Ideological Differences Research Articles

The Failed World Festival of Youth and Students in Algiers in 1965

In the wake of the anti-war student movement, it was decided to hold the next IX World Festival of Youth and Students in 1965 in Algeria. After a long civil war against French colonial rule, the state gained independence in 1962, choosing a “non-capitalist path of development”. Due to the military coup that took place, the festival had to be canceled. The history of the failed festival has not been reflected in historical research. However, the events that took place around this festival deserve attention, since they influenced the youth movement both in the Soviet Union and around the world. The article analyzes the events that accompanied the preparation of the festival. Ideological differences between the CPSU and the Communist Party of China, which served as the background of these events, had a decisive impact on the international relations of the Komsomol with youth organizations of other countries. Excessive guardianship on the part of the Soviet Union did not allow international and student organizations to agree on the terms of the festival in Algeria in 1965. Based on archival documents and declassified CIA materials, the author comes to the conclusion that by the mid-1960s the influence of the USSR in the world had weakened. Soviet foreign policy was no longer in line with the fermenting “world revolution… of small, poor people all over the world,” as Secretary of State John Marshall put it. New leftist centers were now emerging, often at odds with each other, and the USSR’s authority was no longer sufficient.

The logic of China–US rivalry

Behind the struggle and game between China and the United States are four sets of overlapping and mutually causal logics, namely the growth and decline of the two countries’ strength, ideological differences, changes in the international environment, and domestic political influence. Sino–US relations will not be able to return to the depth of exchanges and level of cooperation at the beginning of the twenty-first century for a long time. However, the long-term interests and strategic considerations of the two countries determine that the two countries must avoid war with each other and maintain a certain degree of economic cooperation and social exchanges. The biggest uncertainty in Sino–US relations in 2024 is the chaos that may be caused by domestic political struggles in the United States. However, the official and non-governmental contacts between China and the United States since 2023 have made the upper limit of the development of bilateral relations and the bottom line of conflict clearer. Sino–US relations are difficult to improve, but they are expected to be basically stable.

From irreversible openness to protectionism: geopolitics and international research cooperation in the European Union

ABSTRACT This paper analyses the EU’s approach to international research cooperation between 2012–2022 drawing on critical geopolitical perspectives and the spatial politics of (re)bordering. It identifies two periods which represent the EU’s shifting approaches to international research cooperation from the pursuit of a liberal agenda promoting openness towards selective closure and a focus on ideological differences, regional interests and protectionism. This shift, we argue, was prompted by the changing geopolitical environment, marked by escalating tensions and perceived threats to the EU’s economic stability, global position, security, and normative values. These factors spurred a re-evaluation of the EU’s approach to international research cooperation, and a (re)bordering of its research space. We suggest that the EU began with utopian visions about the possibilities of neoliberal globalisation, open societies and economic collaboration and ended up withdrawing to a more closed and protectionist position in response to increasing external and internal threats, such as the aggressive actions of Russia in Ukraine, cyber-attacks by China, and the undermining of academic freedom in member states such as Hungary. This analysis contributes to understanding the relationship between geopolitics, higher education, and international research cooperation, highlighting the impact of a changing geopolitical environment on scientific cooperation in Europe.

Transfer of ESTs in international law: A climate justice approach

Early industrialization of the developed countries has enabled their leadership in technological innovation, including environmentally sound technologies. ESTs are technologies that help prevent, control, or reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Endorsed as an integral part of climate action, a binding obligation to ensure access for global south to these technologies remains missing from international environment law and international intellectual property rights law. Transfer of technology also faces certain economic barriers such as lack of infrastructure and human resources that enable adoption and absorption of ESTs. Moreover, there exists ideological differences between developed countries and developing and least developed countries regarding mechanism of technology transfer, creating an impasse in international negotiations to achieve EST transfer. In this paper the author has attempted to reframe the discussion on transfer of ESTs through a climate justice perspective. An incorporation of the practical aspects of the common but differentiated responsibilities of the developed countries into the TRIPS regime, in the form of binding obligations to technology transfer and financial assistance, or relaxations in patent protections, may provide adequate resolution. A balanced and rational approach to EST transfer, beyond the exigencies of global politics, is necessary for the continued prosperity of the Earth.

