Revolutionary Ideology Research Articles

ДО ПИТАННЯ УГОДОВСТВА: ҐАБРІЄЛЯ ЗАПОЛЬСЬКА — ВАЦЛАВ ҐОНСЬОРОВСЬКИЙ

The article refers to different socio-political issues, in particular the issue of agreement, in the works of Gabriela Zapolska and Wacław Gąsiorowski. During her five-year stay in Paris, Gabriela Zapolska was influenced by various trends in politics and literature, but it is difficult to attribute the writer to any socio-political ideology. From 1900 until the end of her life she did not identify herself with any political force. Under the influence of socialist ideas, the novel “Janka” was written (“Yanka”, 1895). The period from 1892 to 1899 was the time of the writer’s greatest interest in revolutionary ideology. However, in some dramatic works of this period, Zapolska wanted to implicate a sense of “national solidarity” within social themes. These are primarily dramatic works, which she signed by the pseudonym Joseph Maskoff — “Tamten (“Those”, 1898), “Sybir” (“Siberia”, 1899), “Car jedzie” (“The King’s ride”, 1900), where she refers to the problems of Polish-Russian relations relevant at that time, and the issue of agreement as a central. Another Polish writer, Wacław Gąsiorowski, signed his accusatory novel “Ugodowcy”, which appeared in 1901 (Słowo Polskie) and was also a response to the visit of Tsar Nicholas II to Warsaw in 1897, not by his own name or even a nomen, but by a socially derogatory noun, in addition in Latin – Wiesław Sclavus (which means ‘slave’). Polish scholar A. Schwartz, calling these facts, overlooked the nuance of why Zapolska also has a number of works of various genres also signed by a polysemous noun, although not Latin (rather, with retro-Germanic inflections on -ff-, for example, Muscoff), but with derogatory connotations in tune with Gąsiorowski’s Sclavus. He also pointed out that Zapolska “actually signed her works in this way, including the so-called anti-Russian ones”. The researcher also claimed that Zapolska was in a hurry to deny her involvement in the “Ugodowcy”, although she later allegedly admitted her authorship of the novel. Gabriela Zapolska and Wacław Gąsiorowski are related only by the fact that they signed their works on similar topics by the pseudonyms. Thus, there are no grounds for conducting separate research on the alleged “plagiarism” of Gabriela Zapolska (after “Malaszka”). It can be stated that they could be united only by the presence of polemical, sharply exposing socio-politi- cal problems, including issues of the agreement.

Rađanje zatvora - evolucija ideje

A society without norms does not exist, just as norms that are not violated do not exist as well. The reaction of society to violation of basic norms on which it itself is based largely depends on the epoch, that is, on the value core on which the society itself is based. Imprisonment has always existed, but it has changed drastically throughout history - from imprisonment without purpose and meaning, alongside torment and suffering, to modern forms of deprivation of liberty and modern prisons. The ideological revolution has changed the value basis of society, thus changing all the norms that had arisen from such values. The perception and expectations of punishment have changed and, from the 18th and 19th centuries onwards, a new concept of prison as an institution of control, correction, or resocialization has been developing. Prison has ceased to be perceived as hell on earth and became an instrument of society's influence on those who dare to violate social norms. This paper follows this evolution, that is, the development of prisons and the idea of imprisonment from holes and dungeons to modern penitentiaries.

Comrades on Elephants: Economic Anti-Imperialism, Orientalism, and Soviet Diplomacy in Afghanistan, 1921–23

