Ideological Confrontation Research Articles

Study of the Psychological Condition of Students Living in Border Conflict Regions

Since the 1990s, the conflicts and destructive processes that began in Abkhazia and South Ossetia have remained a major crisis for the population of Georgia. For nearly 30 years, the populations of both regions, governed by powerful Russian influence and de facto authorities, have been isolated from the rest of Georgia. The lack of social and intensive interactions, limited communication, and ideological confrontations have further distanced Georgians, Abkhazians, and Ossetians from one another. Under conditions of constant fear, socio-economic hardship, and restricted mobility, protecting the rights of students living in border and conflict regions, ensuring access to essential services, and addressing their mental health remain significant challenges for Georgian society. Students are a crucial part of society who can not only participate in processes of change and development but also become initiators of transformative processes. Given that mental health is linked to an individual’s psychosocial and physical well-being, studying students' mental health is important not only in terms of their knowledge and skills but also in terms of assessing their psychological condition and providing appropriate responses. Therefore, the aim of this study is to examine the psychological condition of students living in border conflict regions. To achieve this goal, the research utilized instruments adapted for the Georgian population, including the Death Anxiety Scale (DAS), Life Orientation Test–Revised (LOT-R), Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9), and PROMIS Emotional Distress—Anxiety—Short Form. By employing these tools, it became possible to analyze the mental health challenges faced by students in border conflict regions and identify differences in their psychological conditions based on specific characteristics.

On the Role of Eschatology in the Ideological Confrontation between the Church and the Old Believers

The article describes the process of formalizing the eschatological teaching among the Old Believers and attempts to refute it by Church hierarchs. The focus is on the doctrine of the ultimate destinies of the world, which gained significant support among opponents of church reform in the latter half of the 17th century. The study demonstrates the con tinuity of ideas and the evolution of the views of the authors who explored in their works the theme of the reign of the Antichrist in the world and affirmed the idea that only the defenders of the old rite are able to serve the guarantors of the salvation of mankind. The authors built their arguments on quotations from the Holy Scriptures and their interpretations in patristic literature, explaining the facts of modern reality through them. Such constructions appeared quite convincing to the Russian population's religious consciousness, resulting in an increasing number of supporters of the Old Believer doctrine, turning the intra-church movement into a broad religious and social one. The fight against schism became relevant not only for the Church but also for secular authorities since the defenders of the old rite used the doctrine of the ultimate destinies of the world to justify their opposition towards governing bodies and solutions to social and political issues proposed by them. The Church battled against the Old Believers in alliance with the authorities. Council resolutions and legislative acts evidence this. The article concludes by arguing that the Church and authorities in the 17th – 18th centuries saw the main threat in the dissemination of the teachings of the Old Believers in handwritten propaganda texts, which necessarily contained a statement about the possible accession of the Antichrist in Russia. However, no attempts by the Church hierarchs to rebut the eschatological teaching of the defenders of the old rite were successful, and the religious-social movement only continued to grow. Both sides believed that eschatology played an essential role in the ideological confrontation between the Church and the Old Believers, substantiating the right to oppose the innovations brought into ritual and liturgical practice due to the reform.

Реидеологизация российского общества: основные тезисы философской позиции

Introduction. At the beginning of the XXI century there is a gradual revival of interest in the re-ideologization of the political and cultural space of the country. The purpose of this article is to systematize and analyze philosophical views on the processes of re-ideologization that took place in Russia in the period from 2012 to 2023. Theoretical analysis allowed us to argue that the philosophical community has demonstrated a variety of reactions to the active processes of re-ideologization in Russia supported by the state since 2012. On the one hand, warnings were put forward about the repressive nature of total ideology. On the other hand, philosophers sought ways to participate in the discussion of national issues and determine the future development of the country. Particular attention was paid to concepts of the future such as humanism, culture, and communitarianism. Some philosophers, refusing to discuss ideology, have adopted a position of escapism, seeking freedom in their own being, outside the influence of society or any particular ideology. Conclusion. Transformations of habitual ideas about ideology open new angles for philosophical self-reflection. Discussions about the necessity of “withdrawal” from the discussion of political problems and ideological confrontation cause a “crisis of philosophical identity” and at the same time represent an important epistemological challenge.

