Republican Ideology Research Articles

Los inicios de un partido nuevo: la creación del PSOE en Navarra (1974-1976)

A mediados de 1974, un conjunto de personas redactaron el acta de constitución del PSOE de Navarra sin ningún tipo de unión con el partido desaparecido tras la guerra civil española. Se trataba de una quincena de militantes, procedentes de movimientos cristianos de base, que fueron desarrollando, no sin dificultades, el PSOE en tres localidades navarras. Pese a su escasa militancia, se formaron tres sectores ideológicos, dos de los cuales compitieron entre sí por la dirección del Partido. El sector revolucionario se hizo con el control de las Juventudes Socialista de la provincia, dentro de un contexto de debate interno entre posicionamientos reformistas y revolucionarios. Los otros dos sectores eran de ideología socialdemócrata, aunque diferenciados por el carácter rupturista o reformista de cada uno de ellos en torno a cómo debía desarrollarse la transición. El estudio de los inicios del PSOE en Navarra se sustenta, especialmente, en la historia oral, tras la realización de entrevistas a diversas personas que participaron en la construcción de un partido nuevo con siglas históricas.

IMPORTANCE OF SHOWING COLORFUL PICTURES AND IMAGES IN ABDULLA KADIRI’S NOVEL “THE DAYS GONE BY”

Abdulla Kadiri’s novel, “The Days Gone By” reveals a wide range of universal themes and problems. Therefore, it is very difficult to define its all features unambiguously. Nevertheless, it can be argued that, having laid the foundation of the work for a beautiful love story, the author was able to touch upon the complex problem of the confrontation between God and the devil, light and darkness in the density of mankind. The novel reflects the social and political life of the power and trade strata of the then feudal society. The writer, based on his own progressive views, reveals a number of problems that caused democratically inclined people of that time serious concern: old customs and prejudices, national isolation and narrow-mindedness, the place and role of women in society, and the rights of the working poor.The historical situation described in the novel is characterized by the beginning of the struggle, albeit still timid, weak, but already emerging democratic ideology of respect for the rights of any person and enlightenment in all sectors of the Uzbek people, against the very strong with its state institutions, social attitudes, religious relations and family homebuilding, stupidly childish inquisitorial feudal order. In fact, the writer gives in the novel a comprehensive picture of the khan's power system, destroying any dissent and permeating all segments of the population and, under these conditions, a picture of the enslaving existence of simple people, bright and pure in their lives and endeavors.

