Afrikaner networks for volksdiens: Stellenbosch volkekundiges, 1926–1997

Jimmy Volmink: shaping the evidence base in South Africa

Foregut duplication cyst presenting at birth with airway compression.

A brief overview of South Africa's higher education history contextualizes this article's examination of how admissions policies and procedures at the University of Cape Town (UCT), an historically White South African university, have been affected by increasing enrollments of Black students since the passage of the 1983 Universities Amendment Act. This is followed by an institutional profile that delineates the specific changes in admissions policies and procedures related to Black students at UCT from 1983 to 1995. Data are presented by race and gender. The article concludes with a critical analysis of UCT's academic development programs and alternative admissions criteria. INTRODUCTION The origins of higher education in South Africa date back to 1829 and the establishment of the University of the Cape of Good Hope-the present-day University of Cape Town (UCT)-and the University of Stellenbosch, founded in 1874. These early institutions of higher learning were established primarily to prepare White males for further educational training abroad. They were modeled after British institutions; their students were White, and their academic staff came primarily from Britain and other European countries. It was not until early in the 20th century, with the passage of the University Act of 1916, that provisions were made for the establishment of the first university for non-White South Africans. That legislation established the South African Native College, now known as the University of Fort Hare, and the University of South Africa, a correspondence university for the nation's Blacks, or its African, Colored, and Indian/ Asian populations. As this article makes plain, the history of South African higher education is intricately bound to and influenced by political developments. Upon assuming leadership in 1948 until the 1994 democratic elections, the National Party (NP) government of the nation's White minority played a decisive role in the development of higher education. With its doctrine of apartheid, the NP introduced the plethora of legislation that systematically entrenched racial segregation at all levels of society, including the educational system. Within five years of taking power, the NP government passed the Bantu Education Act of 1953, which created separate systems of education for Africans, Coloreds, Indians/ Asians, and Whites. This Act was followed by the Universities Amendment Act of 1959 that prohibited the admission of Blacks to historically White universities and established separate universities for Blacks along racial/ethnic lines. Subsequently, between 1951 and 1968, six South African colleges became full-fledged, independent universities serving Whites only: the University of the Witwatersrand (1922), the University of Pretoria (1930), Natal University (1949), the University of the Orange Free State (1950), Rhodes University (1951), and Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education (1951). Two new Whites-only universities were founded during this period: the University of Port Elizabeth in 1965 and Rand Afrikaans University in 1968 (Muller, 1991). Institutional development in South African higher education also reflected the cultural and linguistic duality of the South African settler population. The Afrikaans-language universities of Stellenbosch, Pretoria, Orange Free State, Potchefstroom, and Rand Afrikaans-became the nucleus of Afrikaner (Dutch Boer) nationalism and cultural consciousness (Booysen, 1989; Gwala, 1988; Marcum, 1982). The English-language universitiesCape Town, Witwatersrand, Rhodes, and Natal-have historically been perceived as politically liberal in the South African context for their strong commitment to the ideals of academic freedom and interracial and interethnic relations (Taylor, 1990; Vale, 1987). The Extension of Universities Act, passed in 1959, set forth provisions for ethnically based institutions of higher learning designed to serve South Africa's African, Colored, and Indian/Asian populations. …

Tuberculosis of the trachea in a child: Value of 3D segmentation.

The racially demoniated socio-economic and political system that prevailed in South Africa before the abolition of apartheid in 1994 spawned two parallel nationalisms, Afrikaner nationalism and African nationalism. The the first was an ideology of domination and the second an ideology of liberation. The article analyzes the competition for dominance between these two racially motivated nationalisms. It argues that although Afrikaner nationalism gained initial dominance this was not sustainable on the long term since it was bound to come into confrontation with African nationalism. In the end, both Afrikaner and African nationalism had to give way to liberalism, which offered a means to reconcile the competing interests of all the races in South Africa. Lagos Historical Review Vol. 7 2007: pp. 160-171