Comrades on ElephantsEconomic Anti-Imperialism, Orientalism, and Soviet Diplomacy in Afghanistan, 1921–23 Samuel J. Hirst (bio) A 1923 cover of the magazine Ogonek displays two Afghans and a third man in Soviet military clothing assisting a Russian couple in broad-brimmed hats onto an elephant (fig. 1). The headline proclaims the scene anti-British and anti-imperialist, but the image could easily adorn a Victorian celebration of empire. The photograph is emblematic of the time Fedor Raskoĺnikov and Larisa Reisner spent in Kabul: they urged Moscow to provide diplomatic and economic aid to the Afghan state while they themselves collected antique coins to take home with them when they left. Raskoĺnikov and Reisner demonstrated a pronounced sense of cultural superiority during their stay in Kabul, and they seem almost to embody the paradox that has led scholars to refer to the Soviet Union as an “anti-imperialist ‘empire.’”1 Yet Raskoĺnikov, Reisner, and the editors of Ogonek evidently saw little incongruity in their performance. The magazine confidently drew readers’ attention to the Soviet presence in a 19th-century site of imperial rivalry, to a landscape that evoked the Great Game. Sightseeing on elephants was an exotic but irrelevant sideshow; the radicalism of the Soviet Union’s approach to independent states in what was to become the Third World lay elsewhere. The Bolsheviks cared most about economics, and they were convinced that the imperative to consolidate political independence from and against a global capitalist system defined anti-imperialism. Raskoĺnikov and Reisner were part of the Bolshevik elite, and they promulgated its economic analysis even as many of their gestures evoked another [End Page 13] Click for larger view View full resolution Figure 1. On 10 June 1923, Ogonek featured this photograph of Larisa Reisner and Fedor Raskoĺnikov in Afghanistan and described the couple as “A Thorn in Lord Curzon’s Side.” Just a couple of months earlier, British Foreign Secretary Lord Curzon had demanded Raskoĺnikov’s recall from Kabul on the grounds that the latter was engaged in anti-British activities. Source: Rossiiskaia natsionaĺnaia biblioteka, St. Petersburg. Reproduced with permission. [End Page 14] world and time. The moment of transition to a new order offers a revealing view of the often uneasy fit of revolutionary ideology and cultural bias. Early engagements with Afghanistan were part of a broader process in which the Soviet Union and its diplomats generated principles and practices that were to play out in Soviet relations with formerly colonial or semicolonial states for much of the 20th century. Between the summer of 1921 and the fall of 1923, Raskoĺnikov and Reisner learned to practice anti-imperialist diplomacy on the ground and on the fly. Their Kabul sojourn began not long after they had led Soviet troops into northern Iran in support of the short-lived republic in Gilan, and they had little prior knowledge of this new posting.2 In Afghanistan, they had to reconfigure their revolutionary dreams. Raskoĺnikov and Reisner brought struggle from the battlegrounds of world revolution to negotiating tables with capitalist states and with states that, like Afghanistan, were nonsocialist but oppressed. Afghanistan had just fought the British Empire for its independence, and the couple drew on a Bolshevik ideology in which Lenin had identified imperialism as a phase of capitalism characterized by competition among industrialized, imperialist states.3 But Lenin’s key work on imperialism addressed the intra-European conflict of World War I, not the struggle within empires of colonies and metropoles. Lenin’s retrospective diagnosis of imperialism endured long beyond the Great War and came to shape economic policies that defended Soviet Russia’s predominantly agricultural society against a predatory system. As a result, whether it was the protectionism manifested in the monopoly on foreign trade or the anxiety about sovereignty reflected in strict control of concessions to foreign companies, Soviet economic interactions with the West bore resemblance to those of contemporary nationalists in countries with little industry.4 Under Lenin’s tutelage, safeguarding economic independence rather than defeating reactionary armies became the battleground between socialism and capitalism.5 [End Page 15] Events on the ground in Kabul reinforced Lenin’s...

Análisis del derecho a la resistencia desde la protesta pacífica

The right to resistance, took a sumptuous role in the second decade of the 21st century. Globally, the self-determination of peoples organized in peaceful protests or transformed rebellions with an excessive level of violence showed that there is a need to model new government measures that adapt to the demands of the 21st century. What will be evaluated in this article is a social reality, which now with the innovative information technologies allows us to discover the context in which the different manifestations around the world originate. And with this we can compare the different realities and relate it to our social scheme; which will allow us to discover if we are facing the genesis of a universal ideological revolution or if each case simply corresponds to internal issues of the States which, if so, would allow us to formulate conclusions limited only to our national territory.

Hybrid and cyber warfare - international problems and joint solutions

Hybrid warfare is a significant threat to National Security and Countries in last 10 years. Hybrid activities are not new, but environment of cyberspace is completely different than before. We are witnessing a great expansion of the aforementioned fifth combat space, which knows no borders, fences, social or cultural barriers. Hybrid war as a form of endangering the security of sovereign states is primarily based on subversive activities in order to paralyze the state apparatus with the ultimate goal of changing the political leadership. This change of political leadership in the earlier period of history was far simpler and most often began and ended with armed aggression, the use of armed rebellion, or a coup. As modern societies increasingly turn to reliable alliances, mechanisms of collective security, conventional methods have become for quite some time less effective and outdated. The use of disinformation as an integral method of Hybrid Warfare has its roots in the concept of "ideological subversion". Ideological subversion is a term firstly defined by KGB in 1970th. KGB invented “Ideological subversion” as a tool of special warfare against civilians and administrative employees. To make it easier to follow the case study, the authors of the Hybrid War operation divide it into four phases: Demoralization, Destabilization, Crisis, and Stabilization. For Russia, the Balkans hold significant historic, cultural, and religious connections—shared ties that are actively propagated, and at times exaggerated, by Russian public diplomacy efforts and media narratives.

