Ideological History Research Articles

Estudo sobre a influência do pensamento da Academia Jixia na construção da ordem social Pré-Qin.

Abstract: Jixia Academy (稷下学派) is a general term for the Contending academic group in the Pre-Qin Period (B.C.235-B.C.221). The thought derived from Jixia Academy occupies an important part in the development of Chinese ancient ideological history. It has played an important role in regulating and enlightening the construction of the symbolic art of the social order at that time. And it is also of great value to the stability and orderly operation of today’s social order. This paper takes the thought of Jixia Academy as the core. Firstly, it analyzes the general situation of Jixia Academy and its ideological connotation. Secondly, it explores the symbolic art of the Pre-Qin social order, including the characteristics of the Pre-Qin social order and the construction path of the Pre-Qin social order. On this basis, it elaborates the influence of the thought of Jixia Academy on the construction of social order in the Pre-Qin Period, in order to make more people to deeply understand the thought of Jixia Academy and its positive role in the construction of the Pre-Qin social order symbolic art.

Some Remarks on the History of Political Theory in Antiquity

With the help of some texts of Greek philosophers the ambivalent history of natural law philosophy is illustrated with its consequences for the rising notion of political theory and international law. Universalism and Stoic philosophy form the intellectual background for the rising Roman empire. Special attention is paid to the history of the textual transmission of some important philosophical texts, an aspect which is very often neglected.

Cold war, hot stuff. The official critical discourse and the desirability of film stars in socialist Romania

This article examines the ways in which Romanian socialist politics and state-sanctioned film journalism intersected around film sexuality and foreign film stardom, in order to reinforce the official discourse on sexual morality in the 1960s and 1970s. The ‘60s represented a decade of political and ideological semi-relaxation in socialist Romania. Film audiences retained some access to Western productions, and foreign film stars carried significant erotic appeal to viewers. The state-funded Cinema magazine aimed to disrupt these tendencies either by arguing that the objects of desire were representative of lower quality cinema, or, in full-on Cold War style, by building the case for the decline of Western capitalism through pinpointing all manifestations of sexuality as a symptom of it. This article looks at the ways in which ideological arguments to “redact” film sexuality, while failing to repurpose it, managed to redirect it and reposition it as alien to socialist culture. The article also explores the continuation of this trend during the 1970s, when film stardom and the seductive appeal of film stars were validated by their conformation to political and historical ideologies directly linked to the concerns of the Romanian Communist Party.

Theoretical Foundations and Methodological Problems of the Semiotics of History

The article deals with the theoretical and methodological problems of the semiotics of history. Semiotics is the science that studies the sign system. This system is used by people to transfer knowledge and information. Modern governance is semiotic. A separate fact can turn into a sign-symbol. The sign lives its own life in the virtual space, leaving the information space. The modern world is governed by language. The revolution starts with the language. Semiotics changes the epistemological regime. The code provides a communication system. Any code requires decoding. Cultural space codes are ambiguous. The semiotics of history actively interacts with the history of ideologies. The question of the truth of the nationalism doctrine cannot be solved by science, because it belongs to ideology. The name is the essence. In psychiatry, there is the concept of semiotic dementia, when the patient does not understand the meaning of words. Information is distributed among people, therefore it acquires its social significance when it is perceived by people, only under this condition it becomes knowledge. Knowledge helps to act. A prerequisite for this is correct information. Concepts of the information society can be distinguished in the format of semiotics of history. Images have a stronger effect on people than texts. Negative information spreads faster than texts. Virtuality creates the image of the desired world. The images of the future are not neutral. A certain image of the future is set by the present. No one can escape the human prejudice. The semantics of history develops in the general line of the linguistic turn in historical science. In this sense, the methodological and theoretical problems of the semiotics of history are associated with the linguistic problems of consciousness, caused by the imperfection of any language and the ways of its public use

What’s in a Name? The Hidden Historical Ideologies Embedded in the Black and African American Racial Labels

History can inconspicuously repeat itself through words and language. We explored the association between the “Black” and “African American” racial labels and the ideologies of the historical movements within which they gained prominence (Civil Rights and Black Power, respectively). Two content analyses and two preregistered experimental studies (N = 1,204 White American adults) show that the associations between “Black” and “bias and discrimination” and between “African American” and “civil rights and equality” are evident in images, op-eds, and perceptions of organizations. Google Images search results for “Black people” evoke more racially victimized imagery than search results for “African American people” (Study 1), and op-eds that use the Black label contain more bias and discrimination content than those that use the African American label (Study 2). Finally, White Americans infer the ideologies of organizations by the racial label within the organization’s name (Studies 3 and 4). Consequently, these inferences guide the degree to which Whites support the organization financially.