This paper describes current support for mental health care user participation in policy development and implementation in South Africa and suggests strategies for improving participation. The World Health Organization (WHO) Mental Health Policy Checklist and WHO Mental Health Legislation Checklist were completed. Between August 2006 and August 2009 96 semi-structured interviews with national, regional and district stakeholders were conducted. Most respondents felt that inclusion of user perspectives in policy processes would improve policy development. In practice, mental health care user consultation in policy development and implementation has been limited during the 16 years of democracy in South Africa. Strategies to create a supportive environment for user participation include social action directed at reducing stigma, advocating for acceptance of users’ rights to participate in decision making, crafting a supportive regulatory framework to promote participation, and equipping providers and policy makers to support inclusion. User capacity for participation could be strengthened through early and effective access to treatment and support, development of a national user lobby, skills training and practical exposure to the policy and service development environment.

This paper aims to explain the relationship between FET policy origination and management practices at college level in Gauteng. Empirical evidence shows that there exists a gap between policy and practice. Literature points out that since 1994, South Africa has passed laws that created favorable conditions for policy development. The success or failure of government FET policies can be judged at college level. According to research, some managers in former technical colleges lack skills and knowledge to successfully implement government transformation initiatives. Lack of management capacity at college level is cited as the reason for the non-implementation of policy. Policy makers derive policy from political, social and economic imperatives and infuse this with theoretical sources that describe how the policy process works and are often less sensitive to the practical conditions in which the policy is to be implemented. Conversely, policy implementers are primarily guided by contextual and systemic considerations as they implement policy. In the thesis upon which this paper is based, it is argued that understanding the processes of policy development and implementation can assist in explaining the relationship between government policy and management practices at college level. The study interrogated policy intentions by analyzing the original meaning of FET policy from the originators’ perspective and juxtaposed this with the understanding of policy implementation from the implementers’ perspective and described the relationship between intended and implemented policy. A qualitative research design using semi-structured interviews to gather data from participants was used. Purposive sampling was used to select participants from policy originators and college managers. During data analysis, six main themes were distilled from the data collected: centralization vis-a vis decentralization; resources; structures; curriculum; governance and strategic planning. Findings revealed how issues of power and authority affect policy development and implementation. The study establishes that policy implementers need capacity, power and authority to plan and make decisions on policy implementation, but decision-makers at higher levels of the system often subjugate these powers. For policy implementation to match policy intentions, policy implementers need capacity and authority to understand, plan and make policy implementation decisions. Key words: Policy origination, management practices, transformation, governance, policy implementation, policy intentions, resources, centralization, decentralization, structures.

This article locates Stellenbosch zoologist, C.S. (Coert) Grobbelaar at its centre to engage the history of physical anthropology and the study of race within a particular institutional, intellectual and political context at Stellenbosch University. An engagement with Grobbelaar’s career reveals that his scientific practice was deeply entrenched in political ideology. This was shaped by Afrikaner nationalism and a home institution which emphasised its intellectual connection with Germany rather than the Commonwealth in the interwar period. The alliance with Germany ultimately shaped Grobbelaar’s disciplinary orientation as well as the disciplinary identity of physical anthropology at Stellenbosch University. Grobbelaar pursued his science in the context of Afrikaner nationalism at an institution where science was meant to serve the interests of the Afrikaner volk. During his career Grobbelaar missed profound international departures in the study of race. He could ultimately not detach his scientific practice from the political context in which it operated.

