Ideological Framing Research Articles

We're Not All Sick but None of Us is Well

We're Not All Sick but None of Us is Well Nate Holdren (bio) Beatrice Adler-Bolton and Artie Vierkant. Health Communism: A Surplus Manifesto. New York: Verso, 2022. 240 pp $24.95. ISBN: 9781839765162. Health Communism examines the destructive effects of capitalism on human well-being through two theoretical concepts, the worker/surplus distinction and extractive abandonment. The worker/surplus distinction focuses on the role of money in regulating the health and well-being of individuals, households, and populations in capitalism. Workers are conceptualized here as people supplied enough money—via labor markets, as wages received for the sale of labor power—to maintain their and their households' lives and current [End Page 400] social condition. The so-called surplus population are conceptualized as people who do not get an adequate amount of money to so maintain themselves, a condition which leads to a cascade of negative effects. It's important to stress here that any position on the continuum from worker to surplus is relatively unstable, with more workers being pushed into surplus status over time through a host of forms of insecurity. As the authors write: "It is not necessarily the case that we are all sick. But none of us is well." Over the course of our lives, "each of us ripped and maimed, strangled and buried by capital, in one way or another" and "entire industries exist to eke out slivers of profit from our eventual deaths." (183.) It's a stark portrait, appropriately polemical given the violence the book analyzes and opposes. All the ways people can be minoritized and stigmatized—including categories like race, gender identity, sexuality, drug use, and migration status—provide methods of being pushed into the surplus population as well as the ideological justification for poor treatment. That said, disablement is an especially helpful category for understanding the treatment of so-called surplus populations. Disabled people's treatment encapsulates the general subordination of surplus populations. Being rendered surplus tends to mean exposure to conditions that further impair one's health, leading to further disability. Finally, people seeking to defend the treatment of surplus populations tend to ideologically draw on disability and ablism for additional ways to stigmatize specific groups and to defend the treatment to which they are subjected. Health Communism points out that surplus populations are often treated as a kind of threat or burden, simultaneously authorizing appallingly unjust and often violent treatment while depoliticizing these actions. Surplus populations aren't treated as enemies of the social order so much as defects in need of an ostensibly apolitical correction: they are framed as being a "debt/eugenic burden." (xiii.) The term refers to two rationales that often work in tandem, one monetary and one biological. Once marked as abnormal, people get treated as expensive to have around and/or as having additional harmful effects on society. This ideological frame manifests in pressures to reduce costs of care and welfare provision, thus worsening lives for the recipients whose conditions of life are rendered mere costs, through practices of segregation and incarceration. While often ideologically framed as burdens, there are profits to be made off of surplus populations, insofar as their care and/or incarceration is supplied by for-profit companies or state agencies for whom surplus populations provide an existential legitimation. Here Health Communism builds on the work of disability justice activist and writer Marta Russell, who developed what she called the money model of disability.1 People barred from labor markets on the pretext of disability become fed back into the market as raw material, because caring for or warehousing disabled people can be profitable. The authors link Russell's money model of disability to geographer Ruth Wilson Gilmore's work on mass incarceration through the concept of extractive abandonment. People abandoned to deprivation aren't simply cut loose in the wild, but rather are to a significant degree pushed out of legitimate membership in the polity, and so become objects of institutional control. Therefore, people marked as surplus are often treated like commodities, via institutional statuses like patients, wards, trainees, prisoners, inmates, etc., within markets gilded [End Page 401] with rhetorics of service and care. Organizations in those...

Ideological Frames and Reaction to Intergroup Norm Violations

This article examines how ideological frames, certain context factors and emotions influence choice of a retributory, retaliatory or reconciliatory reaction in intergroup conflict situations. Hindu and Muslim respondents supporting secular multiculturalism and composite culturalism gave their reactions to three norm-violating situations of varying intensities. Multinomial logistic regression was used to predict preferred reactions across situations. Reconciliation in comparison to retaliation and retribution was the most preferred reaction of both Hindus and Muslims. Ideological beliefs also predicted preferred reactions of respondents. Muslims with composite culture beliefs preferred retribution over reconciliation in two out of three situations, while Hindus having composite cultural beliefs preferred reconciliation over retaliation only in one situation. Positive out-group attitudes favoured a reconciliatory reaction in both groups. Anger and fear influenced choice of reactions of Hindus but not of Muslims. For Hindus and Muslims, resource power favoured choosing retribution over reconciliation. However, Muslims with greater retaliatory power chose retaliation. Own group identity and fraternalistic relative deprivation (FRD) played only a minor role.