Ennius Noster: Lucretius and the Annales by Jason Nethercut

BOOK REVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS 335 with the concerns of the separate homicide courts, where both litigants and witnesses had to swear that their side’s case was true. Her speculative explanation is that the homicide laws, which were the oldest in Athens, were enacted primarily to replace retaliatory murders (the common response to homicide before written laws) and thus had to produce verdicts that were factually credible to the victim’s relatives. When the popular courts were established more than a century later, the same circumstances no longer prevailed. I would add one other factor to her account, namely that the popular courts were established by the new democratic government led by Cleisthenes, and democratic ideology required that the courts consider justice in their decisions. The eight contributions in this volume cover a wide range of topics. All are interesting and valuable in their own right, but only the Roman law papers really address issues concerning law and fact. University of Texas at Austin Michael Gagarin Ennius Noster: Lucretius and the ANNALES. By Jason Nethercut. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2021. Pp. 260. These are happy times for the study of Latin literature’s first few hundred years: dusty, “archaic” poets are starting to appear fresh and exciting;1 republican genres that once were thought to have died young now seem to have lived into ripe, imperial old age;2 and the contours of Roman literature’s very “beginning” have received renewed and probing attention.3 It might not be an overstatement to say that the history of Latin poetry, ca 240 to 40 b.c.e., is in the process of being rewritten. Enter Jason Nethercut. The first book-length study of the relationship between Lucretius and the Annales in any modern language, Ennius Noster does more than fill a “gap”: this is a bold and important work of scholarship, with provocative things to say about Lucretius, Ennius, and Latin literary history writ large. Though not every reader will buy everything on offer, Ennius Noster is sure to become a major point of reference over the coming decades. Scholars of republican literature will need to have it on their shelves, and I, at least, will be keeping it within arm’s length of my laptop. The book’s central thesis is tidy and easy to summarize: Lucretius systematically alludes to the Annales in order to dismantle the worldview that he attributes to that poem; Ennian ideology thus stands as the unenlightened foil to Lucretius’ vera ratio— Epicureanism. Nethercut argues this credible thesis over a lucid and to-the-point introduction , four chapters, a conclusion, and five valuable appendices. The prose style is punchy and readable, and the text has been carefully copy-edited throughout. It is a real pleasure to encounter scholarship written with so much love and labour. Chapter One, “Ennius and the Tradition of Republican Epic,” sets the stage. Reconsidering the hexametrical poetry written between the Annales and De rerum natura, 1 For Ennius, see J. Elliott, Ennius and the Architecture of the Annales (Cambridge 2013); for Livius Andronicus and Naevius, see T. Biggs, Poetics of the First Punic War (Ann Arbor 2020). 2 On republican comedy’s afterlife, see M. Hanses, The Life of Comedy after the Death of Plautus and Terence (Ann Arbor 2020); C. Polt, Catullus and Roman Comedy: Theatricality and Personal Drama in the Late Republic (Cambridge 2021). 3 D. Feeney, Beyond Greek: The Beginnings of Latin Literature (Cambridge, MA 2016). 336 PHOENIX Nethercut here argues that Ennius’ influence on second-century b.c.e. epic was much less pronounced than is currently believed and that, consequently, Lucretius’ appropriation of Ennius in the mid-first century was unexpected. A version of this argument has already appeared in a recent volume on the Annales, which I reviewed in the last issue of Phoenix.4 So, I will be brief: this chapter does well to criticize the stale scholarly narrative that second-century Rome was full of Ennianisti, writing cookie-cutter imitations of the Annales. Yet the new story that it tells—that Ennius’ influence on epic before Lucretius was slight—seems to me little better, predicated, as it is, on significant omissions (e.g., Nethercut...

The color of shareholders' money: Institutional shareholders' political values and corporate environmental disclosure

In this study, we investigate whether and to what extent institutional shareholders' political values influence their investees' environmental disclosure and performance. Using employees' political donation data, we construct institutional investors' political ideology score, which higher (lower) value represents a more Republican- (Democratic)-leaning culture. We find that firms led by institutional shareholders with a more Republican-oriented political ideology are less likely to issue environmental reports. Such a negative effect is more pronounced for firms with institutional shareholders with long-term horizons, with high corporate Republican ideology scores, and without an environmental committee. We further find that institutional shareholders' Republican-oriented political values are negatively associated with their investee firms' environmental performance and green innovations. Overall, our results indicate that institutional shareholders' internal political polarization significantly influences corporate environmental disclosure policies.

Physiocracy in the eighteenth-century America. Economic theory and political weapons

ABSTRACT This essay aims at reconsidering the impact of Physiocratic ideas on the United States context during and after the American Revolution, which represented the first turning point concerning the democratic implications of political economy. In the confrontation in the 1790s between Jefferson’s Republicans and Hamilton’s Federalists the early scientific analysis of economics, grounded in the central role of agriculture formulated by Physiocracy, gave strong theoretical validation of the agrarian democracy ideology as an alternative to the British model and contributed to shaping the American identity. The article will investigate this opposition and the economic culture that provides theoretical foundations to two opposed political projects. The reasons and the forms of this impact will be explored through the confrontation between Alexander Hamilton’s Report on Manufactures and George Logan’s series of pamphlets conceived as an orchestrated campaign against the Secretary of the Treasury. The study of Physiocracy beyond Europe and the Old Regime can offer new and divergent outlooks compared to recent studies aiming at questioning the relevance of Physiocratic theory in the Old Regime social and political context and its impact during the French Revolution.

