Ideological Level Research Articles

Rethinking class, capitalism and exploitation from the perspective of family farming in Aotearoa/New Zealand

AbstractUsing empirical evidence and an exploration of literature on simple commodity and capitalist farm production, a theoretical argument is developed to show that, despite not employing labour, self‐employed family farmers (at least in New Zealand) are capitalist, not simple commodity, producers. This has major implications for not only class theorists from a Marxist perspective, with whom we are primarily concerned, but also poses questions for Weberian inspired stratification adherents preoccupied with occupation and lifestyle. Land ownership, together with the different way capital can be generated in broad‐acre livestock farming compared to other industrial settings, enables family farmers to generate profits and accumulate capital. This means that rather than being subsumed by capital, self‐employed owners of farm enterprises appropriate surplus value not by directly hiring labour to generate income from their large landholdings but indirectly by utilising the labour of other enterprises and by hiring bourgeois or petit‐bourgeois operators (purchasing equipment, technology and knowledge, and using the distribution, processing, marketing and other services supplied by other businesses). Buying and selling land also supports these capitalist enterprises. Although not expropriating surplus value directly to operate their enterprises, capitalised family producers have, as was pointed out in 1985 by David Goodman and Michael Redclift, achieved political legitimacy by distancing themselves at the ideological level from capitalism (despite embracing capitalism at the economic level). By disguising their class interests, such producers are adept at legitimating state policy in their interests.

Analysis of John Fiske's Semiotics in the Representation of the Journalist Profession in the Japanese Drama 'The Journalist'

The Journalist profession has an active role in providing information to the public, making the journalist profession interesting to be raised into a movie or drama story. The Journalist is a drama series that airs on Netflix in 2022 with a drama and thriller genre adapted from the 2019 film of the same name The Journalist. Michihito Fujii's drama tells the persistence of a female journalist who is dedicated to her profession as a journalist in exposing problems in government. The purpose of this study is to determine the representation of the journalist profession in the drama series The Journalist. Based on the identification of the problem formulation, this study aims to find out how the codes that appear or are used in the drama The Journalist are interconnected so that a meaning is formed. The method used is descriptive qualitative, which is a method used to describe or explain situations or events. This research uses John Fiske's semiotic model which is divided into three levels, namely the level of reality, the level of representation, and the level of ideology. The unit of analysis chosen in reality is in the form of accessories, environment, gestures, movements, expressions, and costumes, in representation in the form of camera techniques, lighting, music, dialog, action, and characters. The reality and representation displayed form an ideology, which is a meaning contained in the drama The Journalist. Some scenes show the usual activities of a journalist such as finding news, visiting sources, attending press conferences, and making information worthy of disseminating to the public. In practice, journalists often experience difficulties in revealing the truth, especially when facing people who have power.

Między traumą Trianon a integralnością Korony św. Stefana. Koncepcje i próby odbudowy Wielkich Węgier 1920-1947

The goal of the article is to undertake a cause and effect analysis of political events and to present the effects of the Treaty of Trianon as factors significantly influencing Hungarian efforts to preserve the integrity of the Holy Crown. Stefan. The analysis of the achievements of historiography leads to the conclusion that finding a way to connect the “lost lands” with the Kingdom was supposed to be an antidote to political, social and economic problems resulting from territorial losses. Opportunities to implement the idea of Greater Hungary until the mid-1930s were seen in federal plans integrating state organisms located along the Danube. It is not possible to implement the plans drawn up, e.g. by Oszkár Jászi, Elmér Hantos, Gusztáv Gratz and Miklós Makáy, as well as the deepening economic difficulties, were to cause that even at the ideological level the Hungarians were to abandon all attempts at a federation. Hopes of crossing out Trianon would find their outlet in alliances with countries striving to revise the treaties concluded after the First World War. The relationship with the Third Reich allowed for a short-term recovery of fragments of Slovakia, Transylvania and Transcarpathian Ruthenia and gave hope for a return to the pre-1914 borders. However, these acquisitions proved to be unsustainable. The conclusion of peace in Paris in 1947 closed the way for the restitution of Greater Hungary. Although nowadays both the concepts of the Danube federation and the postulates of territorial changes have only the value of a historical argument, they do not mean the abandonment of the idea of Nagy-Magyarország. This concept has now only changed its formula in the direction of connecting Hungarians living in neighboring countries with the Motherland.

