Ideological Support Research Articles

Pergeseran Peran Perempuan dalam Aksi Terorisme di Indonesia

Currently, terrorist activities are no longer solely committed by men in Indonesia. Over the last five years, there has been a two-and-a-half-fold surge in female terrorism in Indonesia. Many of the terrorists used children in suicide bombs. This article review the changing role and involvement of women and children in terrorist acts in Indonesia. The study employed a qualitative method with a case study approach. Atlas.ti software version 8 was used to analyse the data. The findings indicated an upsurge in the engagement of women and children in terrorist acts. Female terrorists are motivated by emotions and personal issues. The radicalisation of female terrorists is impacted more by social media, particularly securely encrypted Telegrams. Women have brainwashed their children to participate in terrorist acts actively. Women also contribute to strengthening the notion of terror believed by their spouses. The findings indicate that several factors contribute to the active participation of female terrorists in Indonesia, including the search for self-identity, gender egalitarianism, inspiration from previous female terrorists, social isolation among non-Muslim migrant worker communities, and emotional narratives constructed by unscrupulous radicalism propagandists. This discovery is crucial for the rehabilitation of female terrorists. The rehabilitation programme for female terrorists is predicted to be more effective by establishing tailored programmes based on women's characteristics. Thus, women's active participation in terrorist acts might be decreased, and ultimately, few children of the nation's successors are exposed to terrorism through their mothers. Furthermore, no longer do male terrorists receive ideological support from their wives or mothers.

Racializing human rights: political orientation, racial beliefs, and media use as predictors of support for human rights violations – a case study of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

ABSTRACT To what extent do political orientation, racial beliefs, and media use contribute to explaining support for human rights violations? To address these question, we draw on Adorno's “authoritarian personality” theory by proposing the concept of “racial syndrome,” resulting in affinity for expressions of support for right-wing ideologies. Using a public opinion survey conducted among Jewish-Israeli adults (N = 1,001), we show that political orientation and racial beliefs contribute to explaining support for human rights violations and that racial beliefs mediate the association between political orientation and support for human rights violations, measured as support for child arrest in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Moreover, the use of mainstream media moderates the association of political orientation with both racial beliefs and support for human rights violations, but the use of digital media does not. This study calls upon journalists, activists, and policymakers to engage responsibly in reducing racialized beliefs and promoting justice and human rights.

‘Shaming’ the Court: Ukraine’s Constitutional Court and the Politics of Constitutional Law in the Post-Euromaidan Era

Abstract Since the Euromaidan events of 2014, Ukraine has embarked on a reformist trajectory to ‘Europeanize’ the country and deliver the promise of good governance to its citizens. The series of legislative and public policy reforms that followed had financial and ideological support from Ukraine’s Western partners. To date, studies have focused on documenting and analyzing the course of international donors’ involvement in Ukraine’s reforms. What is lacking, however, is an analysis of the many different domestic responses to external pressure from donors to implement reforms. Examining Ukraine’s Constitutional Court case law on judicial self-government and anti-corruption from 2020, this article examines this court’s legal response to the politics of reform led by international donors and domestic actors in Ukraine. It reveals the problematic nature of constitutional decision-making in a country that has recently been facing considerable pressure from political incumbents and civil society. The article identifies a pattern that characterizes the political process (a ‘troubled nexus’) around the reforms in Ukraine and draws a parallel between Ukrainian developments and the situation in Moldova and Georgia, two countries that have been confronted with similar reform challenges since the enactment of the respective Association Agreements with the EU in 2016.

Current Situation and Development of Ideological and Political Education for Rural Youth under the Strategy of Rural Revitalization

Rural revitalization is an important issue of the times that closely follows the development of the times and affects the political, economic and cultural development of China. As an important participant of this issue of the times, rural youths shoulder the important mission of building rural culture and at the same time the important historical responsibility of building a beautiful countryside. The ideological and political education work of rural youth is an important part of realizing rural revitalization, and it is also an important ideological support and source of rural life production and development. For the ideological and political education of youth in rural areas, it is necessary to base on the strategy of rural revitalization and actively carry out the ideological and political education work of rural youth. This paper analyzes the role of youth ideological and political education in rural areas, discusses the problems of rural youth ideological and political education in rural revitalization, starts from the four aspects of education environment, education guidance, education carrier and education mechanism, and puts forward the optimization path of rural youth ideological and political education in the context of rural revitalization in the light of the current political and economic situation in rural areas, hoping that can provide help for the ideological and political education work in rural areas in China.