Architecture expression: Synthesized architectural expressions in Mayor’s office building of Kupang City

Efforts to display the expression of the functions and local identities of buildings are merely copying ornamental variations of vernacular architectural elements. As a result, the relation among function-form-meaning remain unseen. This study aims to explain the application of the concept of synthesized architectural expressions on government owned buildings. Based on the research objectives, the Mayor’s office building of Kupang City was chosen as the object of this case study. The initial step of this research is to elaborate the theory of archetypal anatomy and the relation of architectural function-meaning-functions. Furthermore, the observation unit is redrawn in three dimensions and analyzed based on ordering principle of balance and orientation. The analysis shows that the interpretation of the appearance of Mayor's office building of Kupang City displays monumental, formal, local expressions and represents democratic ideologies. Interpretation of synthesized expressions occurs in the dominant aspects of local architecture in the elements of the roof, walls and entrance columns. The results of this study confirm that the concept of synthesized expression plays an important role in the midst of change pressure and for the sustainability of architecture nowadays. DOI: https://doi.org/10.26905/lw.v12i2.4302

REPÚBLICA E CONSTITUIÇÃO DE 1988: OU CONSTITUIÇÃO SEM REPÚBLICA?

O texto percorre a história constitucional brasileira para demonstrar qual o ideário republicano que permeia a construção da história do nosso constitucionalismo. Indaga-se a efetiva existência de práticas republicanas na Constituição de 1988, a partir da história constitucional, bem como alguns problemas que inviabilizam a caracterização da República na Constituição de 1988. Dentre tais problemas, situa-se a reforma política, a cultura de golpe de estado e o presidencialismo de coalizão. Através de um método histórico-conceitual e jurídico-reflexivo, a conclusão é que ainda temos um projeto republicano inacabado.

De “ridículo sainete filosófico” a “doctrina santa y elevada”: Los conceptos de socialismo y comunismo en el debate público chileno del siglo XIX

This article examines the uses and semantic variations of the concepts of socialism and communism during the nineteenth century in Chile. Based on a systematic review of the controversies in the Chilean public sphere over these terms, this research analyses the conceptual shift from predominantly negative notions in the 1840s to a positive assessment of them by the end of the century. As a result of a variety of social and political transformations, both locally and transnationally, the concepts of socialism and communism were commonly defined as an exacerbation of the democratic ideology which led to radical projects of social equalization and disruption of the property regime, or as irreligious doctrines that undermined the established social order. Only at the end of the nineteenth century it is possible to observe an effort of conceptual resignification when the first movements that openly adopt socialism as an ideology appear and identify partisanly with it.

Framing and Claiming “Gender Equality”: A Multi-level Analysis of the French Civic Integration Program

The recent construction of “gender equality” as a defining value of European societies has shaped the policy goals of immigrant integration programs. This focus on “gender equality” may function, paradoxically, to exclude immigrants, if immigrant integration policies rely on stereotypical representations of immigrants and fail to acknowledge the multiple, intersecting forms of inequality that immigrant women face. This article contributes to the critical scholarship on the role of “gender equality” in the field of immigrant integration policy by examining the framing of this concept in the policy documents and implementation of the French civic integration program. Using ethnographic observations and field interviews, I illustrate how frontline workers, many of whom were women of immigrant origin, interacted with participants to frame “gender equality” in exclusionary and inclusionary ways, and how “gender equality” functioned as a racial boundary within the program. The tensions in the discourses of frontline workers mirrored those of the political context in which the policy developed; they were constrained by a difference-blind ideology of French republicanism as they insisted on “gender equality” as the pathway to belonging in France.

Social and Humanitarian Cooperation: Experience and Prospects

The article considers the main directions of social and humanitarian cooperation of the EEU member States, covering the fields of education, science, health, tourism and sports in order to improve the welfare and life quality of the Union countries' citizens. The goal is to create a single socio-humanitarian space that should not blindly reproduce the Western socio-humanitarian model of development based on the strategy of ”nurturing“ a loyal ”civil society“. Otherwise, there will be a discrepancy between the implementation of the goal of forming a single economic space and social and humanitarian programs imposed from the outside in the context of liberal democratic ideology, which are destructive for the peoples ofEurasia.

Second-Order Political Thinking: Compromise versus Populism

The literature often mentions that populism is in conflict with the politics of compromise. However, the opposition remains vague and undertheorized. This article confronts populism and compromise in a novel way by analyzing them as types of second-order political thinking and ideologies of democracy. Second-order political thinking provides a set of ideas and concepts that frames and regulates how we relate to others in politics, and how we make political decisions for, with, or against them. By contrasting populism and compromise as types of second-order political thinking, we will better be able to understand each and normatively compare them. Thus, we see that (1) compromise is inherently most attractive as second-order political thinking, and (2) populism fails as an ideology of democracy, because it cannot explain the meaning and value of the democratic system as a set of authoritative institutions and procedures.