M. M. Prishvin and N. A. Semashko: literary image of the “gymnasium friend” in works of the writer

The subject of this article is the analysis of the history of relations between M. M. Prishvin and N. A. Semashko since gymnasium childhood until the last days of life. It is demonstrated that if the biographical material on enduring friendship between Prishvin and Semashko, contained in reminiscences of their contemporaries and works of the writer himself, is given considerable attention, then his diary notes, which significantly transform the representations on true nature of their relations, have not yet become the subject of research. The article employs the method of historical reconstruction of ideological-political context of life of the Soviet society, which gives a better perspective on the peculiarities of artistic interpretation by M. M. Prishvin of the party and state activity of N. A. Semashko. The novelty of this article consists in introduction into the scientific discourse of the new facts from Prishvin’s Diary that consisted of 18 volumes and was published only in post-Soviet time  (1991-2017), which is a testimony that his relations with the People's Commissar of Public Health N, A, Semashko were often tainted with irreconcilable ideological and worldview discrepancies. It is no coincidence that in his autobiographical novel “The Chain of Kashchei”, Prishvin portrayed Semashko not only as an ideological supporter of Leninism, but also a nihilist-Nietzschean Yefim Nesgovorov. Morveover, the history of relations with Semashko sheds light on the reasons of Prishvin's disappointment with the revolutionary ideology of Bolshevism.

Cuba and the Soviet Bloc: Searching for the Last Guardians of Socialism

Based on a wide array of original documents from over 20 archives in Eastern Europe, the US, Cuba and the Dominican Republic, this paper traces the complex interplay between Havana’s revolutionary ideology and pragmatic state instincts which governed Cuba’a relations with the Soviet bloc from the ouster of Fulgencio Batista until the collapse of the Berlin Wall. It overviews their relations by hearing the candid voices of Moscow’s closest East European allies (Bulgaria, East Germany, Hungary, Poland and Czechoslovakia) regarding Cuba’s continuous transformations. Additionally, the views of the other East European socialist states, which were not among Moscow’s closes backers, namely Albania, Yugoslavia and Romania, are also taken into account. In so doing, this paper seeks to enrich our understanding of the complex trajectory Cuba, the Soviet Union and the remaining East European socialist states underwent in their struggle against the common enemy, the United States. It also seeks to paint a more nuanced picture of the interplay between the realist imperative of state survival and the ideological drive of revolutionary expansionism, which marked Havana’s relations with the East, the West and the South throughout the Cold War.

Destino seguro: Sensual Licence and Moral Capital in Cuba’s Nation Brand

ABSTRACT This article considers Cuban tourism campaigns as exploitations of moral distinction, underpinned by revolutionary policy and ideology. Drawing on campaign materials and interviews with state actors in the tourist sector, this article explores Cuba’s nation brand since the 2000s as the strategic appropriation of moral capital. Reflecting society's strong moral basis, articulations of safety, stability and solidarity may be read as attempts to correct unwanted reputations, distinguish Cuba from rival Latin American and Caribbean destinations, and galvanise the legitimacy of Revolution through a codified celebration of its successes. The article thus seeks to add nuance to persistent interpretations of Cuban tourism development since the 1990s as a profit-driven compromise to the Revolution’s moralistic impulse.

Transformation of the Economic and Financial Structures of the World: the Impact of Growing Shocks of Catastrophes