CULTURAL CANON AS A CULTURAL POLICY PROGRAMME: POLITICAL AND IDEOLOGICAL PRECONDITIONS AND PERSPECTIVES OF ITS DEVELOPMENT

This article provides a comparative analysis of the initiative of cultural policy implemented in three countries of the European Union (the Netherlands, Denmark and Latvia) and the term “cultural canon” that is used to characterise it. As the substantiation, objectives, functions and results of the cultural canon as a state-financed programme of cultural policy essentially differ in all the above countries, there is a ground for discussions about the preconditions for the sustainable development of this programme. The main objective of this article is to reveal the significance of political and ideological factors of the cultural canon in the development of cultural policy and the choice of scenarios in the future. In order to reach this objective, the theoretical understanding of the notion “cultural canon” has been analysed and its link with the values of a certain political ideology. A comparative analysis and assessment of the development of cultural canons in theNetherlands, Denmark and Latvia have been carried out by applying data of empirical research that is based on qualitative methodology. The article explores the development scenarios for the cultural canon that would bemost appropriate for the political- ideological context of Latvia. The theoretical basis of this article lies in various investigations that evaluate the cultural canon as substantiation for ideological paradigms in the cultural policy by paying special attention to works of those authors who have analysed the expression of ideological doctrines of nationalism and multiculturalism in culture (Willem Frijhoff, Peter Duelund, Monique Kremer, Will Kymlicka). The conclusions of this article are based on the theoretical and empirical research; they serve as arguments andproof for the thesis that consistent political and ideological support for the initiatives of the cultural canon is considered to be the main factor that influences the development of the programme and sustainability.

Controversy About the Ideological Orientation Around the Almanac "Mnemosyne"

The article is an analysis of the controversy that took place on the pages of the almanac "Mnemosyne", published by A. S. Griboyedov, V. K. Kyukhelbeker and V. F. Odoevsky in the 19th century. The object of the study is the negative critical reviews devoted to the almanac "Mnemosyne". The aim of the study is to identify the influence of negative critical reviews on the perception of the almanac "Mnemosyne". The main part of the work is devoted to negative reviews about the almanac. The article also contains a brief description of the history of the creation of the almanac itself for a more complete and detailed understanding of the material. When considering critical reviews of the almanac "Mnemosyne", first of all it is worth mentioning the personality of F. B. Bulgarin, famous for his loud polemics with the publishers of "Mnemosyne", as well as A. F. Voeykov and Prince Shalikov, who was directly related to this almanac. The novelty of this article lies in a more detailed consideration of the negative critical reviews on the almanac "Mnemosyne", as well as the impact of this controversy on the output of the almanac. It should be noted that "Mnemosyne" for a short but rather active period of publication acquired both ideological supporters who shared the views of the publishers and opponents who actively criticized the almanac, among whom were F. B. Bulgarin, A. F. Voeykov and Prince P. I. Shalikov. The controversy of the publishers of Mnemosyne with critics did not stop until the publication of the almanac was discontinued. These critical reviews caused a heated debate on a number of issues: starting from the appearance of "Mnemosyne", and ending with individual comments on the works of the almanac. These discussions not only did not spoil the reputation of Mnemosyne, but also helped to attract public attention to it.

Engels' philosophy of openness and nonlinear system in dialectics of Nature

Engels' natural dialectics thought is the model of combining philosophy with natural science and is an important part of the Marxist ideological system. There is a close connection between the dialectics of nature and contemporary systems science. The former provides ideological support, philosophical basis, and theoretical origin for the latter, and points out the direction for the development of contemporary systems science. The law of the dynamic development of material forms revealed by dialectics of nature reveals the complex objective things and the objective world, as well as the nonlinearity, complexity, and diversity of matter. The analysis and study of system complexity, openness, and nonlinearity, has important theoretical significance for the enrichment and development of materialist dialectics and provides a new perspective of research analysis and demonstration for materialist dialectics

Testing the status‐legitimacy hypothesis: Predicting system justification using objective and subjective socioeconomic status in China and the United States