The role of Ukrainian political and legal thought in strengthening the national self-identification of Ukrainians of Galicia in the interwar period

The article summarizes the contribution of national-democratic, conservative and nationalist thinkers to the restoration of Ukrainian statehood based on the analysis of ideological and worldview doctrines of representatives of Ukrainian political and legal thought of the interwar period. The forms and methods of struggle, which are the basis of the state concepts created by them, are summarized. It was established that the defeat in the national liberation struggle of the Ukrainian people at the beginning of the 20th century led to the transformation of the worldview of many Ukrainian scientists and politicians, who, despite ideological differences, had a common strategic goal - the need to restore and establish a sovereign, independent Ukrainian state. The study of the intellectual heritage of the leading representatives of Ukrainian political and legal thought gave reason to conclude that the failure of Ukrainians to form an independent state was largely connected with the weakness of the national consciousness of the people and the insufficient ideological and political maturity of its leaders. In view of this, Ukrainian political and legal thought was aimed at strengthening the national self-identification of Ukrainians and their awareness of their political interests. It is argued that the scientific approach to substantiating the idea of national-state independence of Ukraine was initiated by Stanislav Dnistryanskyi, one of the founders of Ukrainian political and legal thought of the national-democratic direction. It is characterized (according to Volodymyr Starosolskyi) that the struggle for one’s own (national) state is a historically political factor in the formation of a nation. It is emphasized that disappointment in the ineffectiveness of the republican-democratic methods of organizing power prompted V. Lipinsky and other representatives of conservative opinion to search for more adequate forms of state organization. It is shown that in the interwar period for the Ukrainians of Galicia, nationalist ideology was especially important, which had a powerful influence on the formation of the Ukrainian nation as a self-aware, social, cultural, legal and political community and was a prerequisite for the creation of its own sovereign and independent state.

University students’ concepts of nation in Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Macau: Patriotism or nationalism?

AbstractThis study investigated the concepts of nation among university students in Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Macau. The findings revealed a lack of consistent patterns among university students’ perceptions of patriotism and nationalism across these regions. Ideological differences were observed, with students in Mainland China and Hong Kong representing the extremes of collectivism and individualism, respectively. Students in Hong Kong demonstrated a blended perspective of nationalism and patriotism rooted in localism, while students in Mainland China clearly distinguished between nationalism and patriotism within culture localism. Students in Macau exhibited perspectives that fit somewhere between those of their counterparts in Hong Kong and Mainland China. Hong Kong has encountered unique challenges in implementing patriotic education, while Mainland China and Macau have implemented it effectively. As a result, Macau has achieved better integration with Mainland China than Hong Kong in the postcolonial era. However, the key educational stakeholders in these societies must reassess their policies on preparing youths for the complex world and recognise their desire for authenticity and external recognition.

Иван Ильин и Алексей Боровой: история одной дружбы

The publication is devoted to the reconstruction of the relations that established between the philosopher, sociologist, anarchist A.A. Borovoi and the young philosopher I.A. Il’in. The ideological and political position held by A.A. Borovoi as a Private Associate Professor of the Faculty of Law of the Moscow Imperial University is reconstructed, as well as his attitude to other colleagues, in particular to P.I. Novgorodtsev, B.A. Kistyakovsky. The evolution of the views of the young Ilyin, who initially sympathized with radical political trends and the anarchist movement, and then switched to the positions of liberal conservatism, is demonstrated. Based on memoirs, letters stored in the archives of A.A. Borovoi in RSALA (Russian State Archive of Literature and Art), memoirs and letters of I.A. Il’in, as well as studies dedicated to Borovoi and Ilyin, the period of meetings of thinkers in Paris in 1911–1912 is reproduced in more detail. The details of the changes that occurred at the Faculty of Law of the Moscow Imperial University in connection with the “Casso Case”, which had a different impact on the fate of thinkers, are revealed. The relationship between Borovoi and Il’in with B.A. Kistyakovsky, who was also in Europe in 1911, is mentioned. An assumption is made about the reasons for the cessation of communication between I.A. Il’in and A.A. Borovoi during the World War I, which could be associated both with the ideological differences between the philosophers and the activities to which each of them devoted himself during these years. The meeting between Borovoi and Il’yin after the February revolution could have given rise to a resumption of communication, but the difference in assessment of the October revolution (imaginary or real) became a stumbling block. Based on the fragment mentioned by Borovoi from the book by G.I. Kish “Hitler and others” and the archive of I.A. Il’in there is reproduced an episode of the thinker’s speech at a meeting of the “Men’s Club” in March 1930. The article recreates the history of relations between I.A. Il’in and representatives of the conservative wing of German entrepreneurs and the failed cooperation with the centrist party represented by German Catholics.