Teaching Dalit Bahujan Utopias: Notes from the Classroom

The production of knowledge in India operates within a rarefied domain enclosed within the structures of caste, class, ethnicity and gender. This has enabled the unabashed peddling of one-dimensional epistemology of glorifying the past, justifying the prevalent social hierarchies and manufacturing consent for the existing social order. Periodically, the status quo was interrogated and the resultant debates are secreted within the pages of history. Rarely if ever, these contestations become a part of the pedagogy thereby igniting a quest for a more emancipatory social apparatus. This is not surprising as the reproduction of the symbolic power needs to be closely guarded. The ancient world considered land as the paramount resource and wars were waged to capture more territories. For the industrialized societies, capital was the source of sustenance but in the modern era, privilege and power based on knowledge is the magic mantra, the currency of socio-economic relations. This article revolves around the attempts made by the researcher to introduce a full-fledged course on Dalit Bahujan Political Thought1 at the Masters level in Delhi University. This intervention was opposed by the entrenched academia hailing from the privileged castes who wished to perpetuate their Brahmanicalweltanschaung. The texts/readings prescribed for the course were sought to be banned by the higher authorities. The pantheon of thinkers who advocated an Indian version of liberation theology was never engaged with at an ideological level. The everyday engagements with the students who joined the course and their interactions in the classrooms provide a multi-layered understanding of negotiating utopias. This article is based on discussions with various stakeholders—academic committees who decide on pedagogy, feedback from students and classroom engagements for more than five years.

The Making of the Last Pharaoh

Historical writing about the last native pharaoh was a means of domination by the Ptolemaic royal family for political propaganda at the ideological level. In the official historical accounts, Nectanebo II of the Thirtieth Dynasty of Ancient Egypt has been regarded as the last native pharaoh. This paper re-examines the identity of the last native pharaoh of Ancient Egypt on the basis of excavating historical materials, explores the historical status of Nectanebo II and Khababash, confirms the real identity of Khababash as the last native pharaoh, and points out the shift in the historical writing about the last native pharaoh. At the same time, after analyzing the political propaganda color embodied in the shift of history writing, the reasons for the shift of history writing in this case are explored from the ancient Egyptian codified history tradition, the comparison of the two pharaohs' political achievements, and the demand of the Ptolemaic royal family's realistic rule. It can be seen that the creation of the last native pharaoh, from Khababash to Nectanebo II, is one of the important means of consolidating the rule of the Ptolemaic dynasty, and also an important symptom of the process of its "Egyptianization".

El papel del Estado de Derecho en el desarrollo: Teorías y desafíos presentes

Nations aspire to achieve greater progress based on the combination of human, natural and institutional capital. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the fundamental theories on the role of the rule of law and how it relates to development. The hypothesis put forward is that a normative framework is required that must be respected by all. The method used is primarily descriptive and the data are from the Rule of Law Index and the Latinobarómetro Survey. The Rule of Law indicators consistently show that citizens, in general, achieve higher levels of well-being when there is adherence to the rule of law, which is consistent with what is established by theory. It concludes by pointing out the importance of favoring consistent policies and practices that should transcend the political and ideological level. The paper is structured as follows: the first part is a review of the literature; the second part highlights the methodology and data used; the third part deals with the discussion; finally, the conclusions of the case are presented.

THE HISTORY AND TRANSFORMATION OF NEURO-LINGUISTIC PROGRAMMING

Neuro-Linguistic Programming (NLP): method of acting on human consciousness and knowledge, linked to an influence at the level of ideology and Ideas about the World concerning the human mind and moral conscience. In many circles of psychologists, there is the conviction of the pseudo-scientific nature of this method or the conviction that its use causes superficial and short-term effects; despite the lack of full support in scientific circles, this notion has already entered the vocabulary of psychology, education, business and various systems of the so-called "self-development", and it continues to be popularized. NLP or neuro-linguistic programming refers to a whole set of techniques (dissociation, reframing) and methods aimed at promoting the personal development of the individual. This article investigates NLP in detail: its principles, its history, its benefits, and the progress of a session.