This paper unpacks the ways in which race and modernity shaped perceptions of crime, disorder, and poverty in South Africa by looking at how aspects of inequality and injustice were inscribed into discourses of disorder in the past. Historically, the issues of race and poverty in South Africa were often used in traditional urban settings to produce numerous images of urban crises. The paper is presented in four sections. The first section focuses on Michel Foucault's ideas on the nature of punishment in modern society and how correctional institutions regulate the lives of those deemed to be a “danger to modern society.” Foucault's ideas are set to provide an explanatory platform for the paper's overall analysis of penal practice in South Africa. The second section focuses on the interaction between the construction of mechanisms of racial hegemony in South Africa in the past and the development of a penal system that could harness and control the consequences of rapid social change. Punishment is here linked to four broad developments that emerged alongside the construction of a modernizing society. These developments included debates and processes that sought to respond to problems on indigency, links between punishment systems and understandings of racial mixing, the reliance on the authority of scientific interventions and programs of education to assess and address identified needs, and the belief in preparing subjects for work in order that they later not be a burden to the state. The third section addresses the ways in which the evolving punishment system in South Africa was both informed and constituted by academic criminological thought during the twentieth century. Dirk Van Zyl Smit has identified two criminological periods in the development of penal practice in South Africa after 1910, periods that he has characterized as “Legal Reformism” and “Afrikaner Nationalism.” He notes that the two periods and traditions interacted in complex ways to inform the development of social policy thereafter. For example, Van Zyl Smit notes that both traditions of criminological thinking assumed that the building of a new South African nation within the broader imperial framework would always only be based on “Afrikaners and English working together.” It was also assumed that indigent whites that committed crimes of serious social consequence did so only because there weren't enough social welfare programs in place to protect them from “falling into disrepute.” Using the key concepts prevalent in the first three sections, the fourth section briefly suggests how notions of color shaped and interacted with institutional provision and arrangements in the period 1945 to 1970.

“FENIANS AND DUTCH CARPETBAGGERS”: IRISH AND AFRIKANER NATIONALISMS, 1877– 1930 DONAL P. MCCRACKEN speaking in Dáil Éireann on November 18, 1959, Taoiseach Seán Lemass observed that his Fianna Fáil government “entertain[s] nothing but friendly sentiments for South Africa. Our relations have, indeed, always been marked by mutual sympathy.”1 Though the Irish premier went on to state that his government had recorded its dissent from “certain policies of the Union Government,” his speech was both extraordinary and, as an utterance of a European leader, unique. Eighty-two years earlier the Irish-Afrikaner nexus had been born quite fortuitously when in 1877 a handful of disgruntled Irish nationalist MPs at Westminster—including Charles Stewart Parnell, Joseph Biggar, and Frank Hugh O’Donnell—had deWed their conservative-minded leader, Isaac Butt, and obstructed the passage of a South African confederation through the House of Commons.2 The incident enraged the English press, delighted the visiting Boer delegation from the recently annexed Transvaal, and mystiWed Ireland. What had a Calvinist people six thousand miles away to do with Catholic and Gaelic Ireland? Besides, where was the Transvaal ? Was it a mountain; was it in Europe?3 Nonetheless, the incident had several interesting repercussions. It drew the attention of the visiting Boer leaders, Kruger and Joubert, to the fact that their support in the House of Commons extended beyond the handful of Dilkean radicals. Four cordial meetings were held between these Boer leaders and the Parnellite rump. IRISH AND AFRIKANER NATIONALISMS: 1877–1930 109 1 Dáil Debates, 178 (18 November 1959), cols. 28–29. 2 The Wlibustering of the South African bill culminated in an Irish obstruction which lasted twenty-one hours. See The Times, 2 August 1877; and the Freeman’s Journal, 2 August 1877. 3 F. H. O’Donnell, The History of the Irish Parliamentary Party, 1870–1892 (New York, 1910), pp. 69, 216. It is wrong to read too much into these meetings, but undoubtedly they created a bond of respect which was consolidated three-and-a-half years later when the Wrst Anglo-Boer War broke out.4 Equally important was the impact of Parnell’s Wlibustering on the British establishment. Ireland had for some time been viewed as the standard by which imperial trouble could be judged. There now emerged the specter of a double-headed monster: the Irish and South African questions running in harness, one feeding oV the other, and trailing in their wake a subversive bandwagon intent on disrupting imperial harmony.5 The Boer victory over a British column at the Battle of Majuba in January, 1881, extended the bond of respect that existed between the Boer leadership and the now fully Parnellite Irish Parliamentary Party to the nationalist population of Ireland. It would appear that some Irish Land League funds were diverted to the Boers, though in what amount is not known.6 The Irish nationalist press gloated over England’s humiliation—while noting, of course, the heroic last stand of Dublin-born General Colley.7 The strength of the link between Irish and Afrikaner nationalism always depended on circumstance, and was usually intensiWed by Irish awareness of events occurring in South Africa, rather than vice versa. Over the quarter century from the British annexation of the Transvaal, both nationalisms strengthened and became more aggressive. Both developed language movements and both had their own nationalist press and nationalist -oriented “history.” Such developments, however, only in part alleviated the ravages of the juggernaut of Anglicization; much damage had already IRISH AND AFRIKANER NATIONALISMS: 1877–1930 110 4 Support for the Boers was voiced in the Irish nationalist press at this time and Frenchman Paul Dubois notes Irish opposition to the 1877 Transvaal annexation in his book, Contemporary Ireland (London, 1908), p. 145. Later Kruger sent one of the Irish MPs a casket containing £100. 5 In 1884 Lord Derby asked the question, “Do you want to create another Ireland in South Africa?” See D. M. Schreuder, Gladstone and Kruger (London, 1969), p. viii. 6 See Henri le Caron, Twenty-Five Years in the Secret Service (London, 1893), pp. 169–70, and Sir Robert Anderson, Sidelights on the Home Rule Movement (London...