AN ANALYSIS OF GRAND NARRATIVES IN JEANETTE WINTERSON’S ORANGES ARE NOT THE ONLY FRUIT

Jeanette Winterson, one of the most significant writers of the 21st century, touches on various topics in her Oranges Are Not the Only Fruit. One of the subject matters that stands out is the novel’s criticism of grand narratives through its main heroine, Jeanette. The question of grand narratives, touched upon and re-evaluated by postmodernism, has a substantial place in the narration of the novel. The ideologies, determined and limited by society as grand narratives, reject pluralism and differences. They defend a single ideology and undermine differences. The grand narratives examined under the subject of religion in this article determine social norms and lead them. Winterson’s Jeanette is a character who tries to assume a different identity in a society where grand narratives are unshakably implemented and close the door to different ideologies. This article examines Jeanette’s experiences and rebellion in a society surrounded by grand narratives. The study aims to show how the church and church society adhere to grand narratives and how the main character overturns established ideologies.

Why Not Indonesia an Islamic State? Constitutional Debate Concerning Religion-State Relation in A Muslim Majority Country

When Muslims are majority in a particular country, it is often linked to the adoption of Islam as the state official religion or Islam as the identity of the state i.e. “Islamic State.” Yet, this is not the case of Indonesia. Why did not the Indonesian constitutional drafters declare Indonesia as an Islamic state or at least recognize Islam as the state official religion in the first Constitution despite the fact that Indonesia is a Muslim majority country? What explains the above fact? This paper aims to answer these two important questions by employing two constitutional law approaches: constitutional history and constitutional deferral. Constitutional history aims to understand the original intentions of the framers of the first Constitution through studying the minutes of the 1st Constitution. Constitutional deferral concept is used to explain the formulation of state-religion relation in the provisions of the first Constitution. This paper argues the fact that the constitutional drafters did not expressly state Islam as the state official religion in the Constitution did not mean that they overlooked to discuss such an important topic, rather because they had diverse views on how to include religion-state relation in the constitution. The sharp ideological difference among constitutional drafters is likely the cause of the adoption of constitutional deferral -a method of drafting constitutional through somewhat general and abstract provisions. The use of constitutional deferral is favorable because it opens more opportunity among constitutional drafters to achieve consensus and get things done. In practice, Indonesia is not a country officially based on Islam, but substantially Islamic values live in Indonesia. This article contributes to the study of the relationship between state and religion in Indonesia, regarding the current and future background and dialectics.

Public attitudes towards government’s role in unemployment provision in three East Asian countries

ABSTRACT Public support for unemployment provision is essential to provide political legitimacy for welfare policy arrangements and yet it is understudied in East Asian welfare states. In contrast with the proposed unfavourable attitudes towards welfare among East Asian countries from the developmental/productivist perspectives, the study suggests socio-demographic and ideological differences in public attitudes towards the role of government in unemployment provision within and across Japan, (South) Korea, and Taiwan, which differ in welfare production regime and extent of labour market dualization. Data from the 2016 Role of Government V survey of the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) was analysed. Findings revealed lower levels of public support for unemployment provision in large firm-oriented welfare production regimes like Japan and Korea, though in which labour market outsiders such as women, younger people, and unemployed workers were more supportive than their counterparts. Despite cross-national attitudinal differences, higher levels of support were consistently found in the lowest-income groups across three East Asian countries. The study provides new evidence of diverse patterns of welfare attitudes regarding unemployment provision in the East Asian welfare regimes. It also presents the need of (un)employment protection among labour market outsiders and low-income groups within these countries.