REPRESENTATION OF NEW MASCULINITY IN KEANU VERSION OF MS GLOW ADVERTISEMENT ON YOUTUBE

Masculinity is a gender representation that is often used in advertising to persuade consumers. The purpose of this research is to reveal a new representation of masculinity in Keanu's version of Ms Glow advertisement on Youtube. This research focuses on the new masculinity depicted in Keanu's version of Ms Glow ad on Youtube. The data in this study are words, phrases, images, and colors that are in each scene of Keanu's version of Ms Glow's advertisement on Youtube. This study is included in qualitative research. The approach used in this research is John Fsike's semiotics which involves codes and signs. These signs and codes are a form of social practice. The new masculinity construction that appears is analyzed by paying attention to all aspects that exist in each advertising scene. The analysis carried out in this study was carried out in 3 stages, namely by paying attention to the level of reality, the level of representation, and the level of ideology. The results of this study indicate that the Keanu version of Ms Glow's advertisement on Youtube uses a new masculinity with the masculinity style found in this study, which is shown by showing a man who looks casual, has bright skin, and gestures that are graceful or waving. This shows the nature that leads to a new masculinity. The term new masculinity refers to a modern representation of masculinity. This modern masculine is not seen in the physical appearance that leads to social and culture.

Linguistic Diversity and Ideology in the Linguistic Landscape of the Coffee Capital of the Philippines

This paper aims to show the extent of linguistic diversity and ideology in the multilingual advertisements or the linguistic landscape (LL) of Amadeo, a segregated town in the Southern Tagalog, Province of Cavite, Philippines. The LL, considered the country's coffee center, will be explored, considering the town's diverse language status, as well as its current economic challenges. The research will focus on 14 barangays that have been molded by 'top-down' and 'bottom-up' forces in the context of the complicated link between the languages utilized and their depiction in the chosen coffee-related LL for which Amadeo is well known. Because English is the most used foreign language in town, particularly in product advertisements, the researcher goes on to define the level of English language visibility, diversity, ideology, and position in the labeling of store signs, coffee products, and emblematic structures in Amadeo's LL. The study is investigated utilizing Sebba's framework on the unit of analysis, which covers (a) language-spatial linkages, (b) language-content relationships, and (c) language mixing as reflected in signages. Extensive documentation of LL items will be gathered and determined only based on frequency count. The frequency count results for each unit will be represented in the coding chart. The study will determine whether there is a high level of English visibility in the LL across 14 barangays in Amadeo, because the proponent believes that the English language's informative and symbolic functions in the LL serve to communicate the coffee products' essential features and details that entice educated local and foreign tourists, while also exuding modernity, sophistication, and globalness. It is also claimed that the town's business and tourism, rather than the preservation of its indigenous culture, are the primary driving forces determining Amadeo's spatial practice, symbolic construction, and language ideology as the coffee capital of the Philippines.

Research on integrating university-industry cooperation project cases into curriculum ideological and political construction

The design major should integrate the advantages of school enterprise cooperation and curriculum ideological and political education, advocate for moral education in education, and enable students to meet the requirements of social development. In application, it is necessary to avoid blurring educational goals, consider the particularity of project-based classrooms, reflect on the complexity of educational environments, innovate curriculum education, improve teacher ideological level, strengthen student curriculum identification, optimize educational evaluation system, and continuously introduce high-quality practical reference paths.

Political Doctrines of Neo-Pagans: from the Community of Equals to the State of the Selected Fewy