The status‐legitimacy hypothesis proposes that those who are most disadvantaged by unequal social systems are even more likely than members of more advantaged groups to provide ideological support for the very social system that is responsible for their disadvantages. Li, Yang, Wu, and Kou (2020, Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin) sought to expand the generalizability of this hypothesis by testing it in China, addressing inconsistencies surrounding the empirical support for this hypothesis by postulating that the construct of status should be separated into an objective and subjective status marker. They reported that objective socioeconomic status (SES; income and education) negatively predicted system justification, while subjective SES positively predicted system justification. In the present study we attempt to replicate and extend the work of Li et al. in a cross‐cultural comparison of demographic stratified quota online samples in China and the United States. We test the status‐legitimacy hypothesis using objective and subjective SES to predict system justification using cross‐sectional and cross‐lagged regression analyses. We received partial support for Li et al.'s findings. Specifically, subjective SES positively predicted system justification for both societies during cross‐sectional and cross‐lagged longitudinal analyses. However, we failed to replicate Li et al.'s findings surrounding objective SES in China during cross‐sectional and cross‐lagged analyses.

Germany’s Colonial Policy in Contemporary German Social and Political Discourse

The intensification of the discussion on the German colonial past at the present stage combines the experience of historical research on this topic with the domestic and foreign policy objectives of Germany’s leadership. The purpose of this article is to examine the process of rethinking the colonial past in the Federal Republic of Germany as a part of ideological support for the FRG’s foreign policy on the African direction. The article examines how the debate over Germany’s colonial past has evolved in recent years, and how the intensification of the debate affects the government’s policy towards African countries. The conclusion is that Berlin’s address to this topic so far rarely goes beyond academic and socio-political debate, while the tangible steps of the government remain mostly at the level of declarative intentions. While expressing willingness to admit responsibility for the destruction wrought, the authorities of the Federal Republic of Germany seek to maintain control over its “monetization,” as they fear to get a flow of bills with potentially unlimited sums. Most initiatives are in the first stages of implementation and far from meeting the requests of African states. Germany’s colonial history, marked by both crimes against the local population and the infrastructure development of its controlled territories, is a potential resource for engagement with African countries. The importance of Africa for German foreign policy as expected will increase in the future due to economic, demographic and geopolitical factors.

Пресса как источник исследования национально-государственной политики большевист-ской партии на Северном Кавказе в ходе социалистической модернизации края

The leading instrument of ideological support of the proletariat dictatorship in the Russian nation-al regions after the October revolution in 1917 served the local press, which was formed and func-tioned under the control of the Bolshevik party. Especially difficult was strengthening Soviet power in the North Caucasus because socialist ideas were unknown and poorly understood by the highlanders. Bolsheviks propagated, first through the local press, the slogan of the right of nations to self-determination to attract the mountain peoples to their side. Large-scale propaganda of the national policy of the Bolshevik Party was carried out in the pages of newspapers and magazines. Meanwhile, publications devoted to these issues in periodicals during the first decades of the So-viet power have been insufficiently studied in the Caucasus studies. At the present stage of histor-ical-journalistic science, the need to rethink the provisions and conclusions of scholarly works of the recent Soviet past has increased. The article attempts to reveal the peculiarities of coverage in the North Caucasus regional press of the Bolshevik party policy in the sphere of national-state building during the Bolshevik totalitarian regime, based on the critical understanding of the pub-lished scientific literature, the study of archival materials, content analysis of regional newspapers and magazines.

Coronavirus Conspiracy Theories in Southeast Europe: (Non-)Believers, Social Network Bubbles, and the Discourse of Blame

ABSTRACT Using survey and social network evidence from Southeast Europe, we advance the understanding of conspiracy theories and politics related to the coronavirus pandemic in three ways: (1) we show that beliefs in coronavirus conspiracy theories are related to ideological support for a nationalist vision of society and socialist vision of the economy; (2) we also show that both conspiracy believers and nonbelievers are living in bubbles of the like-minded; and (3) we use the tools of natural language processing to elucidate the unambiguous differences in the discourse related to the coronavirus used by conspiracy believers and nonbelievers.

Traditional gender roles translating into behaviors within adolescents’ romantic relationships

While several studies suggest that traditional gender ideologies are strongly embedded in Latino populations, little is known about the way they operate in adolescent’s romantic relationships. This mixedmethods study was carried out with adolescents in Cuenca, Ecuador. In the quantitative component, we assessed adolescents’ support for traditional gender ideologies in a sample of 562 adolescents (n = 309 girls). It was identified that the majority of adolescents were “uncritical” towards traditional ideologies involving masculinity (82%) and femininity (79%). In the qualitative component, the narratives of a sample of 20 adolescents reflected existing discourses on traditional gender roles and revealed how these ideologies are translated into specific behaviors. In this context, romantic relationships can become negative and dysfunctional spaces that affect adolescents’ development.