The Precarious Existence of Jane Austen’s Charlotte Lucas Across Time and Text

Rewritings of Jane Austen’s works are produced following particular literary conventions, philosophies, creative imaginations, and interpretations, which present new readers with fresh stories featuring distinct images. The journey of her works across centuries and continents, as well as their presence in such disparate cultures and historical periods, may well attest to the similarities as well as the important differences among various peoples across the world, despite the social, cultural, and ideological differences between countries. In the American author Seth Grahame-Smith’s Pride and Prejudice and Zombies (2009), a mash-up of nineteenth-century author Jane Austen’s still-popular novel, Charlotte Lucas is indisputably in a difficult situation, not only because of the socio-economic realities of her precarious existence in the novel but also because of the zombie bite she receives. Although Charlotte’s decision to marry Mr. Collins is justified, the mash-up version of the novel still turns her into a zombie, as if indicating a punishment for her marriage to Mr. Collins. However, in his movie adaptation, Pride and Prejudice + Zombies (2016), the American director Burr Steers lets Charlotte survive and remain contentedly married to Mr. Collins, although she is still presented as a vulnerable figure without combat skills who needs the protection of both her husband and Lady Catherine de Bourgh. By following Linda Hutcheon’s adaptation theory, particularly the process of “appropriation and salvaging” (2006), this paper aims to explore the representation of Charlotte Lucas in Pride and Prejudice and Zombies and its film adaptation, Pride and Prejudice + Zombies, thereby contributing to the field of adaptation studies with a gender focus.

Kontestasi Keberagamaan Umat Hindu dan Islam Wetu Telu di Pura Lingsar Lombok Barat

Each religion has a different system of theology, beliefs, religious institutions, and religious practices, in addition to having certain values in common. At the ideal level, religion is believed to be able to create order, integration, and social harmony in society. However, at the empirical level, religion often shows paradoxical phenomena as a source of disintegration and conflict triggered by differences in religious ideology and practice. The purpose of this study is to explore and understand the dynamics of the contestation between Wetu Telu Muslims and Hindus and its implications. The data collection method is carried out by observation techniques, interviews, and document studies. Data analysis was carried out qualitatively based on the social practice theory and phenomenology. This study found that the dynamics of contestation of Wetu Telu Muslims and Hindus in Lingsar Temple represent the influence of modernization and the articulations of religiosity identity in the realm of ideological superstructure, social structure, as well as economic and demographic infrastructure. The implications of this contestation include the polarization of religious practices, the strengthening of group identities, and the struggle for capital resources belonging to Lingsar Temple.

Rescue for Political Use: The Populist Consensus on the Fate of Bulgarian Jews During the Second World War

Abstract In recent years, the fate of the Jews in Bulgaria during the Second World War has aroused the research interest of humanities scholars from various disciplines, with a number of studies published (see e.g., and many of the following cited (Avramov 2012. “Спасение” и падение. Микроикономика на държавния антисемитизъм в България, 1940–1944 [“Rescue” and fall. Microeconomics of State Anti-semitism in Bulgaria, 1940–1944]. Sofia: Sofia University “St. Kl. Ohridski; Daneva 2013; Krsteva 2015; Koleva 2017)). Many rely on research on the construction of memory. At the same time, fewer research efforts seem to have focused on how the topic has become politicized in the years since 1989 (see e.g. Benatov 2013. “Debating the Fate of Bulgarian Jews during World War II.” In Bringing the Dark Past to Light the Reception of the Holocaust in Postcommunist Europe, edited by John-Paul Himka, and Joanna Beata Michlic, 108–31. University of Nebraska Press; Ragaru 2020. Et les Juifs bulgares furent sauvе… Une histoire des savoirs sur la Shoah en Bulgarie. Paris: Science Po). The aim of this paper is to offer precisely this perspective on the topic of non/rescue, and in the last ten years. Politicization has traditionally been understood as the process of attributing salience to an issue of public interest through various channels such as political discourse and media, and in the presence of the multiple and diverse opinions associated with it (de Wilde, Pieter. 2011. “No polity for old politics? A framework for analyzing the politicization of European integration.” Journal of European Integration 33 (5): 559–75; de Wilde, Pieter, Anna Leupold, and Henning Schmidtke. 2016. “Introduction: the differentiated politicisation of European governance.” West European Politics 39 (1): 3–22). In some texts on the politicization of the migration crisis in Bulgaria in the years since 2012, the author shows how a topic can be politicized in the absence of political debate and in the context of a dominant populist understanding, multiplied by various power actors – politicians, institutions, media and intellectuals (see e.g. Otova, Ildiko, and Evelina Staykova. 2022. Migration and Populism in Bulgaria. London: Routledge). For the purposes of this paper, by politicization the author will understand the blurring of ideological differences of interpretations of who the savior is in a populist consensus around the construction of the rescue narrative for foreign policy use, but mostly as a nation-building narrative. The focus of this article is on the last ten years, in which the political interpretations and actions surrounding the commemoration of the 70th in 2013 and 75th in 2018 and the 80th anniversary in 2023 of the events surrounding the so-called rescue of Bulgarian Jews are particularly interesting. It is during these last years that populism has become the norm for the political scene in Bulgaria. Populism is not the obvious entrance to the topic, but it is the political framework within which the politicization of the topic of the rescue is developing, and a possible theoretical entrance. Populism became a persistent part of Bulgarian political life more than a decade after the beginning of the democratic changes of 1989. There are several key factors involved in this process-exhaustion of the cleavages of the transition period, but especially the transformation of party politics into symbolic ones (Otova, Ildiko, and Evelina Staykova. 2022. Migration and Populism in Bulgaria. London: Routledge). Symbolic politics deal more with emotions and less with ratio and facts; they build narratives that are often nationally affirming. The article does not claim to be exhaustive, especially in its presentation of historical facts. The limits of this rather political science approach are many. On the other hand, however, it adds to the research effort with a missing glimpse into the interpretations of the no/rescue theme and could open the field for further in-depth research.