The Semiotics of Sustainability in the Greek Media

The concept of sustainability has been recognized as a landmark of modern societies and remains the only internationally and consensually recognized global development concept (Jacobsson, 2019). It is based upon the need for a "change of course" in the social, economic, cultural and environmental policies, to bring about the necessary transformation of the existing system (Raco, 2014). At the same time, however, it is presented as an abstract concept that, instead of mapping an agenda and signalling any commitment for a structural transformation of liberal consumer capitalism, seems to be an artistic extension of its life expectancy (Swyngedoow, 2010). According to Fuchs (2017), questions about capitalism and class are largely neglected when actions are promoted that support increased sustainability in neoliberal society. Starting from this paradox, our main research question is to capture how the term "sustainability" is presented in relation to the existing neoliberal system, as well as which ideologies are expressed as neutral in the context of public information. The aim of this research is to determine the role of the Greek media in shaping the semantics of sustainable development. Specifically, after clarifying the terms and conditions through domestic and international literature, the framing analysis of four online media relevant publications is applied as a method of examination. The study aims to identify which discourses are constructed, how many and which publications refer to sustainability in relation to the frames of 'sustainable development' and 'degrowth' and which of these are presented as neutral ideological frames. The analysis reveals an interesting paradox, pointing to contradictory perceptions of problems, responsibilities and solutions in relation to sustainable development, depending on whether it relates to the private or public sector.

Employee-ownership: Exploring the Potentials of Practicing a Democratic Ideal

The recurrent focus on democratic organisations moves beyond ideological framings and employs a broader focus on democracy and employee-ownership as foundation for more resilient businesses, increased work-life satisfaction and as potential for democratizing labour and economy. However, there is in general a lack of qualitative studies that widens the understanding of such democratic organizations, and the inherent tensions and dilemmas of such, at a micro-level. Based on a qualitative case study across Italy, Spain and Denmark, this article explores and reveal the interplay between how employee-owners experience democratic organizing as practice, and how this is related to ideas of the good work-life and ideals that reach beyond the workplace itself. These findings lay the ground for discussing employee-ownership as a possible way to alter current perceptions and understandings of, not only what a business is and can be, but also of how to democratically organize for a sustainable future.

Dimensions of Ethnic Boundary-Making: Experiences of Young Muslims and Christians in Religious Transnational Fields in Oslo

This article examines the religious transnational orientation among young Muslims and Christians in Oslo. The study draws upon Andreas Wimmer’s (2013) theory of ethnic boundaries to analyse the characteristics of the ethnic boundary-making emerge within a religious transnational field, and how social closure, language, ideological framing and sociopolitical dimensions contribute to the ethnic boundary-making. The data consist of 22 qualitative interviews with young people between 16 and 35 years old. The article shows that most young Muslims and Christians involved in religious transnational activities influenced by multicultural, cosmopolitan ideas and interfaith collaborations. Some youths, however, are involved in religious transnational activities where there are no forms of social exchange or cooperation with other religious and ethnic groups. Some groups use their native language to reinforce the ethnic boundaries, providing a link between their religion and nationality. Others use language to establish generational differences between young people and their parents. As for the ideological framing, the findings show those boundary-making efforts that emphasize the incorporation of Islam in the West. The sociopolitical dimension refers to the classificatory struggles of Muslims with right-wing politicians who argue Muslims in Europe and Norway represent a danger to Western democracy and values.