The image of Dmytro Vyshnevetsky in Ukrainian historiography

The image of Dmytro Vyshnevetsky in Ukrainian historiography has followed the changes in history as an academic discipline. At the time when the Cossack myth was created, historians’ romantic views of the Cossack past resulted in an image of the prince as a noble knight, the Cossack father-hetman, and the founder of the first Zaporozhian Sich. Once positivism made its way to historiography, the activities of the prince were subjected to a more critical analysis, and historians began to question his role of the founder of the first Sich. However, it was not denied that the fortress built by the prince could have served as a prototype for the Cossack Sich. During the Soviet era, three currents in Ukrainian historiography emerged: Soviet, Galician from the Interwar period, and foreign. An ideological confrontation took place between Soviet and foreign historiography, in relation to the assessment of the prince’s activities and the view of the Cossacks. In the 1990s, censorship was liftem and Ukrainian historians gained access to archives. This resulted in a large number of works on the Cossacks. Again, just like 70 years before, there was a need for the emergence of national awareness (based on the Cossack myth), so in addition to purely academic investigations with a critical attitude towards the work of the predecessors and the involvement of new source material, amateur researchers produced a number of works. By the mid-1990s, the prince had been somewhat idealized in Ukrainian history which stemmed from a search for heroic figures among representatives of the Ukrainian elite in the young Ukrainian state. Since the early 2000s, Ukrainian researchers have been trying to assess Dmytro Vyshnevetsky’s activities in a pan-European context, relying on newly available sources, particularly abroad.

Geopolitics of decolonization: Carnegie Endowment’s diplomatic training program 1960–73

This paper considers the case of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace’s ‘Programs in Diplomacy’, which from 1960 to 73 provided international, bilingual training for the diplomats of ‘newer states’ – former colonies that gained independence after 1945. Drawing on archival research in three continents, we can see that the spaces and practices of diplomatic training through these programmes were inherently geopolitical: they would shape social and professional norms and networks, in turn shaping state-building and international life. As a result, the pedagogies, curricula, and spaces of these courses must be understood through the prism of contemporary (geo)political tensions: the ideological confrontations of decolonization and the Cold War. Organizers sought ‘neutral ground’ for the programmes, in terms of both their locations and their content. Beginning in Geneva and New York, the programmes shifted quickly towards universities in the Global South and articulated Third World ideals such as African unity. Despite consistent attempts to frame the programmes as technical and non-ideological, their discursive and material geographies reveal an approach to ‘learning the international’ that privileged Western liberal norms and practices, particularly through a pedagogy of socialization.

REGIONAL MEDIA PRODUCTION MANAGEMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF ACTIVE MILITARY CONFRONTATION: UKRAINIAN-RUSSIAN CASE STUDY

The article examines important aspects of the regional military confrontation, as well as the role and place of the media in the context of escalating hostilities. The paper examines the factors that influence the development, production and distribution of propaganda media products in the context of the transformation of economic, social and ideological relations in the regional information environment. The study identifies and analyses global trends in the development and management of local media. In addition, the budgetary expenditures of NATO countries and the size of their armed forces are compared with similar indicators of Ukraine, Russia, Israel and other countries that demonstrate different trends in military operations. The publication also assesses the capabilities of member states to diversify information and ideological confrontation, in particular at the border.

Confrontation versus Coexistence: The Dynamics of Australia-China Ideological Relations 1996-2022

ABSTRACT Many Western democracies, including the U.S. Australia, France, Canada, and Lithuania, confront the shared challenge of managing their ideological relationships with China, a powerful authoritarian state. This issue is particularly pressing as they consider ways to uphold or promote freedom amidst the perceived decline of American influence. Western liberal democracies frequently embrace a confrontational approach, demoting peaceful coexistence, which can have dire consequences for international or bilateral relations. Using Australia and China as a case study, this paper critically examines the dynamics and complexities of these competing political and ideological relationships—confrontation and peaceful coexistence—between 1996 and 2022. It examines how Canberra has pursued a strategy of ideological taming towards China, how China has adopted countermeasures against Australian taming, and the interaction between Australian taming and Chinese counter-taming. It describes and explains how the China-Australia relationship has shifted from ideological coexistence towards ideological confrontation since 2016–2017. It also critically examines the issues linked to the confrontational model, discusses conditions for a modus vivendi liberalism and better management of value differences.