A study on the writing method of the history of socialist political economy with Chinese characteristics

PurposeExpanding the research on traditional history of economic ideology into the research on the history of economics composed of three elements – history of ideology, history of policies and events – is a new idea for researching the history of socialist political economy with Chinese characteristics. The start of the history of socialist political economy with Chinese characteristics is consistent with that of the Sinicization of Marxist political economy and can be dated from at least 1917.Design/methodology/approachThe key point of the research on the history of ideologies of the socialist political economy with Chinese characteristics is to treat the relationship between theory and people properly, i.e. we should not neglect the effect brought out by the economists on theory construction while we attach importance to the theoretical contribution of the leaders and leading group of the Communist Party of China (CPC).FindingsFor the research on the history of economic policies of socialist political economy with Chinese characteristics, on the one hand, we should clarify the relationship among ideologies, strategies and policies; on the other hand, we should not evade the summarization of lessons from history.Originality/valueBesides presenting the development route of socialist political economy with Chinese characteristics under competition, the research on the events in the history of socialist political economy with Chinese characteristics should also help develop the socialist political economy with Chinese characteristics.

The Hungarian Theory of Just War Based on the Idea of the Holy Crown: A Historical Case of Just Mission

ABSTRACT Warfare ideologies are as old as human civilization. By now, they have grown into an important and extended research field, including works analyzing the justification of war in ancient Indian epic literature, empire-building techniques in Chinese antiquity, and the warfare ideologies of Islam or Buddhism in Sri Lanka. Similar works concerning Hungarian historical ideologies exist, but a comprehensive survey remains to be seen. In this article, I present a special Hungarian warfare ideology which is based on the idea of the Holy Crown, with the help of the concepts of just war theory. Thereby, I throw light on a particular way in which just war thinking has been used and developed in Europe.

Introduction

Introduction

현대 우즈베키스탄의 18-19세기에 대한 역사 관점과 민족 정체성 확립

Since its independence in 1991, the Republic of Uzbekistan has maintained the program of building its own national identity, in which writing histories on the Uzbek land and people has played a crucial role. There have been a number of historical works produced by Uzbek scholars, several of whom were directly commissioned or sponsored by the government. Through the analysis of those works, some tendencies of viewpoints in Uzbekistan’s official or semi-official historical writings have been revealed, such as the upholding of prominent historical figures as national heroes and the vilifying of the Soviet past. Nevertheless, the legacy from the Soviet historiography remains influential particularly in the negative judgment of the period of the Uzbek dynasties in the 18th-19th centuries.BR This paper illustrates how Uzbekistan’s scholars have made efforts to overcome the biases derived from the Soviet historical ideology and methodology that described the rulers of the Uzbek dynasties as “oriental despots” and portrayed the period as that of decline before the Russian expansion into Central Asia. Partly inspired by the Western scholars’ call for research on new historical sources, the recent Uzbek scholarship agree to the necessity of reevaluating the historical developments in 18th-19th century Central Asia. Surprisingly, the reverence of Amir Timur as the greatest Uzbek hero, which the present Uzbekistan government is committed to promote, in effect originated from the political transformation in that period. The pursuit of non-Chinggisid authority by the so-called “tribal dynasties” of Bukhara, Khiva, and Khoqand along with Central Asian people’s aspiration for social stability created the idealization of Amir Timur, which was firmly established during the 19th century. Therefore, the study of the Uzbek society in the 18th-19th centuries, which has thus far been ignored, is of great relevance for understanding the legitimization of the present leadership of the Republic of Uzbekistan.

For the Symbolics and Semantics of “Fire” in German Phraseologisms

Phraseologisms represent the important and valuable legacy of the nation as they reflect not only cultural and historical ideology, but customs and traditions as well. The given research deals with the establishment of symbolics and semantic context of “Fire” in German phraseological units. German phraseological dictionaries are used as the research object. Fire is a guarantee of improving human lives. It is the symbol of creative energy and destructive force as well. When the fire flame is under the human control it brings warmth, light and kindness. As soon as human reveals less care towards it the fire instantly turns into a dangerous, destructive force bringing death and collapse. Fire has different symbols in different religions. In Hinduism, fire is the symbol of creativity, absolution and demolition, in Islam – birth and destruction, in Buddhism – wisdom, in Christianity it is the symbol of reanimation. Human ensures his/her welfare and safety with the help of fire. Fire is the symbol of native home, native land and family: Das heimische Feuer – native fire/hearth. Fire can figuratively express different emotions. Phraseologisms expressing love are mostly found out: Feuer der Liebe – fire of love. In a figurative way, fire also indicates such human traits as intrepidity, bravery, sympathy, goodwill, hatred, anger, enthusiasm and hope. Figuratively fire also has the mission of increasing the power of trait.