Măsurile pregătitoare politico-diplomatice și militar-propagandistice ale U.R.S.S. pentru anexarea Basarabiei și a nordului Bucovinei (II)

"A significant turning point in relations between the Soviet Union and Romania was associated with the incorporation of Bessarabia and northern part of Bukovina into the USSR, which took place in the context of Soviet-German rapprochement. To this end, the Soviet leadership developed a set of preparatory political-diplomatic and military-propaganda measures. Soviet political and diplomatic actions were based on fundamental military preparations. In order to prepare and further joining Bessarabia and the northern part of Bukovina to the USSR, the Southern Front was created on the basis of the Kyiv Special and Odessa military districts. Army General Georgy Zhukov was appointed as a commander. The General Staff of the Red Army developed two variants of actions by Soviet troops. The first one provided for measures in case the Romanian government would not agree to the peaceful transfer of Bessarabia and Bukovina to the USSR. The second variant was an action plan in case of a voluntary retreat of Romanian troops west of the Prut. The first option was taken as the base. As early as June 26, 1940, on the border with Romania, the Soviet command concentrated 32 infantry, 2 motorized infantry, 6 cavalry divisions, 11 tank, 3 airborne brigades, 16 artillery regiments of the commander-in-chief’s reserve, 14 corps artillery regiments and 4 separate artillery divisions. In the main areas of the offensive, more than a triple advantage in manpower and means was provided. At the same time, for the purpose of ideological support, a huge propaganda apparatus was prepared to work with the population. In accordance with the Directive of the Main Political Directorate of the Red Army № 0140 (June 21, 1940), a large number of political workers were sent to the disposal of the Southern Front. One month before the start of the military operation, all employees of party and Soviet organizations were considered as mobilized. After appropriate training, they were ready for further activities as editorial staff, propagandists and agitators. Concert brigades and drama theatre groups were organized for the cultural service of the population. There were selected mobile library, gramophone records, and films. Book-mobile was arranged; everything necessary for the publication in Romanian newspaper was completed and provided with everything necessary. Due to the diligence of all these preparatory acts, the territories of Bessarabia and the northern part of Bukovina were occupied by the Red Army according to all the rules of military art (all elements of military operation were used: military force, local military pressure, military intelligence and counterintelligence, agitation and propaganda), thanks to which the USSR could reach its purpose. "

Understanding Perceptions, Barriers, and Opportunities around Restorative Justice in Urban High Schools

A popular alternative disciplinary framework from zero-tolerance school policies is restorative justice, which refers to a set of ideologies and practices that emphasize healing relationships in lieu of community exclusion. This work investigates the differences between ideological support for restorative approaches compared to program implementation. We conducted semi-structured qualitative interviews with school staff, including teachers, administrators, and security officials, at five urban high schools in the Chicago metropolitan region. Our findings highlight sharp divergences in buy-in for restorative justice and perceptions on the appropriateness of various disciplinary approaches, illuminating both barriers and opportunities towards schoolwide restorative justice program implementation.

On the problem of interaction between art and politics in the context of contemporary culture

The purpose of the article is to outline the problem of interaction between art and politics in the context of modern socio-cultural space. The research methodology involves the use of the method of synthesis to determine the specifics of art and its role in the context of today's culture. The method of analogy was used to outline common dominants in modern European mural art, which is dedicated to Ukraine. An analytical approach was used to determine the correlation between art, culture, and politics. Scientific novelty. The relationship between art and politics within the modern cultural space is outlined. We need to strengthen control in the field of cultural policy over artistic content, which reaches a wide audience, and to achieve a balance between freedom and responsibility in the individual creative activity of the artist. Conclusions. Art is an expression of those cultural and political processes that take place in society. It forms a certain worldview, and acts as a means of struggle, the bearer of a certain ideology. An important task in this regard is the need for expert evaluation of the art product. In the absence of official censorship, it is necessary to prevent violations of moral, ethical and religious norms. During the war, the role of art in human life is even more important, because it is formed under the influence of political processes and significantly affects consciousness. It is important to achieve a correlation between the freedom and responsibility of the artist when he is free to choose the content and form of his own works, given the impact he has on the viewer. On the example of murals that appeared in Ukrainian and European cities during the beginning of the full-scale invasion of Russian troops, we can trace the presence of common features manifested in the specifics of themes, images, symbols, colors. They are the driving force of cultural and ideological support for Ukraine in the struggle for freedom.
 Key words: culture, art, politics, art product, war, mural