Since the emergence of the phenomenon of the Soviet (later Russian) new paganism, the ideologists of the movement set out to develop their own political programs, consisting of utopian projections aimed at the functioning of nativist religious groups in the reality of a hostile/neutral environment. These plans listed as their ultimate goals the raising of paganism to the level of the state ideology and even the complete reorganization of the Russian Federation into a new theocratic state headed by a formal cast of cult worshippers: magi and sacrifi cers. The purpose of this article is to examine the central political concepts of the leaders of the Russian pagan movement of the last third of the 20th — fi rst third of the 21st centuries. The experience of Dobroslav (A. A. Dobrovolsky), who laid the foundations of this worldview for decades to come, is taken as a biographical example of the pagan political development. Dobroslav’s concept received its further development, and underwent the transformation in the course of the quest of magus Velimir (N. N. Speransky) and subsequent ideologists of the Russian religious nativism. As a result of the research, the author of the article arrives at the conclusion about the continuity of the neo-pagan political doctrine and the constancy of the central strata. Those include the organization of “their own” space in the form of self-governing (veche) communities, independent of the “outside world” and aimed at the gradually expanding infl uence up to the complete seizure of power. This can be achieved either through the strengthening and development of diasporic pagan groups (a “peaceful” evolutionary option), or through the violent overthrow of an existing state institution (a “military” coup). Other goals include creating an ethnic hierarchical system subordinate to theocratic leaders as pagan leaders of the nation and strengthening contacts with representatives of the indigenous peoples of the Russian Federation, carriers of pre-Abrahamic beliefs and with “co-religionists” from abroad. In terms of the worldview, we can see a signifi cant infl uence of eschatological views and conspiracy theories; rejection of the off icial science, political and economic systems and reliance on the author’s constructs of community leaders and individual ideologists of the neo-pagan community. It should be noted that this “set” of neopagan constants is subject to modernization taking into account the current (topical) trends in the development of the political system in Russia and the world as a whole.

Representasi Politik Uang Dalam Film Lansia Lan Sopo:

Lansia Lan Sopo' is a film that addresses the theme of anti-corruption with the issue of political money in the implementation of village head elections. 'Lansia Lan Sopo' is directed by Alfian Alfarisi and has a duration of 15 minutes and 09 seconds. This research aims to understand how the representation of political money in the film 'Lansia Lan Sopo' is depicted in the context of two rival campaign teams during the village head election. The research uses a qualitative descriptive approach and employs John Fiske's semiotic analysis method to dissect the codes and deeper meanings in the film. The results of the research reveal various depictions of political money in the film 'Lansia Lan Sopo.' Additionally, there is also a depiction of how political money is a product of capitalist ideology. This is demonstrated through John Fiske's semiotics with three levels: the level of reality depicting the actions of political money, the level of representation showing supporting elements in each scene, and the level of ideology to understand the concepts and meanings in the film 'Lansia Lan Sopo.'
 Keywords: Political Money, John Fiske Semiotics, Lansia Lan Sopo

Representasi Toxic Masculinity Pada Film “Seperti Dendam, Rindu Harus Dibayar Tuntas”: Analisis Semiotika Model Jhon Fiske

This article aims to describe the representation of toxic masculinity in the film "Seperti Dendam, Rindu Harus Dibayar Tuntas" through the main male character and film scenes. The film analysis of "Seperti Dendam, Rindu Harus Dibayar Tuntas" employs the semiotic data analysis technique using John Fiske's model. There are three levels of coding in this model: the level of reality, the level of representation, and the level of ideology. The research findings indicate that the representation of toxic masculinity portrayed by the main character at the level of reality is evident in the category of costumes, as seen in Ajo Kawir's simple attire. The level of representation code depicting toxic masculinity is displayed through cinematography techniques such as medium shots, close-ups, two shots, and over-the-shoulder shots. The ideology level observed is the high individualism of Ajo Kawir, who exhibits a sense of superiority, acts in his self-interest, and is stubborn. The toxic masculinity of the main character is influenced by past traumas and the patriarchal society depicted through John Fiske's semiotic model. The level of reality of social codes is conveyed through costumes, speech styles, and expressions. The level of representation of social codes is presented through camera work and lighting. The level of ideology of social codes is depicted through actions, dialogues, and character traits.