Historical school of Mykhailo Hrushevsky in Lviv: formation, structure, personal contribution

This article deals with the genesis and functioning of the Lviv Historical School of M. Hrushevsky. The plans to create a historical school of Ukrainian character at the University of Lviv were made by the initiators of the department of World History – specializing in with the history of the Western Europe – i.e.O. Barvinsky, V. Antonovych, and O. Koninsky, as well as by M. Hrushevsky. The school had a two-stage structure of formation and functioning: the historical seminar of the University of Lviv and the section for the history of philosophy of the Scientific Society of Shevchenko. It made it possible to gather creative young people on the first stage at the University of Lviv, and introduce them to the scientific work and to prepare and train the new employees on the second stage in the section for the history of philosophy of the Scientific Society of Shevchenko. The composition of the school were elaborated relying on the firstly determined criteria (taking part in the scientific seminar, the work in the sections and commissions of the Scientific Society Shevchenko, scholar maturity etc). It was determined that the Lviv school counted 20 young historians, among whom one was a woman. The Ukrainian Galician Center of Hrushevsky was characterized as a common school of the leadership type, whose didactic tasks were accompanied by the simultaneous creation of the new Ukrainian historical ideology. It was concluded that the Lviv Historical School was undoubtedly the most important humanistic phenomenon in the Ukrainian science, both in terms of effectiveness and the temporal range of influence. Its appearance marked the entry of Ukrainian science into a new level of professionalization.

Empires and Exchanges in Eurasian Late Antiquity. Rome, China, Iran, and the Steppe, ca. 250-750

This article reviews a collection of twenty-six studies on Eurasia in Late Antiquity, edited by Nicola Di Cosmo and Michael Maas (2018). Aside from presenting a brief summary of all the chapters included in the volume, I discuss several contributions at length and engage with the methodology outlined by the editors in the Introduction. While the book focuses on Late Antique steppe empires (Huns, Türks, Avars, etc.) and the multiple ways these interacted with the great sedentary states of Eurasia (Byzantium, Iran, China), many chapters offer exciting new perspectives on a score of other topics, such as Silk Road trade, religion, history of science, migration, diplomacy and political ideology. On the whole, Empires and Exchanges is an extremely valuable addition to the growing number of studies that attempt to provide a holistic approach to Eurasian history.

Almost Immortal?

This article sheds theoretical and empirical light on the ritual media events constructed around the deaths of three Cold War political leaders in the 1980s: the Finnish president, Urho Kekkonen (1900–1986), the Swedish prime minister, Olof Palme (1927–1986), and the Soviet Union general secretary, Leonid Brezhnev (1906–1982). Investigating news articles published in the first days after the news of each death broke, as well as news articles on the funeral for each and the immediate aftermath, this study utilises historical news television and print media material, obtained from the national and media archives in Finland, Sweden and Russia. By bringing the study of media culture and history into a dialogue shared with anthropology and political history, this article produces new knowledge on the workings and outcomes of ritual media events in the context of Cold War history. The article places special emphasis on Victor Turner’s ritual analysis and the ways in which power was symbolically transformed in these societies with different political and ideological histories.

Anger, Resentment and the Limits of Historical Narratives in Protest Politics: The Case of Early Twentieth-Century Irish Women’s Intersectional Movements

Abstract This essay analyses the emotions of intersectional protest. It uses the case study of early twentieth-century Irish women who subscribed to a multitude of ideological beliefs – including feminism, nationalism, socialism and pacifism – to attempt to understand the different place of emotions like hope and pride and anger and resentment in sustaining political activism. In doing so, it examines the nexus between emotions, ideology and history. Adopting both an interconnecting and comparative approach, it investigates the relative efficacy of historical narratives in sustaining the emotional and moral dimensions of intersecting and competing ideological movements. The essay concludes by exposing the limits of the emotions–ideology–history nexus, especially when it comes to feminist protest.