BJU InternationalVolume 93, Issue 8 p. 1165-1170 Renal trauma: indications for imaging and surgical exploration C.F. Heyns, Corresponding Author C.F. Heyns Department of Urology, University of Stellenbosch and Tygerberg Hospital, Tygerberg, South AfricaProf C.F. Heyns, Department of Urology, Faculty of Health Sciences, University of Stellenbosch, Private Bag 19063, Tygerberg 7505, South Africa. e-mail: [email protected]Search for more papers by this author C.F. Heyns, Corresponding Author C.F. Heyns Department of Urology, University of Stellenbosch and Tygerberg Hospital, Tygerberg, South AfricaProf C.F. Heyns, Department of Urology, Faculty of Health Sciences, University of Stellenbosch, Private Bag 19063, Tygerberg 7505, South Africa. e-mail: [email protected]Search for more papers by this author First published: 06 May 2004 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1464-410X.2004.04868.xCitations: 58Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Citing Literature Volume93, Issue8May 2004Pages 1165-1170 RelatedInformation

In South Africa, Stellenbosch University (SU) is the designated provider of Bachelor, Master and Doctorate level qualifications in Forestry and Wood Products Science. SU provides educational programs to both mechanical (sawmilling, preservation, composite products, furniture, etc.) and the chemical (pulp & paper) processing sectors. To ensure academic quality, SU regularly has her academic programs assessed externally. In 2000, several changes to the then existing 4 year B.Sc. Wood Science program were recommended. A restructured SU undergraduate program, similar to the B.Sc. Wood Products Processing program at the University of British Columbia (UBC), Vancouver, Canada, was consequently introduced in 2003. That same year, to provide more support to this effort, a partnership between UBC, SU and the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, the SA institution responsible for the National Diploma and Bachelor of Technology degrees in similar subjects, was established. The objective was to develop and deliver successful tertiary programs in value-added wood product processing education for South Africa and later, for other African countries as well. A Wood Products Processing Education Project, implemented in 2004 and running until mid 2010, funded by the respective partner institutions and the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) through the University Partnership in Cooperation and Development Program, was established. In addition to curriculum developments based on the UBC model, module content was modified to address relevant South African conditions. To make modules accessible to part-time students and members of industry off-campus, conversion of several Wood Products Science modules into e-learning format was implemented.A concise overview of Wood Science education at Stellenbosch University is given and the implementation and progress of the CIDA project at SU is briefly discussed. Solutions to the educational needs of the SA pulp & paper sector are also highlighted.

