Ideological Platform Research Articles

TO THE QUESTION ABOUT THE MAIN SOCIAL IDEA OF RUSSIA

The article deals with the issue of the main social idea in Russia and the reasons for its formation. The main principles on which this idea should be based are formulated. To substantiate the idea, a social and brief economic analysis is carried out in Russia. Tables and graphs are provided to demonstrate these studies. The issues of the demographic situation in post-Soviet Russia, the availability of work / unemployment, the level of wages, the housing problem, education, health care and nutrition, rights and freedoms, i.e. a number of sociological characteristics that determine an acceptable life for a citizen of the Russian Federation. Comparison of education in the Russian Federation, the USSR and abroad is given. The issue of the unity of the citizens of the Russian Federation is considered. It is shown that in the conditions of significant social inequality that has arisen in post-Soviet Russia, it is currently impossible to talk about a single ideological platform, but when the government resolves a number of social issues, a coalition of society in Russia is possible.

On the prospects of European periphery parties

This article presents an analysis of the activities of three European parties: the European democratic party, the European Free Alliance, and the European Christian political movement, which currently occupy marginal positions in the political forefront of Europe. A brief historical overview of the emergence and formation of each of these parties is given, as well as their ideological platforms and membership base. The results of their participation in the European elections are considered and it is noted with which parties factions in the European Parliament the MEPs elected from these parties cooperate. In conclusion, an analysis of the future development prospects of these parties, including their possible coalitions with other European parties, is presented.

Ethnoregionalist Parties in the EU: The European Free Alliance Phenomenon

The article is focused on the structure and ideology of the European Free Alliance. The research aims at identifying resources and possibilities of the institutionalized transregional and supraregional cooperation of ethnoregionalist parties at the European level. The research was conducted predominantly in the paradigm of structural functionalism, while employing the methods of institutional analysis, QDA (exemplified by program documents and key actors’ rhetoric), network analysis (based on the data of the EU databases). The research resulted in the following conclusions. The EFA has not succeeded in becoming an entirely representative europarty for the respective party family, due to deep discrepancies between ethnoregionalist parties in the domain of ideology, goals, attitude towards European integration, and domestic political opportunities. The attempts to create an integrative ideological platform based on “creative eurofederalism” and “progressive nationalism” may hardly be called successful. Besides, big ethnoregionalist parties prefer to cooperate with bigger and more influential europarties and political groups of the European Parliament. However, in the EP-2019, “Greens-EFA” political group improved its position, even in spite of Brexit. This happened not because of the EFA achievements, but because of the growth in representation of the European Green Party. Though influence and capacities of the European Free Alliance are lower than those of other europarties, it has a significant symbolic meaning as a structure unifying different ethnoregionalist actors.

Formation of the model of state support for the Ukrainian agrarian sector in the market economy: change of the approach

The study’s main purpose is to investigate the basic principles of forming the model of state support for the Ukrainian agrarian sector in the year 2020. The subject-object method was used to determine the essential understanding of the state support for the agrarian sector in market conditions and identify various characteristics, direct relations, feedback, dependencies, and the tools and mechanisms used to implement the support. The principles of granting and using state support for the agricultural sector, including competence, orientation, honesty, compatibility (adequacy, timeliness), neutrality (impartiality), compromise, pre-investment character, versatility, financial character, maximum benefit, are substantiated. It is proved that Ukraine needs to create a new ideological platform of state support for the agrarian sector, which should be based on strengthening the position of small businesses in the value chain, shifting the focus from agricultural holdings to farmers and private peasant farms that fulfill most of the social functions of the industry.