The Impact of NATO in the Current International Political Landscape in the Russia-Ukraine War

The Russia-Ukraine war has resulted in a severe humanitarian catastrophe and posed a significant threat to the stability of geopolitical relations. It has also been one of the most tough incidents between Russia and NATO. This paper aims to illustrate the role of NATO in the Russia-Ukraine war by examining the historical interconnectedness between NATO and Russia, the ideological differences between these two entities, and the specific actions of NATO during the war. After closely reviewing previous literature, reports, and official announcements, the paper argues that NATO has provided significant financial aid in security assistance and humanitarian interventions in Ukraine. In addition, it concludes that Russia has long seen the enlargement of NATO as an escalating security concern. In a nutshell, the outbreak of the war was due to a series of long-accumulated clashes. Eventually, Moscow has strategically chosen to initiate military intervention in Ukraine to disentangle it from the association with NATO, guaranteeing Russia’s regional security and sphere of influence. However, this study also demonstrates that to achieve the maximal mutual benefits, the war must be ended before it causes further casualties and all other means of loss; it would be beneficial for participants of the Russia-Ukraine war to seek more peaceful and sustainable solutions.

Mining themes, emotions, and stance in the news coverage of the Russia–Ukraine War from Reuters and Xinhua

Abstract The Russia–Ukraine War has emerged as a highly contentious global issue since 2022. While China and the UK are not directly involved in the conflict, considerable attention has been drawn to their positions and perspectives on this event. In such context, conducting a comparative study on how the British and Chinese mainstream media cover the Russia–Ukraine conflict can provide valuable insights into the influence of ideological differences on news framing and shed light on the respective stances of these two news agencies. Employing an interdisciplinary methodology, this study integrates corpus tools, critical discourse analysis, text mining, and emotion computation to systematically analyze news reports covering the Russia–Ukraine War from Reuters and Xinhua between 2022 and 2023. Results show different patterns in the news reports from the two investigated news agencies, including the monthly publication of news articles, the occurrence of prominent entities, and the thematic emphasis. Additionally, significant variations are identified in specific dimensions of emotion and emotional intensity, indicating the divergent stances of the two news agencies on a range of significant issues.

South Korea and North Korea: Differences in Ideology and Their Impact on War

This article analyzes the ideological differences between South Korea and North Korea and their impact on war, especially the Korean War (1950-1953). South Korea adheres to the ideology of liberal democracy and capitalism, while North Korea practices the ideology of Juche, socialism and autonomy. These differences have deepened conflict on the Korean Peninsula, reaching its peak in the Korean War. The impact is felt to this day with military tensions in the DMZ. Despite this, reconciliation efforts have been made, offering hope for peace in the region. This research was conducted descriptively using a literature study which was then analyzed to identify ideological differences between South Korea and North Korea and their impact on the war.

Making fandom great again: silencing discussions of racism in reactionary and transformative fandoms

ABSTRACT This article examines comments about race, racism, and fandom from the far-right comics fan subreddit r/WerthamInAction and on stories tagged “Don’t Like, Don’t Read” on progressive fanfiction sharing site, Archive of Our Own. We find significant convergences between the two groups despite their ostensible difference in ideology. In particular, both groups deployed racist stereotypes and resisted re-casting characters portrayed as white in media texts as people of color. Both groups also argued that fannish spaces were for escapism and fantasy and that discussions of race and racism brought unwelcome “political” concerns into the space. These cases thus demonstrate how online communities that discourage politicized discussion provide hospitable conditions for both subtle and overt racism.