The Implementation of Asian Value on the Democratic System of Southeast Asia

The dichotomy between the east and the West has become a salient aspect in politics, where people tend to politicize the term to gain power or maintain any other movement. Democracy—as it has been a fascinating long-term issue to discuss—is a state system and the foundation of the establishment of the modern state nowadays. As the concept is constantly developing from time to time, it has been taken as a concern of leaders to implement the democratic ideology in their states—as the voices of people are now becoming the significant consideration in the term of rights where every human deserves the right to speak and right to decide, which apparently comes in the form of democracy. Learning on the condition of current states with the democratic system, sophisticating is to find Southeast Asia with democracy as a prominent actor in the system of the state. Nevertheless, the region has also implemented a value created by the moral and behavioral beliefs of the Asians, namely the Asian value. The value contains a plethora of moral and historical ideologies, and it maintained the establishment of states in Asia for decades since the monarchy era. However, given that there are some biases found due to the dichotomic perceptions between freedom in the democracy and the maintained culture in the Asian value, this study will elicit more on the discussion about these aspects using the method of qualitative literature review

Historical Policy of the Xi Jinping Administration: “Four Histories” and “Ma Project”

In 2021, the Xi Jinping administration delivered a series of speeches concerning Chinese Communist Party (CCP) history. Xi himself showed interest in CCP’s history when he held office in coastal provinces, but during the Hu Jintao period, CCP administration started advancing an ideological history policy that strengthened the importance of socialist history. The “Ma Project” was founded as an organization to prompt ideological education. After the start of the Xi administration, the Ma Project became more active under Xi’s history policy. Xi’s administration places importance on the CCP’s and socialist history and adopted the policy of the “Four Histories.” The discourse of Xi’s speeches in 2021 that advocate the legitimacy of the CCP is based on the narratives of Four Histories. Xi’s administration is advancing a history policy that puts the Four Histories into the core curriculum of universities and penetrates society through propaganda and mobilization.

Can Big History and Cosmic History Help America Tell its Own Story? Applying Ted Peters’ Work to our Future

ABSTRACT Because ideology is basically inevitable, we ought to make clear the materialist ideology at work in the story of the cosmos told by Big History. Ted Peters’ book, God in Cosmic History, exposes the Big History ideology when introducing a theological rendering of the same story of our universe. Ideology need only be made transparent, not eliminated. Perhaps this observation could aid current re-writers of American history to tell the story honestly, the story that includes chapters on both slavery and liberation. Might this lead America to cross a new threshold of possible axial import?

Battleground of Humanisms: How Väinö Linna’s Under the North Star United What Liberalism, Socialism, and Fascism Tore Apart

ABSTRACT In the contest between the three major modern political ideologies—liberalism, socialism, and fascism—the Nordic countries found a middle way with social democracy. For over four decades, Finland remained a class-divided anomaly after the failed socialist revolution in 1918 and fascist rebellion in the 1930s. Väinö Linna’s Under the North Star trilogy (1959–62), one of history’s most directly influential literary works, helped the Finns come to terms with their painful past, which enabled them to rejoin the Nordic path of social togetherness. By drawing on Yuval Noah Harari’s work on the history of human ideologies, my analysis of Linna’s trilogy suggests that insights from works of fiction that help societies unite may also prove useful for meeting the challenges we are expected to face in the present century, as we move toward a posthumanist era.

Without Laslett to the lost worlds: Quentin Skinner's early methodology

AbstractThe aim of this paper is to suggest that the emergence of the so-called Cambridge School of history of political thought can best be understood in terms of two competing visions of the relationship between history and social science, focusing on Peter Laslett and Quentin Skinner. Although Laslett is often distinguished as a founder of the Cambridge School, this paper suggests an alternative view by emphasizing the theoretical discontinuity between Laslett and Skinner rather than their continuity. Laslett, a practitioner of Karl Manheim's ideas, promoted the idea of a comprehensive scientific social history, within which intellectual history was located. This paper argues that Skinner broke with Laslett's idea. For Skinner, (1) Laslett was a positivist who applied the natural scientific model to intellectual history; (2) Laslett's positivism was actually ‘contextualism’; and (3) the alternative to Laslett's contextualism was the history of ideology. Skinner's early methodology was, in part, a rhetorical redescription of ‘ideology’, which opposed both Mannheim and Laslett. As such, this paper focuses on the discursive disconnection between Laslett and Skinner, thus providing a clue to construct a platform for facilitating a further discussion of the history of ideas and the social sciences.

‘I wanted to be white’: understanding power asymmetries of whiteness and racialisation

ABSTRACT This article uses a self-reflective autoethnography to critique colonisation and whiteness as systems of marginalisation and racialisation. I examine concepts grounded in post-colonial and anti-racist theories, and I interweave these with my experiences in white spaces in Colombia, the USA and Canada as an educator and researcher. I provide personal examples as data to explain how colonisation and whiteness have paved the road to my professional ‘success’, and I also illuminate how these have taken me away from understanding my cultural and linguistic roots. Contrary to conventional wisdom that formal education is empowering for racialised peoples, this article asserts that critical education has been fundamental to challenge inequality and power asymmetries. Finally, in reflecting on the depths to which whiteness has been entrenched in all aspects of my life and other racialised peoples, I seek determination and liberation by calling into question the normative historical raciolinguistic ideologies of whiteness.