Struggles for Self-Determination: The Denial of Reactionary Statehood in Africa by Josiah Brownell

Struggles for Self-Determination examines the sovereign claims of African counterrevolutionary nationalisms in Katanga, Rhodesia, Transkei, and Bophuthatswana. The book’s most important contribution is conceptual; Brownell takes the nationalist claims of these countries seriously, even though they were denied that legitimacy by international forums in their own time.Dominant nationalist historical narratives of African decolonization are entwined with the legacies of the anticolonial nationalist movements that became ruling postcolonial state governments.1 Therefore, understandings of African decolonization have relied on refuting the legitimacy of counterrevolutionary nationalisms that posited political alternatives to postcolonial nation-states. In addition, accounts of these counterrevolutionary nationalisms were often implicitly connected to notions of imperial nostalgia.2It is to Brownell’s credit that he charts a careful path between sympathy and denial of these nationalist claims. For these reasons, he is upfront about what his book is not—he is not making normative claims of legitimacy for these regions, he is not arguing that they were all the same, and he is not researching daily life of ordinary people in these regions (3–4). Instead, Brownell is concerned with the externalities of sovereignty—its performance and the pursuit of international recognition, especially when that pursuit requires circumnavigating official international forums (such as the United Nations). He discusses how these claimants tapped into “certain aesthetico-idological lineages designed to generate the maximum sympathy and support from particular overseas constituencies” (6).This focus on the performance of national sovereignty begs the question, who is writing these nationalist scripts?3 While Brownell highlights a fascinating cast of characters, the agency and the structural limits of these scriptwriters as African “nationalist” figures—people such as Moise Tshombe, Lucas Mangope, Kaiser Mantanzima or the Zulu leader Mangosuthu Gatsha Buthelezi (an intellectually fascinating figure whose activities fall outside of the book’s scope)—are not central to his narrative. He instead focuses his book on what he sees as four common elements across the nationalist claims of Katanga, Rhodesia, Transkei, and Bophuthatswana—that they were responding to both decolonization and Pan-Africanism; that they utilized right-wing transnational networks; that they ideologically contested the role of ethnicity, race, and power in postcolonial Africa; and that they were viewed as threats by postcolonial African states.Tracing these common elements, a number of individuals appear repeatedly, people such as Selous Scout Ron Reid Daly, Rhodesian and Bophuthatswanan politician Rowan Cronje, and U.S.-Rhodesian lobbyist Kenneth Towsey. Drawing upon Pessemiers’ work on the adhoc forms of collaboration between white supremist Southern African regimes, Brownell is uncomfortable drawing direct strategic connections.4 In order to make the connections, he identifies that the three white post-imperials (Daly, Cronje, and Towsey) and others like them served as pivots between multiple counterrevolutionary nationalisms—a point that could be opened up to further exploration.Brownell’s loose chronology begins in 1960 with Katanga’s attempted secession from newly independent Congo-Léopoldville and the subsequent United Nations intervention, and ends in 1985 when international investors and cultural entrepreneurs decided to boycott the Sun City resort in Bophuthatswana. Chapters focus on the ideological framing of these nationalist claims, performances of sovereignty at home and abroad, and the utilization of culture and tourism as “soft power” in nationalist claims-making.The subject of chapter 7, the Bophuthatswanan Sun City resort serving as a hub for the cultural performance of reactionary statehood, is particularly intriguing. If this resort was a portal for international claims-making, what exactly was Bophuthatswana claiming to be? According to Brownell, Sun City “resided in an ambiguous zone. It was both a supposedly politics-free ‘pleasure dome’ and a stalking course for the normalization of” Bophuthatswana’s claim of independence (262). In a magazine advertising the resort, British Airways extolled the lack of racial segregation at Sun City where all guests “have an equal right to lose their money on the slot machines and at the roulette tables. The races mix on the dance floor, in the restaurants and at the shows” (273). However, by 1985 the global advocacy of the anti-apartheid movement successfully cast Bophuthatswana as a satellite to apartheid rather than independent, making it lose popularity as an international destination.It is noteworthy that Brownell takes a multidisciplinary approach, utilizing the archival methods of a historian and the thematic organization of a social scientist. His interventions on “sub-nationalisms” are imbedded in qualitative political science literature, particularly that of Jackson.5 A worthwhile study would be found in placing Brownell’s work in dialogue with scholarship in global international relations, particularly on South African contributions to the international legal-order that in the end denied recognition to the counterrevolutionary nationalisms chronicled in Brownell’s book.6By considering the nationalist aspirations of Katanga, Rhodesia, Transkei, and Bophuthatswana seriously and navigating between the poles of imperial nostalgia and anticolonial negation, Brownell has opened up avenues of future research. This reader came away from Struggles for Self-Determination looking forward to finding scholarship on the political thinking, writing, and positioning of counterrevolutionary nationalist leaders.7