Russia and the West Today: European Experts View

The article provides assessments of the current state of relations between Russia and the West by European experts. Complex issues such as the Northern Military District in Ukraine, the situation in the South Caucasus, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and their consequences for European countries and the global world order are analyzed. The authors talk about the need to prevent outbreaks of a third world war, to overcome bipolar ideological confrontation, and about the values of the future world order. Justice and morality must become the basis of peace, which will lead to the restoration of trust between peoples and states. The need for dialogue with Russia and the inadmissibility of isolating individual countries from participation in international dialogues are argued. The authors are supporters of the principles of a multipolar world, freedom, justice, information objectivity, respect for other cultures and religions, and speak of the inadmissibility of discrimination on national, racial or religious grounds. The article was prepared based on the materials of the international symposium “United Kingdom – EU – Russia – Greater Middle East: Challenges and Prospects”, held in Bratislava (February 27–28, 2024)

Saltation Diffusion Penetration: A New Measure of Specific Politico-Economic and Military Relations

At every stage of human existence, the security environment has been marked by various challenges and processes that have passed through the course of its history. The development of societies, changes in socio-economic conditions, technological progress, political and ideological trends also determined the change in the security environment. The unprecedented military, political, economic and ideological confrontation of the Cold War period, as well as the current extremely complex situation in the world, are causing new dynamics in the security environment. New challenges have emerged for world order and security – terrorism and extremism, military and non-military conflicts, economic and political destabilization, ethnic and religious tensions, cyber wars and many more. etc., risks and threats that have a strong negative impact on the social sustainability of our planet. The lack of clear rules for political and economic behavior and the growth of confrontation in international relations have led to a total disorientation of the global modern social system. Dominant in this direction are not only current wars and permanent threats from local and global conflict situations, but also unconventional technologies, methods and means of influence in the internal political life of states. Scientific and expert literature temporarily imposed a new terminological apparatus, with which to name the various processes, phenomena and operations with a markedly political and military character. Despite the existence of this terminological diversity, however, in the last few years there has been a need to fill the "gap" in understanding their nature and metrics. The need for a new meaningful definition of the specific political-economic, technological and social decisions and consequences appeared mostly in social practice. In this regard, in this report we will consider a new measure of specific politico-economic and military relations, which we have called “Striking Diffuse Penetration” (SDP) or Public Diffuse Entropy (PDE). Regardless of the fact that these two definitions, we propose a third linguistic construction that unites the first two and name the following expression form Saltation Diffusion Penetration.

AN UNFINISHED POLEMICS “AMONG OURSELVES”

The paper examines the polemical dialogue on the national question between two Ukrainian literary classics, Ivan Franko and Lesia Ukrainka, which took place in the late 19th and early 20th century, as well as its impact on other writers, social, and political figures. There was a noticeable divergence in the positions of two prominent writers, with Ivan Franko criticizing the trans-Dnieper Ukrainian intellectuals for distancing themselves from the people, while Lesia Ukrainka justified their participation in the statewide all-Russian movement. This is primarily explained by the asynchrony of social development in the conditions of the Russian autocratic empire and the Austro-Hungarian constitutional state, but there was still another factor. The views of both Ivan Franko and Lesia Ukrainka were formed under the influence of the social-democratic ideas of Mykhailo Drahomanov. However, by that time, Ivan Franko had already shifted towards national positions, while Lesia Ukrainka continued to share Drahomanov’s principles. The evolution of Lesia Ukrainka’s views suggests that it was rather a temporary misunderstanding than an ideological confrontation with Ivan Franko. During the Soviet period, this opposition articulated by Ivan Franko as the one “among ourselves” and temporary “polemical controversy” (Lesіa Ukrainka) was intentionally ignored, as the communist regime in the USSR made efforts to silence the presence of national movements. Interest in this polemic appeared already in the first post-revolutionary years in Ukraine (Mykhailo Drai-Khmara) and remained vivid within the Ukrainian emigration (Dmytro Dontsov, Yurii Lavrinenko). Subsequently, it was revived in literary works during the period of Ukrainian state independence, with contributions from Ivan Denysiuk, Mykhailo Nechytaliuk, Vasyl Horyn, Halyna Levchenko, Mykhailo Hnatiuk, and Bohdan Tykholoz. The polemic between Ivan Franko and Lesia Ukrainka proves its relevance in current circumstances as well.