‘“Loving hearts” and “brave ones”: slavery, family, and the problem of freedom in antebellum America’

ABSTRACT This essay argues that formerly enslaved people participated in antebellum conversations about slavery and freedom, defining both in terms of the liberty and integrity of families. While liberal republican ideology insisted that an unquenchable love of liberty would lead worthy men to rise up and claim their freedom, ex-slave narratives insisted that deserving black men and women might sacrifice personal liberty in the name of family values. Nineteenth-century political theory commonly associated freedom with ‘autonomous, self-directed individuals.’ Black Americans, however, suggested a collective, contingent version of liberal republicanism which reflected their own ethics, brought together the intellectual and emotional foundations of anti-slavery thought, and made abolitionism especially meaningful to a growing middle class that increasingly valorized sentimental conceptions of family.

Self-organization of public life of the Ukrainian people in the second half of the XIXth – the beginning of the XXth century: historiographical map

The article analyzes the state of the study in the contemporary historiographical discourse of the problem of self-organization of Ukrainian public life in the second half of the ХІХth – the beginning of the XXth century. It has been found that democratization of the political system and renewal of the methodological tools provided an opportunity for historians to view the social life of the given historical period on the basis of a synergistic methodology of self-organization of social systems. It has been discovered that the historiographical position on the dynamics of social self-organization of the Ukrainians ranging from cultural life to the institution of political parties is considered legitimate among scholars. It has been proved that in contemporary historiography the processes of the contemporary self-organization of the Ukrainian society are considered in three specific historical areas, namely socio-civic, national-political and spiritual-cultural, the relationship between which was sometimes both consistent and synchronous. The development of them demonstrated the emergence of new organizational forms of social self-organization and institutionalization of civil society and political system in Ukraine in the XIXth century. Studying both theoretical and methodological, as well as definite historical dimensions of the Ukrainian national movement, the researchers agree that the cultural and educational content of national revival under the influence of objective circumstances has evolved into political one. Much attention is given to the analysis of the historians’ vision of the content of socio-civic self-organization, which was represented by the development of public organizations and movements grounded on the ideas of civil society but lacked political requirements. Among them scientists single out such factors as hlopomanstvo, social movement, organization "Prosvita", the establishment of Shevchenko scientific society, the publication of socially significant newspapers and journals ("Gromada", "Kievskaia Starina", "Delo", "Zoria"), the establishment of a cooperative movement ("Dnister", "The farmer"). The dynamics of the social organization have determined the politicization of the national movement, which allows scientists to speak about national and political self-organization. Establishment of political parties, active participation of the Ukrainians in the activities of the imperial representative bodies of the government, the spread of social and democratic political ideology, the emergence of political leadership and others are considered its institutional representatives. Researchers emphasize that in the late ХІХth and early XXth centuries, national revival entered the political stage, which became a prerequisite for the beginning of the Ukrainian National Democratic Revolution of 1917–1921. It has been found out that the concept "self-organization" reveals the essence of the socio-political and socio-cultural processes of the time, since the Ukrainians established cultural and educational societies, public organizations and political parties contrary to the imperial and anti-Ukrainian policy of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires. It was outlined that the spiritual and cultural aspects of self-organization were illustrated by the activities of Ukrainian cultural and educational societies, the development of Ukrainian periodicals, the commemoration of the anniversaries of Ukrainian writers and artists, the activities of Ukrainian theater, etc.

The Social Democratic Populist Party: Revisiting the Recent Past of Social Democracy in Turkey

This study aims to examine the case of the Social Democratic Populist Party (Sosyaldemokrat Halkçı Parti – SHP) that functioned as the major representative of the social democratic ideology in Turkey under highly extraordinary conditions of the post-1980 coup political atmosphere until 1995. Realizing the necessity of taking this critically important phase in the evolution of Turkish social democratic thought into account, the major argument of this paper is that even if the SHP spent a remarkable amount of effort for achieving its ultimate target of evolving into a European-style, ‘genuine’ social democratic party, it ultimately failed to reach this end due to three interrelated factors, such as changing political realities in the domestic and European contexts during the 1980s, the intra-party turmoil within the SHP, and the poor performance of the SHP in power. In relation to this core argument, the ideological decline of the SHP is claimed to have a direct impact on the successive electoral defeats and ideological drifts of the CHP, as its successor, in the following years.