The Russian-speaking population of Latvia in the modern period: correlation of status with local state historical politics

The article considers the change in the status of the Russian-speaking population of Latvia in conjunction with the local memory policy. In this work, we were able to analyse a significant number of legislative sources of the Republic of Latvia, including in the Latvian language, and to reveal cause-and-effect relationships in decision-making regarding national minorities. Based on the highlighted legislative material (some of which are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time), as well as the works of Latvian authors, we traced changes in the political and socio-economic status of the Russian-speaking population of Latvia during the 1990s - 2000s. We can state that the local state-historical policy is directly related to state integration measures and it was the ideological platform for discriminatory legislation in relation to national minorities. Nevertheless, the Russian-speaking population found itself in unfavourable conditions, a sharply reduced socio-economic and political status, managed to consolidate and adapt to the conditions of independent Latvia, taking its niche in all spheres of social society.

Show me the monolingualism: Korean hip-hop and the discourse of difference

ABSTRACT Today, the ubiquitousness of Korean hip-hop is evident in the popularity of the reality show Show Me the Money (henceforth referred to as SMTM), a musical competition featuring aspiring Korean and Korean American hip-hop artists. While the show has always been a platform for linguistic hybridity, as Korean hip-hop has never been truly “monolingual,” the recent evolution of the show to include Korean American artists has focalized the linguistic and cultural hybridity that inheres global hip-hop more generally and Korean hip-hop more specifically. Undoubtedly, these two matrices of difference, linguistic and cultural, are invariably intertwined, particularly in the Korean context, where being “authentically” Korean itself hinges on proficiency in the Korean language. The analysis develops what Gramling (2016. The Invention of Monolingualism. London: Bloomsbury) terms the “invention of monolingualism,” in particular with SMTM in relation to questions of verbal hygiene and the discourse of authenticity and emulation. We argue that SMTM should not be understood as a mere space for the documentation of various acts of transgressing monolingualism through linguistic and cultural hybridity. Instead, it unveils the social and geopolitical conditions by which the very commitment to, along with the presumed precarity of, “monolingualism” is afforded an ideological platform in the first place.

Из истории академической серии «Литературное наследство» (К 90-летию издания)

The article examines the history of the publication of the academic series Literary Heritage based on new archival materials. The publication was initiated in 1931, when archival and publishing activities were affected by political trials. The author of the draft used political rhetoric to get permission to publish it from the Central Committee of the CPSU(b). In 1932, following the decree “On the Restructuring of Literary and Artistic Organizations,” Literary Heritage became an exemplary academic publication and received international recognition. Literary Heritage developed a new method as it placed the author in the position of a student at the editorial board. In Soviet times, the Literary Heritage existed under the conditions of censorship and ideological control but still managed to publish a volume on Russian symbolism in 1937. The years 1947–1959 were difficult for Literary Heritage when the editorial office was accused of cosmopolitanism. In its publishing policy, Literary Heritage was ahead of time and above the reader’s dogmatism which led to the sequestration of several volumes. The history of Literary Heritage contributed to creating an intellectual and ideological platform that nurtured a new generation of literary historians.

Labor Group and its Place in the Political System of Russia (1906 – 1917)

The main elements of the ideological platform and the main stages of activity are shown, as well as the political fate of the Labor Group (1906 – 1917). The analysis of the general position of the Labor group in the party system of the country is given. The main political allies, which the Trudoviks gave preference to at different periods of the existence of their organization, were identified. It is noted that, although the Trudoviks, within the framework of parliamentary activities, collaborated with both liberals and socialists, while keeping their own line outside of ideologies, ultimately their accession in 1917 to the People's Socialist Party, which is closest to the Trudoviks in terms of views on ways of solving the agrarian question seems to be quite natural. It is concluded that the emergence of the Labor Group – originally a truly peasant organization – on the political arena of Russia in 1906-1907 reflected noticeable modernization changes in the socio-political life of the country, marked the beginning of the development of a democratic culture in it.