The USSR as a “Great Power”: Imperial Narratives and the State’s Status, 1920–1935

This article analyses the adaptation and re-semantisation of the “great power” concept in Soviet public discourse between 1920 and 1935. The actualisation of the “great power” concept in the public discourse of this period was associated with the need to comprehend the USSR in the system of international relations, the one of “great powers”. After the First World War and the revolutionary events of the early twentieth century, Russia was excluded from the European system of international relations, and the USSR had to fight for the recognition of the new state formation. Simultaneously, the new authorities had to defend their positions within the country. In addition, the new state was in a complex relationship with the legacy of the Russian Empire. Denying numerous imperial attitudes at the ideological level, the USSR had to deal with old institutions, including the diplomatic and authoritative language of Imperial Russia. At the same time, new goals required revision of inconvenient intellectual constructs. The author aims to establish how the “great power” concept was rethought and appropriated by the Bolsheviks and the Soviet authorities after the 1917 Revolution and the Civil War (1917–1922). The author identifies several main stages of rethinking the concept in public discourse and, based on an analysis of the press, proves that the “great power” concept was only partially resemanticised. It acquired new semantic connotations (primarily ideological) while retaining a significant part of the previous pre-revolutionary attitudes. The author reveals that from the early 1920s, there were attempts to assign the “great power” status to Soviet Russia. During this period, the great-power narrative was re-actualised and stabilised. The main factor confirming the “great power” status is the country’s internal successes.

Research on the Reform of Experimental Teaching of Environmental Engineering by Integrating Curriculum Ideologics and Politics

Ideological and political work should be carried out throughout the whole process of education and teaching to realize the whole process of educating people and all-round educating people. Environmental engineering experiment is an important discipline in environmental practice, through the establishment of experimental teaching the whole process of course ideology and politics of the method mechanism, change the teaching mode, enhance the level of teacher course ideology and politics of the way, so that the experimental course ideology and politics of the real realization of the role of education, and more robust socialist direction of schooling.

ANALISIS SEMIOTIKA JOHN FISKE TENTANG INSECURE TERHADAP STANDAR KECANTIKAN PEREMPUAN DALAM FILM IM PERFECT

The rapid development of today's communication media, film has become a medium that conveys information in a unique way. Related to the film Imperfect (Career, Love & Scales) which was directed by Ernest Prakasa, it provides a discussion about the standard of female beauty in society and the people around it. The main character Rara in the film Imperfect (Career, Love & Scales) experiences related demands from women's beauty standards that make Rara feel insecure about her beauty. The purpose of this study is to describe how to deal with insecurity about the beauty standards that apply in the surrounding environment in the film Imperfect (Career, Love & Scales) for the main character Rara. This study uses descriptive qualitative research methods with John Fiske's semiotic theory to understand the meaning of the reality level at the representational level at the ideological level. The results of this study indicate that there is a feeling of insecurity due to physical conditions that are not in accordance with applicable beauty standards and make peace with Rara's insecurity. Finally, Rara, in the main character of the film Imperfect (Career, Love & Scales), who previously felt insecure about herself, tried and was determined to be like a beautiful woman and have an ideal body, now she proves her determination through the changes in herself that she has always wanted. to be a woman with standard beauty in general. Now he can accept and make peace with himself and love himself well.

The Dominance of Father's Role in the Film Ngeri-Ngeri Sedap

The purpose of this research is to identify the pattern of family communication in the film "Ngeri-ngeri Sedap". Film Ngeri-ngeri Sedap 2022 directed by Bene Dion tells the story of a family drama, telling the story of Pak Domu and Mak Domu who live with Sarma, their only daughter. The husband-and-wife couple wanted their three sons who had wandered for a long time to come home to attend a traditional event. But their three children refused because their relationship was not harmonious. This research was conducted with a type of qualitative research using the semiotic analysis model developed by John Fiske. The results of this study indicate that the communication in this film is quite problematic. This can be seen in the results of John Fiske's research on three levels of semiotics, namely the level of reality, the level of representation, and the level of ideology. The level of reality shows that the pattern of family communication implemented in this film has a paternalistic, namely a pattern where only one family member controls the family. In the case of this family, it is the father who controls the family.Keywords: Dominance, Fatherhood, Monopoly Communication Patterns, Film Ngeri-ngeri Sedap

Breaking the Myth of Nuclear Power Omnipotence in the Cold War era: Discourse on Nuclear Power and the Movement against the Construction of Nuclear Power Plants in South Korea in the 1980s and early 1990s