ЕВРИСТИЧНИЙ ПОТЕНЦІАЛ КОНЦЕПТУ «ГЛИБИННА ДЕРЖАВА» В ПОЛІТОЛОГІЧНІЙ АНАЛІТИЦІ

Стаття присвячена розгляду концепту «глибинна держава», який на протязі останніх років активно впроваджується в площину політичного аналізу. Розглянуто основні підходи до визначення сутності глибинної держави в американській та вітчизняній політичній аналітиці, а також проблему наукової новизни даного терміну та аналітичної концепції, побудованої на його базі. Показано, що в рамках економічної системи, яка орієнтована на отримання індивідуального прибутку, внаслідок монополізації відбувається системна переорієнтація механізму держави від виконання загальносоціальних функцій на закріплення тіньових інститутів, які націлені на забезпечення привілейованого доступу до влади і джерел ресурсного забезпечення для обмеженого кола ресурсозабезпечених груп. Це супроводжується відсіканням від доступу до інституційного впливу на прийняття владних рішень для основної маси громадян

ERKEN CUMHURİYET DÖNEMİ TÜRK ROMANINDA ATATÜRK ALGISI

The early twentieth centery is a time of significant events in Turkey`s socio-political and literary-cultural life. National Struggle period, proclamation of the Republic, such as important events took place in this period. All this is reflected in the literature. When we examine the novels of this period, we see that there are many novels about the National Struggle. In this period, in particular, the novel continues its educational character since the Tanzimat period with the Republican ideology. The Turkish novel, which is generally of socio-political character, testifies to a new political reform with the Republic. Novel is especially noteworthy in terms of ideology penetration into society. Another special feature of this period is that Ataturk is still alive. Therefore, the years of 1923-1938 is known as the Ataturk Period. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the leader of the National Struggle, makes himself felt not only in political life but also in literature. In this period, the character of Ataturk is seen in the center of Turkish novels. Although Ataturk is not a hero in the novels, but his ideology, principle and struggle are discussed in the novels. For example, Yakup Kadry Karaosmanoglu, Reshad Nury Guntekin, Khalide Edip Adivar, Aka Gunduz etc. We can mention the works of the authors. In these novels, the principles of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk and the points he emphasizes are expressed. In this article, the Turkish novels of this period will be reviewed and the ideology of the Republic and the image of Ataturk will be emphasized. The main aim is to determine and examine the perception of Ataturk in Turkish novels written between 1923-1938.

Preserving the White Man’s Republic: Jacksonian Democracy, Race, and the Transformation of American Conservatism by Joshua A. Lynn