Translations in Children’s Paradise (1970–1979): the Union’s agendas and the Cold War cultural diplomacy in Hong Kong

During the Cold War era, translation constituted an integral part of the ideological confrontations of US cultural diplomacy. Scholarly discussions on US-associated cultural products have provided insights from the perspective of American patronage, yet have not adequately addressed the diverse role of unofficial agencies in their cultural practices with multiple intentions. This study analyzes Chinese translations in the magazine Children’s Paradise (CP) operated by the Union, an entity involved in the network of American covert cultural diplomatic activities. It delves into the Union’s agenda of furthering a progressive Chinese nation that continues and revitalizes Chinese civilization by analyzing three marked characteristics of the translated texts and their underlying rationales. It finds that, through deliberate omissions, substitutions, and additions, CP demonstrated a relentless commitment to the Union’s China-centric agendas in its domesticated and adapted translations. Despite sharing the anti-communist conviction associated with American interests, CP leveraged localized practices to engage with the social-political issues of the British-ruled Hong Kong of the 1970s. As a result, it generated cultural outcomes exceeding the Cold War polarities, and left a lasting legacy on the younger generation of Hong Kong.

Britain and European Union, the Repercussions of Accession and the Effects of Secession

Europe's openness to the East, while it lives in historical, political, or cultural temporal regions, where soon after a certain crisis was settled, a new crisis emerged, such as questioning the borders and demarcating them again, as well as the dispute between the economic downturn and the necessity of reforms, the place of the ideological confrontation between the East and the West, and the emergence of the phenomenon of fear and caution. Internal dangers replace the fear of external aggression, and the perspective of fear of internal dangers is stronger because it directly affects the security of society and threatens the weakness of the state and its inability to protect internal society. This realistically explains that the concerns and challenges in the security field are constantly increasing, and the problems of the major European countries related to immigration and organized crime may become more severe in terms of their number due to the size of those countries, but they differ from the problems of the dominant countries in terms of their nature and attempts to settle them. Therefore, major private countries, or what were previously called major countries, such as Britain, seek to take proactive measures and measures in anticipation of future threats. In addition, Britain seeks to restore its international status as a great power and its desire to play the role of peacemaker. In order to achieve interests, which is a religion rooted in its history. Those interests must be achieved, even if this is at the expense of European unity, European integration, or the European Common Market.

The Fight Against Islamophobia in Madrid, Paris and London. A Comparative and Qualitative Analysis on Muslim Activism in Three Cities

1 This research focuses on new courses of action taken by Muslims in their fight against Islamophobia in global cities like London, Paris, and Madrid. Employing Putnam’s Social Capital Theory, this article demonstrates that the most effective actions against Islamophobia are those carried out by organizations deploying both bonding and bridging 2 social capital. Bonding social capital reinforces primary solidarity, which allows Muslim movements to survive in hostile contexts, while bridging social capital generates links outside the group and adds diversity to the movement. Using qualitative methods such as specific observations, biographical interviews and focus groups, this comparative research identifies a typology of anti-Islamophobia actions in each city. In addition, it shows the ideological and generational tensions that can arise from the myriad ways Muslim leaders incorporate religion into their activism, and the types of alliances they build inside and outside the primary group. This research also shows how both youth and women’s groups are trying to break away from these ideological confrontations by proposing new spaces of mobilization where it might be possible to turn a particular interest (the fight against Islamophobia) into a general one (the fight against extremist ideas and the defense of individual and collective rights).