ШАРТРСКАЯ ШКОЛА В ЭПОХУ КУЛЬТУРНОГО РЕНЕССАНСА XII ВЕКА: СОДЕРЖАТЕЛЬНЫЕ ПРИОРИТЕТЫ И ВЕКТОРЫ ЭВОЛЮЦИИ

The author analyzes the prerequisites for the formation of a theological and philosophical school, founded in 990 by Bishop Fulbert in Chartres, which flourished during the years of the Episcopal ministry of Yves of Chartres (1090–1115), a recognized intellectual center of Western Europe. The role of the Chartres Cathedral School as a citadel of metaphysical, cosmological and natural-scientific Platonism in the era of early scholasticism is revealed. The philosophical orientation of the Chartres school (orientation to the ideas of Neoplatonism), as shown in the work, is the result of a combination of the ideas of Plato, aristotelism, stoicism, pythagoreanism, Eastern and Christian mysticism and religion. The body of ideas characteristic of the Neoplatonism tradition is analyzed, the account of which is essential in understanding the specifics of the Chartres school ideological platform: the ideas of a mystically intuitive knowledge of the higher, the stages of transition from “one and the universal” to matter, the idea of comprehension of pure spirituality. The thesis is substantiated that the time of the highest prosperity of the Chartres school, its highest fame is the XII century, which went down in the history of civilization as the era of the cultural renaissance taking place in France. The specificity of the 12th century renaissance, as shown in the study, lies in the growing interest in Greek philosophy and Roman classics (this also determines the other name of the era – the Roman Renaissance), in expanding the field of knowledge through the assimilation of Western European science and the philosophy of the ancient Greeks. The thesis in which the specifics of the entry of Greek science into the culture of Western Europe is also identified. This entry was carried out through the culture of the Muslim world, which also determined the specifics of the cultural renaissance of France of the XII century. Radical changes are revealed that affect the sphere of education and, above all, religious education; the idea of reaching the priority positions of philosophy and logic is substantiated – a situation that has survived until the end of the Middle Ages. This situation, as shown in the work, was facilitated by the rare growth rate of the translation centers of Constantinople, Palermo, Toledo. It is shown that scholasticism in its early version is oriented towards religious orthodoxy. In the teaching of philosophy, the vector turned out to be biased towards natural philosophy, which was due, as shown in the work, to the spread of the ideas of Aristotle and Plato. In its educational program, the school synthesized the teachings of Plato and Aristotle. Elements of natural philosophy are inherent in the works of Bernard of Chartres, Gilbert of Poitiers, Thierry of Chartres representing the Chartres school. Deep studies on the problem of universals ensured the invasion of logic in the field of metaphysical constructions of the Chartres school.

State activity and legal credo of Mykola Skrypnyk.

Peculiarities of M. Skrypnyk's theoretical and ideological substantiation of national, judicial and criminal-legal policy in his concept of state-legal development of Soviet Ukraine are investigated. Coverage of the peculiarities of the ideological platform and legal credo of M. Skrypnik in the aspect of the anthropology of law is important for characterizing his state activity as one of the main theorists of the concept of «Ukrainian path to communism». From the point of view of anthropology, convincing explanations of M. Skrypnyk's various positions and steps in the sphere of state and party policy should be sought in his ideological and psychological sphere. At the same time, in our opinion, maneuvering in the ideological substantiation of M. Skrypnyk's practical activity is explained by his utilitarian attitude to ideology as an effective propaganda means of achieving goals in state-building. In our opinion, M. Skrypnyk considered the ultimate goal of the process of socialist construction not to be the development of a "communist oasis of the Ukrainian model," but the creation of a workers 'and peasants' statehood as a single labor society based on internationalism and communist ownership. M. Skrypnyk saw the national liberation and development of the culture of amateur broad masses of workers and peasants in the process of national development, which he considered a stage in the process of socialist construction, as a transitional stage on the way to this goal. An important argument in the search for explanations of the theoretical foundations and ways of practical implementation of state and national policy of M. Skrypnyk is his vision of the nature and objectives of judicial and criminal policy. M. Skrypnyk emphasized that Soviet criminal law has a public, social, anti-individualistic character, as opposed to bourgeois criminal law, built on the principles of individualism inherent in bourgeois society. On the way to achieving this goal in the mind of M. Skrypnyk, in line with the then understanding of state and legal phenomena and processes, there was a transfer of priorities from the rights and interests of the individual to the collective interests - declaratively to the interests of the proletariat. Man was not seen by him as the highest value and "measure of all things." Priority was given to other values: the "world revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat," the elimination of the class division of society, and the defense and construction of the socialist state. According to the content of the concept of state and legal development of the USSR, M. Skrypnyk can really be considered one of the main theorists of the "Ukrainian path to socialism." However, the very concept of the future socialist state, set out in its creative heritage, does not seem to be a theory of Ukrainian national communism, as characterized by some researchers, and awaits a deeper study by historians of law.