Reviewed by: Preserving the White Man’s Republic: Jacksonian Democracy, Race, and the Transformation of American Conservatism by Joshua A. Lynn Rachel A. Shelden (bio) Preserving the White Man’s Republic: Jacksonian Democracy, Race, and the Transformation of American Conservatism. By Joshua A. Lynn. (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2019. Pp. 288. $39.50 cloth) At a time in which our contemporary politics have become increasingly partisan and ideological, it seems fitting that one of the most exciting trends in the political history of the Civil War era is a reappraisal of mid-nineteenth century political parties and their cultural and ideological foundations. Joining this important conversation [End Page 506] is Joshua Lynn’s Preserving the White Man’s Republic, a cultural and intellectual history of the Democratic Party during what he calls the “interbellum” years between the U.S.-Mexico War and the Civil War. Lynn uses racial, gender, and rhetorical analysis to get to the heart of the Democratic Party’s political philosophy. This philosophy, he argues, revolved around individualism, local democracy, and a cross-sectional culture of “manhood, whiteness, and domesticity” (p. 7). During the Jacksonian era, Lynn explains, Democrats crafted a radical ideology of white male diversity, a “liberal” and “broad-minded” approach that “tolerated much that other Americans considered social, political, or moral evils” (p. 44). But by the interbellum period, the radical Jacksonian ideology had become inherently conservative as the Democrats fought off the various fanatical “isms” that weakened white supremacy. Thus, Lynn’s main historiographical target is the tradition that views Democratic principles as antithetical to white supremacy. Indeed, one of the most compelling aspects of the book is Lynn’s reappraisal of democracy itself. Much like Gregory Downs’s reexamination of Reconstruction politics in After Appomattox, Lynn shows how the foundations of American equality and freedom were (and remain) tied up with regressive and illiberal politics. While Downs focuses on the coercive means by which Republicans secured essential rights during the post-war period, Lynn similarly contends that Democratic ideology “synthesized democracy, equality, and white supremacy,” demonstrating that “democracy is not inherently progressive” (p. 5). Although the Democratic party thrived on this gendered and racial vision of individualism and local democracy in the 1850s, fissures in the coalition began to appear in debates over popular sovereignty in Kansas by the end of the decade. Party leaders who had long assumed that majoritarian democracy was fully compatible with individual rights came to learn that “local majorities . . . were neither necessarily silent nor conservative” (p. 148). As Stephen Douglas debated the meaning of “the people” and their power with African Americans and white Southerners, all began to feel the rising tension between the party’s ideology and practical (sectional) politics. Yet, [End Page 507] Democrats remained committed to both white supremacy and local rule in the post-war years, creating what Lynn calls the basis for contemporary conservativism. Here the interbellum Democrats have key lessons for our current moment: “In the United States,” Lynn concludes, “individualism and democracy can work together to consecrate an inegalitarian present” (p. 180). Like Adam I. P. Smith’s The Stormy Present (2017), Lynn shows that the relationship between ideology and practical politics in the Civil War era was often fluid and complex. Yet, in many places the book feels muddled. The reader never really sees the transition from radical Jacksonian Democracy to conservative interbellum partisan-ship; a chapter on the radical origins and one on the party in transition would have been welcome. Moreover, by the end of the book, Lynn claims that the Democratic party “rejuvenate[d]” conservatism in the 1850s (p. 178) but it is not clear what it was rejuvenated from. Definitions are also elusive and oddly timeless; even a capacious or contingent explanation of progressivism and conservatism would have been helpful. Lynn is undoubtedly right that Democrats were “simultaneously progressive and conservative because the individual at the heart of Democratic ideology was the agent of both liberty and order” (pp. 66–67) but what that tells us about the long trajectory of American conservatism remains unclear. Rachel A. Shelden RACHEL A. SHELDEN is an associate professor of history and the director of the George and...

Smugglers, Pirates, and Patriots: Free Trade in the Age of Revolution by Tyson Reeder