Принципы американского подхода к КНР: идеология и борьба за влияние

The article analyzes the principles that determine the US policy towards the PRC in terms of ideological confrontation and struggle for the influence in the Indo-Pacific region. It is noted that such features of the Chinese political system as rule by law, autocracy and state-directed mercantilism are seen as its vulnerabilities. The U. S. competitive approach to the PRC is focused on exacerbating and exploiting them. China’s economic slowdown is expected to make the CCP uncertain of its own legitimacy and force the party to rely on authoritarian practices of social control to maintain political power. This, in its turn, will provoke social discontent and decrease support for the party among the population. Restrictions on Chinese technology companies and tightening of the counterintelligence regime against Chinese undergraduate and graduate students studying at U.S. universities are intended to impede China’s access to advanced technologies and developments. Beijing’s actions, interpreted as authoritarian practices, are used by Washington to rally allies and partners on the ideological basis and to justify sanctions. These actions include the re-education policy in Xinjiang, the Hong Kong policy, export of Chinese technological systems and internal control practices to the Indo-Pacific countries, and others. It is indicated that this approach was countered by the Washington’s right to free access to information and policy to protect Internet freedom. In the real world, it aims to undermine state control over information in countries that import Chinese practices of social control. The key role in implementing this approach is assigned to systems that will circumvent Internet traffic restrictions both in the Indo-Pacific states and in China itself. The U. S. approach to defense and security in the Indo-Pacific region focuses on the transition from a hub-and-spoke system to federated defense. It is recognized that while the federated approach initially focused on the U.S. allies, Washington is now integrating its regional partners as well. There are two stages in the implementation of this U.S. defense strategy. During the first stage, Washington creates separate elements of the future military alliance which still function as independent units. Such elements are represented by minilateral coalitions that are formed of states that have comparable or complementary capabilities in spheres that are key to China’s deterrence. These include AUKUS focused on building nuclear submarines, the upcoming trilateral alliance of Japan, South Korea, and the United States in missile defense, QUAD, and others. During the second stage, it is probably intended to unite the established coalitions under a single defense structure. It is pointed out that Washington’s choice in favor of this two-stage scheme is due to the need to refrain at the current stage from actions that would provoke the states of the region to choose a side between the United States and China, which would be inevitable in the case of creation of a full-fledged U.S. military alliance in the Indo-Pacific. It is noticed that the Biden administration effectively counters Beijing in international organizations. It has largely succeeded in frustrating China’s strategy to dominate them and in transforming them from within.

Профессиональный преступный мир в первые годы утверждения советской власти: особенности детерминации и условия развития

At turning points in the history of the development of any state, the underworld is noticeably transformed. During periods of political destabilization, crisis phenomena in the socio-economic, cultural spheres of society, the crime situation in the country, as a rule, worsens. At the same time, during the collapse of the statehood foundations, the criminal world not only transforms, but changes the vector of its development. Such a period in the history of Russia was the revolutionary events of 1917 and the civil war – a time of radical breakdown of all state institutions, socio-economic and spiritual-moral foundations, which became the starting point for the formation and development of a monolithic and well-organized professional Soviet underworld. The purpose of the study is to analyze the features of determination and conditions for the development of professional crime in the first years of the establishment of Soviet power. To achieve this goal, the following tasks are being solved: to study the features of the development of the domestic professional underworld in the conditions of political instability of the 1917–1920s; determine the essence of the ideological confrontation between representatives of the “tsarist” criminal world and the “new” Soviet one in the first years of the establishment of Soviet power; identify the determinants of the development of professional crime in Russia during the period under study. In the process of work, the method of synthesis, analysis, generalization, and comparative legal method are used. It is proven that against the backdrop of pronounced political instability of the 1917–1920s, which led to a crisis of traditional legal consciousness, erosion of spiritual, moral and religious values, deterioration of the socio-economic situation of the majority of the population, there was a sharp aggravation of the crime situation and, as a result, especially the active development of professional crime, which during the period under study created a real threat not only to society, but also to the national security of the state.

Life of Word in Ideological War

The study investigates the processes related to the word semantics in mass media texts in the time of acute ideological confrontation. The contexts in which the meanings of ideologically tainted lexemes are reinterpreted in light of both international and Russian social and political realities are considered. It is noted that there is a varying depth of the changes, i.e. different lexical meanings can be attributed to a word, e new semantic features may be added to word semantics, only evaluative connotations can be changed. The paper shows how “the motif of the war” influences the semantic transformations of various lexemes.

Bratni wróg. Ukraina w perspektywie Putinowskiego zetyzmu

This paper is an analysis of Putin’s anti-Ukrainian narrative. I argue that contemporary Russian culture is defined by the prevalence of highly traditionalist attitudes. These attitudes propagate the language of ideological confrontation with the West. I suggest the inclusion of the term ’zetism’ into scholarly literature, which has become a symbol of verbal and military aggression against Ukraine. This symbol arose spontaneously; it is represented graphically (the letter ’Z’) and placed on various conventional weapons of the Russian army. In the article, I conclude that in the next stage of the conflict, Putin’s Zetism will become a cultural sign of Russian ’war traditionalism.’ According to the Zetist perspective, Russia, as a holy and orthodox state, defends itself against Western aggression - that is, its atheistic liberalism and leftism. This view interprets NATO’s aid to Ukraine as a cunning strategy to destroy Russia as the last bastion of the traditional order, including’traditional sexuality.’ Furthermore, I examine the traditionalist narrative referencing the scholarly discourse of the stranger and the enemy (Florian Znaniecki). I argue that Ukraine is described as a brotherly enemy – that is, one who has betrayed the Russkiy Mir, the Orthodox, traditional community, by selling out to an unfamiliar and hostile ’godless.’ ’deviant’ West. Zetism conveys an unambiguous message to Russians: Russia’s mission is to ‘liberate’ Ukraine from outside forces and then to destroy the anti-values of the Western world.