THE IDEOLOGICAL INCONGRUENCE OF NEW POLITICAL PARTIES AND ORGANIZATIONS: CASE STUDY “MOVEMENT OF FREE CITIZENS” AND “DO NOT LET BELGRADE D(R)OWN”

The main subjects of this article are new political parties and organizations and their ideological incongruence as setbacks for root in society and institutionalization. The party system in Serbia has changed in aspects of stability and relevance of political parties. New instability was produced by tendencies of the predominance of one party (Serbian Progressive Party) and losing position of old political parties through splitting, losing of resources and capacities, intraparty instability, etc. Challenges for old political parties are coming from new political parties and organizations based on new and alternative politics. New political parties have many problems with institutionalization in the party system. Some of the problems are in the impossibility to construct distinctive ideological frames which would be recognized by citizens and voters. The problem of the ideological incongruence of new parties is identified also in the relationship between leadership and membership of parties. In this paper, we deal with “Movement of Free Citizens” (MFC) and “Don’t Let Belgrade D(r)own” (DLBD) as new political actors. The main goal of the research is to identify and explain ideological incongruence in the above-mentioned political organizations.

Review: Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity, edited by Jitse H. F. Dijkstra and Christian R. Raschle

Review: <i>Religious Violence in the Ancient World: From Classical Athens to Late Antiquity</i>, edited by Jitse H. F. Dijkstra and Christian R. Raschle

Sharqzadegi, or how Iran’s 1979 Islamic Revolution became Islamic

Iran’s 1979 Revolution was accomplished with the participation of a wide range of actors and social groups, with a wide range of motivations and visions for the future. How did the revolution become an ‘Islamic’ revolution? This article revisits the Islamic Republican Party’s print publications in the formative period of the Islamic Republic (1979-81) to explore one element of this process: the ideological framing of Marxist competitors. In the pages of Jumhuri Islami and other semi-official publications, they framed the Feda’in and Mojahedin as ‘ sharqzade ’ (‘eastoxicated’) counterparts to the Shah’s ‘ gharbzade ’ (‘westoxicated’) regime. Authors used two main discursive strategies: painting Marxist groups as possessing an eclectic, materialist ideology at odds with Iranian culture, and as modern counterparts to the ‘hypocrites’ ( monafeqin ) who opportunistically turned against the Prophet Mohammad in Medina. Revolutions are processes, with social groups forming and mobilizing resources to shape their outcomes. Historicizing the ‘Islamic’ nature of the revolution as part of the revolutionary process remains critical for debates over its meanings and legacies more than forty years later.

The French Reception of Adventures of Huckleberry Finn: A Belated Consecration

The French Reception of <i>Adventures of Huckleberry Finn</i>: A Belated Consecration

Monsters, Michael Myers, and the Macabre as Tools to Explain Ideological Framing

Framing as a metacommunicative device establishes the narrative of a given story and mobilizes emotional support. Within the framework of monster theory, horror movies are seen as a way of framing common fears about moral decay, concerns about the future, anxiety about outgroup members, and spiritual unknowns. In the classroom, we explore the monstrous body as a stand-in for the demonized (often literally) outgroup. Through tracing some of the historic roots of monsters, students are better able to see monsters as a recurring framing device for social fears. Utilizing the concepts of frame alignment (aligning individuals’ frames with larger social movement frames) and frame analysis (investigating the processes and mechanisms people utilize to make sense of situations), exploration of various subgenres of horror (including psychological horror, body horror, killers, monsters, zombies, and the paranormal) flesh out how frames are amplified, bridged, transformed, and extended.