ФЕМІНІСТСЬКЕ МИСТЕЦТВОЗНАВСТВО ГРІЗЕЛЬДИ ПОЛЛОК ЯК ВИКЛИК МИСТЕЦТВУ МИНУЛОГО

The theoretical work of one of the founders and leading figures of modern feminist art Griselda Pollock is considered. Representing researchers whose ideas were shaped by the radical cultural and social revolution of the 1960s and 1970s, she belongs to the second generation of feminist art criticism. The author points to the eclectic methodological position of G. Pollock, which combines a number of areas associated with its "radicalism" in relation to the classical areas of art history and social thought. In particular, it is Marxism, poststructuralism of R. Bart and M. Foucault, Freudian psychoanalysis etc. Methodological eclecticism G. Pollock suggests that the leading in her work is her ideological attitude, rather than research position. Although G. Pollock's theoretical constructions are formally based on specific biographical and art studies of artists of the past, methodological eclecticism does not allow to characterize them as scientific or at least consistently logical in their construction. The author concludes that substantively, the concept of G. Pollock is based on the interpretation of female (and male) principles in the artist's work as a gender category, defined by the prevailing social roles and stereotypes in society. G. Pollock uses the concept of "bourgeoisie" in relation to the culture of the masculine society of the past; attempts to develop the concept of "death of the author" by R. Bart in the interpretation of the socially determined figure of the artist (on the example of W. Van Gogh); quite arbitrarily uses the apparatus of Freudian psychoanalysis to read ("deconstruct") works of art, in particular, paintings by W. Van Gogh and A. de Toulouse-Lautrec. Thus, G. Pollock turns feminist art criticism into an ideological platform for the development of a range of ideological and theoretical currents, united by their radicalism and opposition to classical art and the ideological foundations of modern civilization as a whole.

Movimiento al Socialismo in Bolivia: trajectory, composition, ideology

The article reports an analysis of the institutional foundations and historical overview for the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) in Bolivia that is one of the most prominent and successful left parties in the modern political landscape of Latin American region. During three decades of its development, MAS has gone through a path of ups and downs, which are considered through the prism of the electoral process and are related to the specificity of organizational structure and ideological platform of the party.

От хомо экономикус – к хомо сапиенс

The challenges and global problems facing humanity urgently need to be ad­dressed. Will new technologies become a means of exacerbating these problems and will they have a destructive impact on the nature of man himself? There is such a risk. However, new technological advances simultaneously open up op­portunities for solving these problems. The transition to a new industrial society of second-generation based on the growth of knowledge-intensive production makes it possible to expand the satisfaction of human needs while reducing the burden on the natural environment. But for this to happen, there must be a shift in people’s motivation, a shift away from the pursuit of material goods driven by economic rationality and the satisfaction of false needs inflated by the market, and a transition to a non – economic mode of production – noonomy. This shift is possible, of course, not on the basis of “persuasion” or compulsion to asceti­cism, but on the basis of objective changes in the conditions of human existence: his exit from direct material production, his transition to creative activity, the ex­pansion (on the material basis of the production system of the next generation) of opportunities to meet his reasonable needs. People themselves will set limits to their needs, focusing them not on the absorption of the greatest possible amount of goods, but on the conditions of their self-realization. It is on this path that it is possible to solve the urgent problems of development – both of civiliza­tion and of human personality – and to mitigate social conflicts on the basis of objectively increasing socialization of society and on the ideological platform of solidarity, and, in the future, to eliminate their causes.