The Neuropsychiatry and Neuropsychology Of Lipoid Proteinosis

On Friday 27th July 2012 the conference on the "Green Paper on Land Reform: Challenges and Opportunities" was held at the Hakunamatata Estate in Muldersdrift. The conference was a joint project by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation (KAS) and the Faculty of Law, North-West University. While the main focus of the conference was on the specific issues raised by the Green Paper on Land Reform of 2011, it also addressed current and contemporary issues relating to the Land Reform issue as experienced in South Africa. Papers were delivered on various aspects of land reform relating to or arising from the Green Paper on Land Reform, 2011. The programme included a large number of excellent and thought provoking papers as well as a number of panel discussions that resulted in enthusiastic audience participation. Of these, the following papers and presentations were collected, evaluated and published in this special edition of PER. The first contribution by Wian Erlank (North-West University) gives an overview and discusses the challenges the Green Paper on Land Reform bring to the fore. It sets the stage for the publication at large. This is followed by Juanita Pienaar (University of Stellenbosch) who deliberates on what she calles the “mechanics of intervention” and the Green Paper on Land Reform. Henk Kloppers and Gerrit Pienaar (North West University) gives a historical context of land reform in South Africa and early policies; and Henk Kloppers then considers Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in the context of land reform. He is followed by Hanri Mostert's (University of Cape Town) contribution on land as a 'National Asset' under the Constitution and what this system change envisaged by the 2011 Green Paper on Land Policy means for property under the Constitution. Elmien du Plessis (University of Johannesburg) article on the lack of direction on compensation for expropriation in the 2011 Green Paper on Land Reform. This special edition ends with Motsepe Matlala, the President of the National African Farmers Union gave an illuminating oratio on the opportunities and challenges of the 2011 Green Paper on Land Reform for the National African Farmers Union (NAFU SA). The timing of this edition is fortuitous, since a follow-up to this conference was held at Hakunamatata, Muldersdrift on 19 and 20 June 2014 with the specific focus on Land Reform and Food Security. More on the theme. The contributions contained in this special edition provide an extensive overview of land reform, especially in their introductory sections - before delving into the more technical aspects. However, a very brief note on the issue of Land Reform in South Africa might be beneficial for foreign readers. As in most other areas of the world, ownership of and access to land is an important issue in South Africa. This is especially topical in South Africa due to the fact that the racial segregation policies and laws of the past had the effect of removing people from their land, of restricting their access to land, and also in most instances of prohibiting their ownership of land. Ever since the abolition of "apartheid" and the introduction of the new, democratic dispensation, the initiative of "land reform" has been identified as requiring actively promotion in order to address these injustices of the past. Mandated by the Constitution and implemented through legislation, the South African Land Reform Programme has seen many developments over the past few years. While it is clear that much has been done to address these issues, it is also clear that current land reform strategies have not have the intended effect and would need to be adapted before this important programme is resumed. The Green Paper on Land Reform of 2011 is one of the instruments that has been used to create new interest and public engagement both in Land Reform, the development of better public policy and - eventually – of legislation. In the context of this brief description of the existing situation, this issue focusses on the most pressing aspects of land reform at the moment.

BackgroundTranslating health policy into effective implementation is a core priority for responding effectively to the tuberculosis (TB) crisis. The national TB Recovery Plan was developed in response to the negative impact that the COVID-19 pandemic had on TB care in South Africa. We aimed to explore the implementation of the TB Recovery Plan and develop recommendations for strengthening accountability for policy implementation for this and future TB policies.MethodsWe interviewed 24 participants working on or impacted by TB policy implementation in South Africa. This included perspectives from national, provincial, and local health department representatives, civil society, and community representatives. In-depth interviews were conducted in English and isiXhosa and we drew on reflexive thematic methods for analysis.ResultsParticipants felt that there was potential for COVID-19 innovations and urgency to influence TB policy development and implementation, including the use of data dashboards. Implementation of the TB Recovery Plan predominantly used a top-down approach to implementation (cascading from national policy to local implementers) but experienced bottlenecks at provincial level. Recommendations for closing the TB policy-implementation gap included using phased implementation and enhancing provincial-level accountability. Civil society organisations were concerned about the lack of provincial implementation data which impeded advocacy for improved accountability and inadequate resourcing for implementation. Community health workers were viewed as key to implementation but were not engaged in the policy development process and were often not aware of new TB policies. At local level, there were also opportunities to strengthen community engagement in policy implementation including through community-led monitoring. Participants recommended broader multi-stakeholder engagement that includes community and community health worker representatives in the development and implementation phases of new TB policies.ConclusionsCommunities affected by TB, with the support of civil society organisations, could play a bigger role in monitoring policy implementation at local level and need to be capacitated to do this. This bottom-up approach could complement existing top-down strategies and contribute to greater accountability for TB policy implementation.