Broadcasting anti‐media populism in the Philippines: YouTube influencers, networked political brokerage, and implications for governance

AbstractThis article interrogates platform governance and accountability amid the growing role of influencers in constructing political discourses, and particularly, in the intermediation of anti‐media ideological frames through their embeddedness in networked assemblages. We deploy the concept of “networked political brokerage” to examine the sociotechnical relations among influencers, the platform, and its users, and how this dynamic assemblage engages in the intermediation of anti‐media populism. The study draws from a critical examination of the network and discursive tactics deployed by Filipino YouTube influencers who advance partisan political commentary and deceptive narratives to delegitimize mainstream media institutions through issue network analysis concerning the franchise denial and eventual shutdown of the Philippines' oldest media network, ABS‐CBN. We problematize how influencers engage platform affordances and cultures of use to enable, amplify, and fortify the brokering of their political agenda within a larger network of political actors, while eliding accountability. Through the mutually affirming relationship of content creators and the platform, networked hyperpoliticized contents gain visibility and galvanize anti‐media rhetoric. Ultimately, the article raises concerns on the social consequences of networked political brokerage and offers a framework for how governance and policy discussions can treat the functioning of such networked political influence.

Reforms of Peter I and the Search for Social Harmony Model: Correlation Problem

The article examines the role of Peter I reforms for developing the Russian identity in general, and in particular for the development of communitarianism as a special feature of Russian social thought. The study shows that the practical activity of Peter I and its theoretical analysis in the works by F. Prokopovich, V.N. Tatishchev and I.T. Pososhkov contributed to the development of sustainable, archetypal ideas within the Russian society regarding the connection between social harmony and social justice and the idea of the so-called “common good” and the cult of public service. Those ideas would be afterwards persistently reproduced in Russian history, obtaining philosophical and ideological framing.

The R2P and atrocity prevention: Contesting human rights as a threat to international peace and security

AbstractThe significant link between human rights violations and the eventual outbreak of atrocity crimes has been widely promoted across the UN system. However, the question of how the connection between the R2P norm and human rights plays out in the actual practices and debates of the UN Security Council has been relatively under explored. In response, the article builds on constructivist research into norm robustness in order to trace how the R2P's shift to an atrocity prevention focus has generated increased applicatory contestation over the push to expand the link between human rights and threats to international peace and security. Based on extensive analysis of UN Security Council meeting records and three case studies, the article highlights two competing ideological frames that currently divide the Security Council's approach to atrocity prevention. This division has emphasised a key disconnect between the work of the Security Council and other UN institutions such as the Human Rights Council, therefore severely limiting the potential for effective atrocity prevention responses. Thus, without a stronger connection to human rights in the process of threat identification, the R2P norm will remain considerably limited as a prevention tool. Consequently, the article also contributes to a new understanding of the critical role evolving institutional rules and practices play in state attempts to both constrain and reshape human protection norms.

Emotion Work in Tabligh Jama’at Texts

This study examines the emotional dynamics of the written and oral texts of Tabligh Jama’at—respectively, Faza’il-e-A’maal (Virtues of Good Deeds) and bayan (religious sermon). In them, the study identifies emotion work—the attempt to generate certain emotions. The study discusses how the texts’ emotion work relates to Tablighi discursive ideology (framing) and also posits several emotions that the emotion work might generate. From these findings, the study offers the idea that Tablighi emotion work contributes to transforming Muslims’ emotional sphere by attaching them emotionally to ultimate religious concerns. By enchanting Muslims’ emotional sphere and attaching Muslims to Islamic social actors, values, practices, and Islamic revivalist goals, Tablighi emotion work contributes to the social transformation of individuals and society.

Always Already and Never Yet: Does China Even Have a Present?

AbstractThis essay traces how China's changing presents have been represented in Anglo-American discourse and in China studies from the Cold War to today. It shows how, in popular opinion but also in academia, that discourse has displayed a stubborn tendency to explain—or rather explain away—China's presents, configuring them strictly in relation to pasts that can never be overcome and futures that are either never realized or always dangerously looming. This ideological framing has its roots in Cold War anticommunism, which was foundational to China studies in the US, but lingers on to this day, as China's coevalness is continuously denied.