The characteristic of a supervolatile “disaster economy” is given, in which the number of shocks caused by natural and man-made disasters is growing. The factors of creating such an economy at the global level are disclosed. The review of discussions about the future of the world (economy, finance) after the pandemic - 2020 is made. New longterm trends emerging in such an economy and the deep changes associated with them in the economic and financial structures of the world and the West are forecasted. These trends include: the collective desire for greater autonomy of households and, accordingly, changes in their demand (growth of stocks, reserves, decrease in demand for rental assets, more desire for personal property, for the acquisition of equipment and technologies that provide autonomy, development of offices at home and the transition to a different life model (to be the most at home – the least in the office and in the public space); the digitalization of households; the increasing individualization of demand for products and services; deagglomeration (living in suburbs or satellite cities); increased mobility; in creased demand for goods and services related to the protection of life and health. The global trends in the economic / financial behavior of countries are disclosed in detail: protectionism; government policy to keep “the economy on a respirator”; changes in economic ideology, in its “mainstream”; the inevitable emergence of the concept of “economic sacrifice”; growing volatility of the global economy and global finance. In particular, ahead: the development of the ideology of the “economy of fear”; demonstration of a new balance between collectivism and individualism; revaluation of the models of capitalism existing in different countries; ideological revolution in global finance. The possibilities of an unfavorable scenario in the global economy and a strong challenge that still need to be answered are shown - is development or destruction ahead?

Becoming militant: embodying the Guinean revolution and Guinea–China relations

AbstractThis article considers the role of embodied experience in promoting revolutionary ideology in Guinea. The Republic of Guinea has long held close ties with China, and in the 1960s and 1970s the country pursued its own Cultural Revolution. While Chinese songs and aesthetics had little direct artistic influence, the Guinean state embraced Maoist ideals of social and self-transformation and discipline. Such ideals were translated into daily life through the regulation of bodies, including practices of dance, movement and physical gesture that sought to create revolutionary subjects. I show here how embodied practices, including the circulation of dancers and official delegations, cultivated Guinea's relationship with China; and how practices of movement and dance were inwardly experienced within Guinea during its own Cultural Revolution. In so doing, I address some of the contradictions of the Revolution and of Guinea–China relations. While the regime pursued its goals through violence and brutality, former revolutionary subjects today remember the moment for both its pain and its pleasures – for the hardships the body had to endure and for the nationalist pride that many still feel today.

The Intersection of Values and Social Reproduction: Lessons from Cuba

This article will examine how various socialist values are promoted through the Cuban educational system. The voices represented vary generationally, racially, and gender. This research is not meant to generalize about all educational experiences in Cuba; rather, it represents a variety of experiences in the educational system. The research represented in this article was gathered in June 2015 in Havana, Cuba. This article begins with a brief historical background on education in Cuba after the triumph of the revolution in 1959, followed by data collection methods, representation of the data through vignettes and poetry, and finally an analysis of the diverse experiences through the framework of intersectionality. The primary finding was that Cuban society taught socialist values overtly within the educational system through school-based activities, such as the Junior Pioneers from the primary level, and through its emphasis on values formation as part of teacher training. The inculcation of these revolutionary values through the education system kept the revolutionary ideology alive across generations.

From Indignation to Ambiguity: The Revolution in Laetitia-Matilda Hawkins’s Letters and Novels

ABSTRACT This article reassesses Laetitia-Matilda Hawkins (1759–1835), a prolific author whose late novels Rosanne (1814) and Heraline (1821) reveal her as more complex than hitherto recognized on social and political issues debated in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Hawkins has gained some attention for her Anti-Jacobin 1793 Letters on the Female Mind, her riposte to Helen Maria Williams’s celebratory descriptions of France in the early days after the Revolution, and perhaps Hawkins’s conservatism there has kept scholars from exploring her novels. Through attention to her language use and situations on which she dwells from 1793 on, this article examines how Hawkins, in her Letters, Rosanne, and Heraline, consistently focuses on French Revolutionary ideology, the nature and role of the sexes, proper familial relations, patriarchal responsibilities, Britain’s social structure, and the role of religion, while increasingly suggesting that what protects individuals’ and communities’ well-being is difficult to predict.

Proyectos Comunitarios in Havana: Tourism as Resource for Grassroots Development in Late Socialist Cuba

The aim of this article is to consider intersections between tourism-oriented economies and the politics of infrastructure and community development in a (late) socialist country. I argue that although tourism is usually considered a mechanism that deepens existing inequalities and creates new ones, in the context of late socialist Cuba it becomes a resource that the creation of new ideas for community development and brings attention to various social issues. My research builds on a rich body of work that considers the impact of touristic transformations in Cuba while linking it to the critical reflection on Cuban revolutionary ideology and strategies of community engagement.