Reviewed by: Smugglers, Pirates, and Patriots: Free Trade in the Age of Revolution by Tyson Reeder Edward P. Pompeian (bio) Smugglers, Pirates, and Patriots: Free Trade in the Age of Revolution. By Tyson Reeder. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019. Pp. 368. Cloth, $45.00.) This carefully researched, multi-local study analyzes the politics, ideology, and diplomacy of free trade during the Age of Revolutions by highlighting the fundamentally commercial nature of U.S. relations with the Luso–Atlantic world. With a comparative approach that entangles the [End Page 557] history of the United States with the Portuguese Empire, Smugglers, Pirates, and Patriots offers another window into the political and economic development of the United States. Its citizens saw free trade and republicanism as a lever to pry open Iberian American markets and to oppose monarchy and empire. Notwithstanding a minority of unruly republican insurgents in Pernambuco, the peoples of the Luso–Atlantic overwhelmingly did not share the North Americans' beliefs. Reeder's thesis is that U.S. free traders were repeatedly disappointed as liberal economic and commercial reforms in the Luso–Atlantic world bolstered the imperial status quo under a crown and scepter. Their hopes for a Brazilian republican bonanza were dashed when neither republicanism nor free trade arose and British merchants retained dominance over the region's commerce after independence in 1822. In the process, Brazilians undermined U.S. Americans' vision for a hemisphere of independent free-trade republics, and slavery became their only commonality. In the United States, the ideology of free trade and republicanism was the victim of the nation's political leaders who chose to safeguard the country's international reputation rather than to help secure South Americans' freedom. Smugglers, Pirates, and Patriots illustrates why the long-eighteenth-century perspective is crucial to understanding the early United States republic. The American Revolution and the creation of the United States gave birth to what Reeder calls a "new paradigm" or "syllogism that equated independence from Europe with republicanism, republicanism with free trade, and free trade with prosperity" (5). This paradigm was born from the Atlantic empires' reliance on trade networks that required inter-imperial trade and triggered contraband in defiance of strict mercantilist policy. He suggests that the paradigm took hold in British North America in the 1760s and 1770s largely because the British Empire refused to implement liberal reforms, unlike the Portuguese who linked "trade liberalization with imperial cohesion rather than fragmentation" (58). Reeder argues that the commercial disputes of the British imperial crisis were intimately tied to Anglo Americans' participation in Luso–Atlantic trade. And yet the American Revolution had the unforeseen consequence of severing the once extensive legal and illicit commercial relations British North Americans had enjoyed particularly with the Wine Islands under Anglo–Portuguese treaties. From the 1780s through the early 1820s, U.S. officials were stymied repeatedly in their efforts to [End Page 558] negotiate a trade deal with Portugal. In the meantime, Portuguese imperial regulations vacillated between bans and permissions for U.S. shipping which "reinforced the developing notion that European monarchies made poor trade partners" (86). As the free-trade ideology became the foundation of the new republican paradigm, U.S. commerce shifted to Brazil. Reeder broadens analysis of early United States international relations by considering the divergent perspectives of disobedient merchants, unruly privateers, and rogue consuls alongside diplomats and government officials. He posits that a deeply conflictive relationship existed between free traders and the state. Whether they were Anglo Americans or Brazilians, republican citizens or monarchical subjects, the free traders appearing in this book did not share an ideology, but they all desired access to foreign markets free of government regulation and prohibitive policies. The final chapters make the strongest case for this argument by focusing on familiar privateers, studied most recently by David Head and Caitlin Fitz, and obscure self-serving zealots who were temporarily appointed U.S. consuls before being removed for abusing their office and undermining U.S. foreign policy. Reeder seems to favor these and other free-trade "dissidents who challenged state authority" (2) because of their anti-state variant of liberty and commerce. There are dogged inconsistencies in this conflict-based interpretation that...

“Ours from the top to the very bottom”: Seneca Land, Colonial Development, Proto-Conservation, and Resistance in the Early American Republic

This essay focuses on the Senecas of western New York and their transformation, resilience, and resistance in the early nineteenth century. Rooted in a hybrid economy and environmental practice, among the postcolonial threats they faced in the context of white territorial expansion, republican and capitalist ideology, was an emerging new instrumental view of property, a radically changing economy, and embryonic ideas about “conservation.” Colonial expansion in the early American republic came at the expense of the Senecas and other Indians—or least that was the design. This expropriation has often been less visible because its story mostly is told from the perspective of (white) nationalism, democracy, and expanding opportunity embedded in the promise of “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” In addition, such colonialism in the nineteenth century and into the twentieth has often been masked by another emerging, “greenish” ideology, that of conservationism. Native (residual) rights, autonomy, and sovereignty could be ignored or overwhelmed by the supposedly objective, universal, scientific, and progressive demands that land and resources be conserved, not only from outsiders, but from Native people themselves. Thus, occurring at the expense of American Indians and environmental justice, conservation could be as exploitive and unjust as development.

Continuity or Change? (In)direct Rule in British and French Colonial Africa

AbstractCurrent political order in Africa is often linked to legacies of colonialism, in particular to legacies of indirect colonial rule. However, evidence about the application of indirect rule is scarce. In this paper I argue that empire-level characteristics interacted with precolonial institutions in shaping the indirectness of local rule. First, British governments ruled more indirectly than French administrations, which followed a comparatively centralized administrative blueprint, came with a transformative republican ideology, and had more administrative resources. Empirically, I find that French colonization led to the demise of the lines of succession of seven out of ten precolonial polities, twice as many as under British rule. Second, precolonial centralization was a crucial prerequisite for indirect rule. Local administrative data from eight British colonies show that British colonizers employed less administrative effort and devolved more power to native authorities where centralized institutions existed. Such a pattern did not exist in French colonies. Together, these findings improve our understanding of the long-term effects of precolonial institutions and draw attention to the interaction of characteristics of dominant and subordinate units in shaping local governance arrangements.