Legal Interpreting and Translanguaging: Contested Spaces in the Centre-Periphery Dynamic

Community or public-service interpreting is often institutionally perceived by service providers as being based on an ideological framing of languages as monolingual bounded resources, and the interpreting act as a bridge between two centric and separate linguistic regimes (LB – LA). However, this monolingualism is an ideological construct rather than a linguistic reality, the product of an historic, one nation one language myth, that is increasingly challenged by post-modern, superdiverse societies and their consequent multilingual realities on the ground. In particular, in today’s world the superdiversity of people within nation states, with multiple linguistic resources, has given rise to the increasingly visible phenomenon of ‘translanguaging’, a creative, dynamic and fluid sourcing of diverse linguistic repertoires in synchronic discourse. What was once only considered to be at the periphery has begun to challenge monolingual hegemony and establish its own centrality in public and private speech.&#x0D; Translanguaging is ‘multilingualism from below’ (Pennycook &amp; Otsuji 2015), coming as it almost inevitably always does from the peripheral end of the spectrum, typically in urban spaces where language practices are part and parcel of getting things done. But when this emerges in a legal context, in a court of law, how should legal interpreters respond? Drawing on preliminary research involving a cohort of court /legal interpreters in the UK[1], this article explores the problems this presents to monolingual bridging approaches and proposes potential future developments for the interpreting profession. A cohort of 6 professional public-service interpreters in the UK. The research drew on questionnaires and personal correspondence over a 6-month period.

Mariquitas, ‘Marvellous Race Created by God’: The Judicial Prosecution of Homosexuality in Francoist Andalusia, 1955–70

This article argues that the mariquita's subjectivity became a prevalent trope when individuals were prosecuted under charges of homosexuality in Franco's Spain. The mariquita was a liminal homosexual male who was expected to be family-oriented, devout, and involved in flamenco culture and Catholic festivals. I focus on judicial records to underscore the mariquita trope as a popular strategy for questioning the implementation of a stringent legal regime while demanding the social conformity of sexual minorities. The interventions of this article in the literature on nonconforming sexualities are twofold: (1) It contributes to the international scholarship by tracing the centrality of Catholicism and southern Spanish folk culture on mariquita subjectivity and social attitudes towards sexual minorities. This complicates the premise that liberalism has historically been the primary ideological frame informing sexual minorities’ resistance to repressive policies. In Spain, under a dictatorial regime, sexual minorities’ adaptative strategies and identities incorporated aspects of traditional rural femininity alongside modern forms of queer self-expression, such as drag shows in urban cabarets. (2) It contributes to the Spanish historiography, by revising the existing metrocentric research on homosexuality under Francoism and emphasizing the discrepancy between medico-legal discourses and recurring expressions of conditional toleration by rural communities.

Variantivity in audiovisual translation - a position paper

The paper proposes to construe the outcome of translation as a summation of multiple acceptable target versions. From the vantage point of interlingual subtitling, we sketch out a position that these target versions could vary across a range of dimensions like cultural-embeddedness, ideological framing, standardness of language, humour and presentation rate, to give a preliminary list. With the proposal’s primarily user-centred character, we discuss survey findings to shed light on the possible affordances and limitations that may come with variantivity in translation.

Politics of humour in extremis: Cabaret and propaganda in the Netherlands during the Second World War

This article examines politicized humour in totalitarian regimes by conducting an analysis of the radio programme ‘Zondagmiddagcabaret van Paulus de Ruiter’ (‘Sunday Afternoon Cabaret by Paulus de Ruiter’), which was aired between 1941 and 1943 in the Netherlands under German occupation. The radio programme in the occupied Netherlands is exceptional in that it was explicitly designed as a ‘political cabaret’, whereas propaganda in Nazi Germany generally aimed to indirectly influence the audience through so-called light entertainment. The focus on dramaturgies of humorous strategies and on Althusser’s concept of interpellation allows for a distinction of different scenes of interpellation as staged by the ‘Sunday Afternoon Cabaret’. Even though the study of National Socialist programmes can be distressing for both the researcher and the reader, the aim is to analyse the workings of humour without necessarily characterizing humorous strategies in terms of ‘good’ or ‘bad’, but instead paying attention to the way humour works on socio-political imaginaries. During the first period of the broadcast, the ambivalent character of humour aimed at shifting ideological frames, to redefine socio-political imaginaries. Later on, the performed dramaturgy of humour redefined the scene of interpellation as a scene of exclusive racial national identity, even before the German National Socialist authorities started to implement measures for the persecution and annihilation of Jewish citizens in the Netherlands at the beginning of 1942.