In South Korea, the frontline of the Cold War in East Asia, an active anti-nuclear movement could not emerge until the 1970s due to the effects of Korean War, national division, and the Cold War culture. In the 1970s, youth activists, religious figures, and intellectuals who opposed the military regime became concerned about environmental issues as a reaction to the adverse effects of industrialization pursued by the military. In the 1980s, the ecological movement gave way to the anti-nuclear peace movement, which confronted the security discourse that dominated the Cold War era. The South Korean democratization movement of the 1980s overcame and transcended Cold War factionalism on an ideological level, and as a result, anti-nuclear peace activists opposed the nuclear disarmament of the Korean Peninsula and called for the abolition of nuclear power plants. Based on anti-foreign nationalism, they used a discourse that directly linked individual life, safety, and health rights to national survival and peace, and treated nuclear weapons as a symbol of imperialist oppression.</br>Environmentalist organizations, such as the ‘Anti-Pollution Movement Association’, actively engaged in solidarity activities with local residents' protests against the construction of nuclear power plants and nuclear waste sites. As the case of Yeonggwang-gun, Jeollanam-do shows, the difference in position between the local residents who pursued economic compensation and the establishment of a sustainable basis for livelihood and the environmental movement group that pursued the public spread of the anti-nuclear movement led to distrust and conflict, despite the devoted solidarity of both sides. As the case of Anmyeonisland shows, conflicts between residents were intensified by monetary inducements from government organizations, undermining their everyday relationships. Nevertheless, the anti-nuclear movement in Korea from the late 1980s to the early 1990s contributed greatly to breaking the myth of nuclear power omnipotence in the Cold War era, revealing the ecological agenda to Korean society, and laying the foundation for the growth of the eco-environmental movement in the 1990s.

Hidayatullah.com and Liputanislam.com Editorial Policies in Middle East Conflict Reporting

Online media has been widely used as a media for jihad by Islamic activists around the world, including in Indonesia. These media include HIdayatullah.com and Liputanislam.com. The two media reported on the conflict that occurred in the Middle East. In this study, researchers used the theory of message content hierarchy in the Shoemaker & Reese mass media. Based on the explanation above, this study aims to find out how the theory of influence hierarchy is applied in determining the production of news about the Middle East conflict in the online media Liputanislam.com and Hidayatullah.com. Researchers use the post-positivism paradigm as a research approach. The research method used in this study is descriptive analysis. The data collection method in this study was interviews with the editors of Liputanislam.com, news writers of Liputanislam.com, and editors of Hidayatullah.com. The results of the study show that there are similarities and differences in the editorial policies of Liputanislam.com and Hidayatullah.com in reporting on Middle East conflicts. The similarities lie at the individual and ideological levels. At the individual level, both news writers for Liputanislam.com and Hidayatullah.com have foreign language skills, namely English and Arabic. At the ideological level, the editors of Liputanislam.com and Hidayatullah.com believe that the mainstream media in Indonesia needs to be more balanced and make many mistakes in publishing news about the Middle East conflict. Meanwhile, the difference is at the organizational and extramedia levels. At the organizational level, Liputanislam.com media workers are given more freedom in choosing news sources than Hidayatullah.com media workers. For the extramedia level, Hidayatullah.com editors tend to choose news sources from authoritative media or official news sites and news agencies owned by Middle Eastern countries. On the other hand, the editorial staff of Liputanislam.com refers to media they think share the same ideology and ideals.

Representasi Perilaku Nekat Generasi Z Dalam Film Mencuri Raden Saleh:

Generation Z has many desires and goals that they want to achieve. However, to achieve these goals, Generation Z tends to choose instant methods and does not think long about the risks that will occur. Such reckless behavior from Generation Z has become a picture of reality in today's society. Reckless behavior is shown through the actions taken by generation Z in achieving their goals, which often lead to criminal acts. This research aims to find out how the representation of generation Z's reckless behavior in the film Stealing Raden Saleh. Mencuri Raden Saleh depicts the reality of generation Z's reckless behavior that has resulted in criminality in society. By using John Fiske's semiotic analysis method which divides into three levels of coding (Level of Reality, Level of Representation, and Level of Ideology), it was found that Stealing Raden Saleh represents the reckless behavior of generation Z through criminal acts committed by the six main characters such as forgery, hacking, fighting, and theft. Researchers also found that the reckless behavior of generation Z in the film was also influenced by family background factors and socio-economic conditions.