«Не більша, як усі мої писання»: контекст та прев’ю автобіографії Василя Стефаника 1926 року

The article is devoted to the preconditions for writing the first Vasyl Stefanyk’s autobiographical work. The research focuses on the problems of genre differentiation and interpretation of the autobiography function, understood by us as a documentary story of first-person biographical facts. Has been defined that the the Vasyl Stefanyk’s autobiographical work became aware for the first time through Ivan Lyzanivskyi’s publication “Stefanyk pro sebe”, on the pages of the magazine “Pluzhanyn” of the Union of Peasant Writers “Pluh”. The peculiarity of the Ukrainian literary process of the 1920s have been described. In particular, the ideological platform of the “Pluh” was focused on peasant issues, tried to attract writers to build a new cultural and social reality, thus contributing of Soviet policy implementation «smychka of the city and the village». In the article is emphasized that rustic motives in Vasyl Stefanyk’s work were of interested to Soviet ideology because they illustrated the shortcomings of “old” peasant life, and for “Pluh” the writer’s work was also a source of folklore material. A significant role in the fact that Vasyl Stefanyk’s name was appearing on the pages of Ukrainian Soviet magazines was played by the publisher, literary critic, and in the past public figure Ivan Lyzanivskyi, who, in particular, have been published fragments of Vasyl Stefanyk’s Autobiography and commented on them in the socialist ideology way. This paper proposes, to take into account the communicative situation during autobiographical texts researching, in which the speaker (namely: Vasyl Stefanyk), in a retrospective manner, depicts the formation of a representative image of his own “Self”. It has been determined that Vasyl Stefanyk’s autobiography of 1926 was, the communicative act realization between the writer and I. Lyzanivskyi. This option will allow to further expand the hermeneutic arsenal, and avoid biased conclusions due to the alleged causal constructions. Keywords: Vasyl Stefanyk, Ivan Lyzanivskyi, autobiography, “Pluzhanin”, subjectivity, literary process, communicative act.

Neoliberal Algorithm of Higher Economic Education as the Instrument for Deformation of Strategic Thinking

Neoliberal paradigm of higher education, which is dominating in today’s global world, orients everyone who studies economic science for compliance with standards of self-regulating free market and recognition of its key role in social economy. Such educational algorithm, in our opinion, significantly narrows the range for comprehension of strategic solutions in specific historical economic problems. In particular, limiting the horizons of professional economists and focusing their attention on the capabilities of only one economic ideology significantly restricts freedom of thought and freedom of choice for strategies of economic behavior. Also we should say that mixed types of economic evolution in developed countries are not practically determined by the theoretical postulates defended by neoliberalism. Thus, critical analyses and significant transformation of implemented in the 1990’s ideological platform are long ago actualized not only in theory, but mainly in the level of socio-economic practices. In our opinion, modern Ukraine needs a fundamentally new approach for organization of educational process in the field of higher economic education. And the main focus of transformation in educational sphere should be namely strategic vectors of comprehension for the future of the country. That is, we must clearly define which kind of professional economists we are educating and for what purpose: should they create and implement effective strategies of socio-economic development or just to reproduce borrowed economic scenarios, formed by external global actors? Our answer to this question requires providing of an academic condition for creating self-sufficient professionals who will be able to take responsibility for development and implementation of productive socio-economic strategies.

НОВЫЙ ЛЕВЫЙ РАДИКАЛИЗМ И ПОПУЛИЗМ В ЗАПАДНОЙ ЕВРОПЕ: ЧТО НОВОГО?