Olympic Strategy, Nationalism and Legitimacy: The Role of Ideology in the Development of Chinese Elite Sports Policy in the First Reform Decade, 1978–1988

This paper examines the relationships between Olympic strategy, nationalism and legitimacy of the Party-state in China during a decade of reform. The analysis focuses on governmental policy prioritising elite sports and Olympic ambitions in the process of rebuilding the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) following the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). Drawing on Weber’s revised classification of legitimacy, this investigation contextualises sport and nationalism in the context of elite sport policy throughout the shift of political legitimacy in post-Mao China. Data were collected from a range of documents and seven semi-structured interviews. This study concludes that Chinese sporting excellence in the 1980s was closely associated with nationalism and the party’s political appeal. Thus, the pragmatic Party leaders of the time contended that performance-based legitimacy was more important and effective than Mao’s revolutionary ideology for transforming society in post-Mao China. Accordingly, China issued an Olympic strategy and strengthened its elite sport first policy, in the belief that sporting success in the 1980s would secure the satisfaction of the masses and also justify Deng’s pragmatism.

The Dutch Revolt and historical memory in the American Revolution

This article examines the influence of the Dutch Revolt on the American Revolution. Many historians have emphasized the contributions of English and Roman history in guiding American Revolutionaries, but the Dutch Revolt was also an essential part of their ideological repertoire. Because of the similarities between the two events, the Dutch Revolt was a uniquely versatile historical memory, and Americans applied it to all steps of the revolutionary process. From the beginning to the end of the Revolution, American intellectuals saw parallels between their situation and that of the sixteenth-century Low Countries. Many Americans thought overreaching British policy mirrored Spain’s treatment of the Netherlands. When the Imperial Crisis escalated into open war, American Revolutionaries saw the Dutch Revolt as evidence that a collection of loosely united provinces could win a war of independence against a global superpower. This recollection made the Dutch Revolt a particularly distinct memory, because no other historical event could offer such a similar example of a war for national independence. Understanding the influence of the Dutch Revolt on the American Revolution not only adds a new ingredient to our understanding of revolutionary ideology but causes us to rethink how Americans applied the past to their Revolution.

PUBLISHING NATURE IN THE AGE OF REVOLUTIONS: JOSEPH BANKS, GEORG FORSTER, AND THE PLANTS OF THE PACIFIC

AbstractThe construction and distribution of books containing large copperplate images was of great importance to practitioners of natural history during the eighteenth century. This article examines the case of the botanist and president of the Royal Society Sir Joseph Banks (1743–1820), who attempted to publish a series of images based on the botanical illustrations produced by Georg Forster (1754–94) on Cook's second voyage of exploration (1772–5) during the 1790s. The analysis reveals how the French Revolution influenced approaches to constructing and distributing works of natural history in Britain, moving beyond commercial studies of book production to show how Banks's political agenda shaped the taxonomic content and distribution of this publication. Matters were complicated by Forster's association with radical politics and the revolutionary ideologies attached to materials collected in the Pacific by the 1790s. Banks's response to the Revolution influenced the distribution of this great work, showing how British loyalist agendas interacted with scientific practice and shaped the diffusion of natural knowledge in the revolutionary age.

О НЕКОТОРЫХ ВАРИАНТАХ «ПРИМЕНЕНИЯ» ДИАЛЕКТИКИ

The article is devoted to the methodological aspect of dialectics, the application of dialectical ideas in three essentially different areas: in revolutionary ideology, everyday life and military affairs. It is shown that the principles of universal connection and development are implemented in each of them, but the attitude to the idea of contradiction is different.

Book Review: Making of the Black Jacobins: C.L.R. James and the Drama of History by Rachel Douglas

Cyril Lionel Robert James (C.L.R. James), a West Indian native born on the cusp of the twentieth century, grew to adhere to the political and social ideology of Karl Marx. The United States had already considered Communism a revolutionary ideology as it had a subtle stronghold among black intellectuals such as W.E.B. DuBois. Thus, these two revolutionaries' philosophies converged into the same goal, to liberate a people from systemic oppression. These were two astounding individuals; one Black American who graduated from an Ivy League university and asserted that the improvement of Blacks could only be achieved by the “talented 10th,” while James, a Trinidadian born playwright, understood that revolution was not silent nor accomplished by using the established framework of the very society with a long-standing history of subjugation and tyranny.