일본사회의 국가권력과 종교의 관계

This study aims to examine the relationship between religion and politics. Specifically, the relationship between state power and Shinto was analyzed, focusing on Japanese politics and the Japanese political organization Nihonkaigi. Through this, the ideological background of Japan’s right-wing forces was analyzed. Nihonkaigi is a political organization where right-wing political figures from Japan, created by “the Group to Protect Japan” and “the National Congress to Protect Japan,” are gathered. This organization significantly influences modern Japanese politics based on right-wing forces. The ideological backgrounds of these right-wing forces include “setting the Japanese emperor as the base of power” and “traditional the unity of state and religion ideas”. It means that efforts to abolish the State Shinto in December 1945 and prevent the recurrence of militarism failed. Nihonkaigi is giving material, human, and ideological support to right-wing politicians. They seek a “return to before the 2nd World War” by glorifying nationalism with discourse such as “Strong Japan equals Making a New Japan”. This example explains the unique aspect of Japan’s unity of state and religion.

Afrikaner networks for volksdiens: Stellenbosch volkekundiges, 1926–1997

Several critical exposés of volkekunde at Stellenbosch University have focused on dominant figures up to the 1960s but have not sufficiently considered how they engaged with Afrikaner nationalism. This article introduces questions around solidarity, discontinuity and dissent amongst volkekundiges up to the closure of their department. The article uses a network approach to unravel how volkekundiges at the university were entangled with Afrikaner organisations and how their work reflected Afrikaner nationalism. Given tightly knit networks at Afrikaans universities and the appearance of monolithic unity, the limited scope for dissent is of interest. The article follows the development of volkekunde at Stellenbosch in tandem with major changes in the apartheid project for which volkekundiges provided theoretical confirmation of the social categories required to divide and rule black people. Three periods (policy development, implementation, and implosion of apartheid) organise the material, illustrating trends towards solidarity of networks but also (minor) disruptions showing differentiation and dissent. Close connections between academic work and ideological support for nationalist politics characterised the rise of volkekunde at Stellenbosch. This trend also led to the abandonment of volkekunde (then “anthropology”), despite last-attempt retooling of an unsustainable tradition during South Africa’s democratic transition.

Professional development in multicultural education: What can we learn from the Australian context?

Including data from 3006 in-service primary and secondary public-school teachers in New South Wales, we investigated the effects of professional development in multicultural education on teachers' beliefs about the effectiveness of multicultural strategies in fostering a culturally inclusive environment, the importance of these strategies in providing equitable opportunities for students, and the teachers’ support for monocultural ideologies and practices. Our multilevel structural equation model showed that teachers who received professional development, especially during their in-service years, had more positive attitudes and beliefs about multicultural ideologies and practices compared to teachers who did not undergo professional development.

Playing Conspiracy

Playing Conspiracy

Rights vs. Lived Realities: Women’s Views of Gender Equality in Relationships in Rural South Africa

Abstract South Africa’s constitution is among the world’s most ambitious in promoting gender equality, but the country continues to be marked by inequality and gender-based violence. Given this context, we analyze 43 interviews with Black women aged 18–55 in rural South Africa to explore how the constitutional ideal of gender equality—or “50/50”—has been interpreted and applied in women’s intimate relationships. Overall, we found that inequality and gender hierarchy were common in relationships. Women relied on two logics to explain the persistence of inequality in their relationships. First, women offered ideological support for gender norms supporting hierarchy by linking 50/50 to the abandonment of culture, tradition, and respect. Second, women viewed reaffirmation of gender inequality within relationships as a pragmatic way to avoid men’s violence and infidelity, thus protecting women from abandonment and HIV. Women’s views about equality in relationships were shaped by dominant gender norms, precarity in the local political economy, and the risks of violence and HIV/AIDS. Our findings expand theories of social change by highlighting how longstanding social norms, but also local political-economic and health conditions can influence views of equality and, ultimately, the local adoption or dismissal of international standards of rights and equality.