation between those three festivals and the Zaire 1974 music festival (Vincent and Malaquais) and a more theoretical consideration of "festivalism" in Africa...

Brazilian political scientists and the Cold War: Soviet hearts, North-American minds (1966-1988).

The process of institutionalization of Political Science in Brazil was conditioned by the country's position in the geopolitical scenario proper to the Cold War, strongly affected by the influence of the USA and, later on, by the military dictatorship experienced between 1964 and 1985. The first Brazilian professionalized political scientists were, during their youth, anti-Stalinist revolutionary militants. They had been financed by the Ford Foundation (FF) to pursue their PhDs in the USA. In this paper, I argue that the north-American model of ideological war included governmental and non-governmental institutions. Among the latter, the FF played a crucial role because it had a lot of credibility in state bureaucracy and was able to captivate the potential copartners, who would benefit from its grant, even the anti-American ones. The FF was able to do so because it was keeping a distance from the bellicose image of the USA. In this way, because Brazilian youngsters were leftist, the FF was interested in financing their studies. And, because they belonged to the anti-Stalinist left, they were more open than the communists and wouldn't oppose to exchange with the USA.

Child’s play: Addressing the young Cold War audience inCaptain Video and His Video Rangers(1949–1955)

This article argues the early science fiction television programme, Captain Video and His Video Rangers (DuMont, 1949–1955), addressed its young target audience directly as Cold War citizens, while encouraging them to undertake imaginative play in a form of early television fandom. The moral panic about the programme’s perceived high levels of violence led to the negative portrayal of its young viewers in popular culture. Yet Captain Video’s modes of direct address reveal a concerted effort to constitute the early children’s television audience around a playful intertextuality, bringing together consumerism, Cold War ideology and imaginative multi-genre engagement through child’s play.