The article is devoted to the study of the features of the new left radicalism in Western Europe on the example of three parties: SYRIZA (Greece), "Unconquered France" (France) and "Podemos" (Spain). In 2012 - 2019 these three left-wing radical parties made a rapid political and electoral spurt. The first and main feature of these parties, which largely predetermined their successes, is populism. As an ideological platform, they chose left-wing populism in the form as it was justified by E. Laclau and consisting in the rejection of the class approach and in the persistent opposition of "we" - "they", "people" - "caste", "oligarchs" etc. The discursively constructed "people" are supposed to be honest, pure and poor, the "caste" or "oligarchy" is corrupted and depraved both politically, economically and morally. The second feature is the widespread use of Web 2.0, various digital technologies, platforms and social media, with the help of which thousands of party members could submit their proposals and discuss them. Rising on a wave of dissatisfaction with austerity policies, SYRIZA and Podemos were able to really participate in the formation of the government (and Unconquered France - to claim that its candidate would become one of the two or three main contenders for the presidency). However, radical socio-economic reforms are likely not included in the plans of the current Western European radical left. Judging by the rapid decline in the tone of the election campaigns, their goal was to oust and replace the existing Social Democratic parties (which SYRIZA succeeded in) and to pursue a moderate policy in a neo-Keynesian spirit.

Concept of a hybrid contextual model for designing environmental objects

This article is devoted to the hybrid model as a new paradigm for contextual design of an environmental object that has dualistic features within its genius loci. Features of the concept of contextual hybrid are revealed in the article on the basis of experimental design material devoted to problematic environmental objects of cities with unclear differentiation of contextual aspects. The strategy of building a hybrid contextual design model is described in the article on the example of the territory of “Cherkalikhina Gora” in Ufa. The authors introduce the concept of “urban memory” as an ideological platform for the project model of the territory. Dualistic features of contextual aspects of the environment through the rod of urban memory are impaled on the physical platform of a contextual hybrid model such as “nature”, thereby assembling a single hybrid contextual model of environmental object design.

AL-FARABI – GREAT MUSLIM PHILOSOPHER, MATHEMATICIAN AND TEACHER

This work is devoted to Al-Farabi as a scientist and a person, about his philosophical and mathematical works and his main approach to life and science as a classification of sciences (enumeration of sciences), and here it should be emphasized that Al-Farabi combined theory and practice into a single, he considered a scientist is not only a creator of scientific ideas, but also must be a person of virtue in society. Its main ideological platform was philosophy and logic. And, as they say in Arabic الفلسفففففففففف أم العلوم) i.e. philosophy is the mother of sciences). He followed the great Greek philosophers Aristotle (the first teacher) and Plato. And it is no coincidence that Al-Farabi became known as the "second teacher", and this is due to the fact that he deeply assimilated Greek philosophical knowledge, perfectly commented on it and corrected it when needed.

ПРОБЛЕМА ПРОИСХОЖДЕНИЯ И ПЕРИОДИЗАЦИИ АНТИГЛОБАЛИСТСКОГО ДВИЖЕНИЯ

В данной статье подробно исследуется проблема появления и генезиса антиглобалистского движения. При этом наибольшее внимание уделяется выявлению его нижних хронологических рамок. Для этого автор подробно рассматривает все основные версии происхождения данного явления, а в качестве вывода предлагает собственную периодизацию. Автор доказывает, что в основе антиглобализма как социального явления лежало движение мексиканских сапатистов, став идейной платформой антиглобалисткого сопротивления в Европе. Европейский антиглобализм приобрел экономическую направленность против неолиберализма. С течением времени движение антиглобалистов приобретало все более широкий международный характер и в то же время теряло популярность в массах. Однако его идеи до сих пор актуальны.

Jihad as a Form of Political Protest: Genesis and Current Status

This article presents the evolution of the concepts of jihād from the minimalist and maximalist approaches. In the present article one can find two conceptions: the conception of liminality and the conception of re-Islamisation. Liminality is a form of structural crisis that appears as a result of the split within the Islamic spiritual elite and Muslim community itself. The period of liminality is characterised by political and social instability, crisis of social and individual forms of self-identification and sharp cognitive dissonance among many ordinary believers who conduct their own search for fundamentally new forms of Islamic political existence. Re-Islamisation is the post-liminality period that happens if the maximalist block of Islamic elite wins political power. The events of the Arab Spring can be seen as the result of the appearance in the Islamic ideological space of two different ideological platforms (minimalism and maximalism) around which representatives of not only the Islamic elite, but also the “popular” Islam gathered.