Building a Revolutionary State: The Legal Transformation of New York, 1776–1783 by Howard Pashman

Reviewed by: Building a Revolutionary State: The Legal Transformation of New York, 1776–1783 by Howard Pashman Allie Hacherl (bio) Keywords New York State, American Revolution, Loyalists, Property Building a Revolutionary State: The Legal Transformation of New York, 1776–1783. By Howard Pashman. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2018. Pp. 192. Cloth, $90.00, paper, $30.00.) While significant attention has been devoted to the development of a national system that united the thirteen colonies in rebellion against Great Britain, scholarship has infrequently addressed the experience of individual states shifting from colonial government to semi-stable self-government. No longer colonies, but not yet part of an integrated and independent nation, they were still charged with the task of building a legal system that could administer justice, authority, and order amid ongoing chaos and conflict. Howard Pashman explores the development of such a system in New York during its wartime status as a "revolutionary state." By focusing exclusively on the rebuilding of one state's legal system, Pashman argues that the most effective means of garnering support for the new "revolutionary regime" in New York was the redistribution of property (35). Not only did this practice unite revolting colonists in their need to fund war efforts, but it also accounted for the long-term personal security of its citizens and satisfied their desire to punish and expel loyalists. Pashman begins his work by situating the revolutionary state in its colonial context, briefly explaining the English legal principles on which the colonists had based their society as well as the role wealth played in colonial society and law. By establishing from the beginning of the work that New York's socioeconomic sphere consisted of "highly visible [End Page 350] wealth" and "large estates and wealthy landlords," his analysis of legal change incorporates a social lens that is critical to understanding the importance of redistribution in New York (23). This socioeconomic aspect of redistribution was further complicated by the British occupation of New York in 1776 and 1777. Because loyalists then had the backing of the British military in organizing their counterrevolutionary attacks, revolutionary New Yorkers in turn were more inclined to cooperate with their provisional government, namely the Committee for Detecting and Defeating Conspiracies. The Committee evaluated and enforced punishments for loyalists, and in doing so, formed the basis of authority for a new legal system in the revolutionary state. Though initial enforcement of the Revolution's aim took the form of imprisoning and deporting loyalists, such a large-scale practice was soon recognized as infeasible, and the Committee eventually turned to court proceedings to evaluate the degree to which loyalists had worked against the Revolution and could be punished. In 1777, the New York Provincial Convention determined redistribution to be official policy, solving the joint problems of abandoned property left by loyalists who fled and the need to provide for the revolutionary allies who stayed. From that point on, it became a legal method of stabilization for the new regime, and the Committee for Detecting and Defeating Conspiracies worked in tandem with the Commissioners of Sequestration to confiscate loyalist property and auction it off to citizens or repurpose it for government use. Pashman acknowledges the contradictory nature of forced property redistribution, which could be construed as the violation of property rights, but explains that the practice strengthened the legal system by creating a system of mutuality between "people who brought property and the revolutionary state that delivered it into their hands" (63). In explaining how the permanent expropriation of loyalists and sale of their land was the culmination of New York's efforts as a revolutionary state to secure the united support of citizens for the provisional government, Pashman does an excellent job building the narrative throughout and between each chapter. In addition, he repeatedly underscores that New Yorkers worked closely with the Committee for socio-emotional reasons beyond the desire for stability or the expression of revolutionary ideology. The longstanding social inequality of New York's land distribution inspired many citizens to criminalize former landlords or loan [End Page 351] agents who were loyalists to exact personal revenge against the past system and the present threat. As Pashman...

The ban of Association of Croatian Theatre Volunteers by communist authorities in Croatia (1945 – 1947)

The article describes the ban of Association of Croatian Theatre Volunteers in Zagreb [Matica hrvatskih kazališnih dobrovoljaca, Zagreb], umbrella theatrical-volunteer organization in Croatia since the mid-1920s until Second World War. It was active in the country and abroad on popularisation of the art of drama, creation of the folk repertoire, as well as on bringing together acting societies, clubs and choirs. When the war ended, the Association applied for permission to restore its activities, but only in the Zagreb area. Its activities would be mainly related to education of actors – theatre volunteers and improving of theatre literature. The procedure of banning lasted from the autumn of 1945 until 5 February 1947, when the Government of the People's Republic of Croatia (PRC) [Vlada Narodne Republike Hrvatske] confirmed the ban order previously adopted by Ministry of Interior of the PRC [Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova Narodne Republike Hrvatske]. Also, its whole property was confiscated in favour of the State. The article also draws attention to the engagement in that ban case, showed by Aleksandar Freudenreich, a prominent architect and theater worker, as well as secretary of the Association in whole period since its founding. The ban case was analyzed in a broader context of creating a new socialist culture, in accordance with the revolutionary ideology of the new communist government.