Political contestation: Ideology and linguistic realization by 2024 prospective Indonesian presidential candidates

The political statements of prospective presidential candidates in the Republic of Indonesia (RI) in the pre-election period of 2024, in 2023, constitute texts of political contestation (PC) loaded with ideology. This research examines those PC texts. The texts are based on the respective ideologies of each presidential candidate. More specifically, this study investigates the ideologies of the presidential candidates, the linguistic realization used to express those ideologies, and the reasons behind the use of ideology and its linguistic realization. This research employs a qualitative descriptive design. Data collection tools included observation, document analysis, and interviews. The data sources were KP texts from three presidential candidates: Anies Rasyid Baswedan, Ganjar Pranowo, and Prabowo Subianto, obtained from newspapers, television, and social media platforms such as WhatsApp, Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook. The data, in the form of KP texts, were analyzed using the framework of systemic functional linguistic theory (SFL) as developed by Halliday (2014) and other SFL experts. The research findings indicate that, in addition to similarities, the three presidential candidates have differences in leadership ideology, the linguistic realization of that ideology, and the causes or reasons used. The theoretical contribution of this research enriches applied linguistic theories, especially political discourse analysis (PDA), and simultaneously benefits voters in the 2024 election by helping them understand the ideologies of presidential candidates. This understanding can solidify their decision to vote for a specific candidate, thus reducing the social friction that always occurs during elections in Indonesia.

Present Challenges in Indian Politics: An Overview

Indian politics faces a myriad of challenges in the contemporary era, which significantly impact the world's largest democracy. This overview highlights key issues that challenge the political landscape of India. Corruption remains a persistent issue, eroding public trust and hindering development. Political polarization is on the rise, fueled by religious and ideological differences, endangering social harmony. Economic inequality persists, with a vast wealth gap affecting millions. Regionalism continues to strain federal relations, posing threats to national unity. Inadequate governance and bureaucratic inefficiencies hinder progress, while populism often takes precedence over pragmatic policymaking. Electoral reforms are needed to address issues like money power and criminalization in politics. These challenges, while daunting, also present opportunities for India to strengthen its democratic institutions, foster inclusivity, and embark on a path of sustainable development. Solving these challenges will be pivotal in ensuring a brighter future for Indian politics and the nation as a whole.

Indonesia’s Roles in Myanmar’s Rohingya Crisis: Through the Lens of Public Diplomacy

Myanmar's Rohingya crisis is one of the intractable conflicts in South East Asia that has been unsolved until now. The Rohingya, as a minority group in Myanmar, suffer from human rights violations by the majority Buddhist Rakhine population with central government support. In effect, many of them fled to neighboring countries, such as Thailand, India,Indonesia and Nepal, and other countries across the region (UN Refugees, 2022). Indonesia, as one of the founding members of ASEAN, thinks that ASEAN must solve this conflict, but the obstacle faced by ASEAN is the non-intervention principle. With the differences in ideology and national interest of ASEAN member states, this conflict is not to be the utmost priority by the ASEAN Members. Indonesia gave attention to Myanmar’s Rohingya crisis since the crisis emerged in 1948 at the same time Myanmar gained independence from Great Britain. As an ASEAN host this year, Indonesia intensified its role to be a peace broker through shuttle diplomacy and engaging key players in Myanmar. Indonesia realized that this conflict must be solved by bringing to the table the key players in Myanmar’s Rohingya conflict. This conflict matters for Indonesia, because of achance for Indonesia to be portrayed as one of the countries that enhance its reputation and want to revive its glory moment in the Soeharto era that can solve regional conflict. Public diplomacy will be used in this paper by seeing the efforts of the Indonesian government, especially during President Jokowi's second term. As Joseph S. Nye said <<soft power is the ability to affect others to obtain the outcomes one wants through attraction rather than coercion or payment>>, we can see the Indonesia effort through shuttle diplomacy, implementation of the Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar, and humanitarian aid to solve this conflict. The capacity of Indonesia to be an honest peace broker is natural because of the resources that Indonesia had in several areas, particularly in political and economic areas.