Lexical and predicative strategies in political discourse: An analysis of Pedro Sanchez’s messages in the 2019 election campaign

This study is aimed at studying framing strategies in political discourse. The aim of this scientific work is to study discursive framing strategies, namely lexical and predicative ones, in the texts of political messages published by Pedro Sanchez, one of the candidates for the post of the Spanish Prime Minister in April 2019.Within the framework of this study, we use the analysis model proposed by Beatris Gallardo-Paúls. Taking into account Fillmore’s ideas, she suggests using framing mechanisms, which help each speaker direct the recipient’s interpretation by means of various discursive strategies. B. Gaillardo-Paúls distinguishes three levels of pragmatics with different strategies; within the framework of this article, the strategies are analyzed at the level of the utterance.The study revealed the frequent use of such lexical means as metaphor, anaphora and euphemism, which emphasizes the importance of their role in creating a political image and influencing the emotional perception of the audience. We also note a high frequency of the personal pronouns “we” and “they” as actants, which helps the politician to emphasize the ideological confrontation between the left and right parties in Spain.

Difficulties Of the Executives of The ‘’ Educational Association’’ At the Beginning and During Its Operation

The article deals with the executives of the Educational Association "Ekpaideftikós Omilos "(EO) at the beginning and during of its operation, from 1910 to 1930, in Greece. The Educational Association was founded by well-known and prominent people of the time, with the main purpose of improving Greek education and language and educational reform. Founders and executives sought to diffuse reformist ideas from the aristocratic society of their time. They faced several difficulties in cooperation, collecting the prejudice of the others while in 1920 Triantafyllidis leaves the Group for reasons of not getting along with Glinos. After 1920-1922, new ideological upheavals posed intense concerns to the speakers and contributed to its disintegration and later dissolution. The pioneers of the Group seemed quite concerned about the Idea of demoticism, their action was intertwined with the composition of their forces, although the contribution and distinct roles of the three are recognized, at the same time the particularly important presence of Glinos in the attempts at reform was clear. The work is going to investigate the ground, the preparation of the members of the EO and the general and special conditions that have prepared its creation. The method followed is the historical interpretive method of accessing evidence from several archives as well as relevant literature. The research demonstrates that the protagonists of the EO from the beginning experience many obstacles and difficulties in the mutual understanding and processing of the purpose of establishing their organization related to the recovery of Greek education and linguistic renewal with the use of the vernacular in school. It seems the lack of disposition of some for personal work and the strong prejudice of the people for the populists of the Group. At the same time, major ideological confrontations between Delmouzos and Glinos are erased, after the Asia Minor disaster and the arrival of refugees in Greece.

Science Fiction Series <i>Orville</i> as Space for the Memorial Cultures and Memory Wars

The relevance of collective memory analysis comes from the increasing role of memorization in social processes, which are currently acquiring increasingly significant conflict potential. The author analyses visual material of the popular science fiction series The Orville, which represents a segment of American political culture, as one of the cultural mechanisms for the assimilation of ideology and politics in mass cultural discourse. It is presumed that The Orville parodies the classic epics Star Trek and Babylon 5 and thus is part of the processes of deconstructing the historical collective memory of modern American society. This study intends to establish how a formally parody series not only mocks and imitates, but also constructs its own versions of memorial culture. The article aims: 1) to describe the universal tactics of deconstruction as a form of revision of existing memorial cultures; 2) to clarify the possibilities and boundaries of describing memorial culture through the prism of visual mass culture, using the example of a science fiction series; 3) to analyze the modes of updating political and social contradictions in American society on the example of the TV series The Orville; 4) to consider the specificity of the transformation of mass consciousness by constructing a new version of identity in the light of a radical revision of the narratives of classic science fiction series; 5) to analyze the political and ideological dimensions of the memory wars presented in the clash of traditional and liberal values of the characters in the series. Methodology of the article bases on the principles of the memorial turn and the analysis of the politics of memory within the paradigm of cultural and intellectual history and includes the methods of discourse analysis and intent analysis. The novelty of the study lies in determining the directions and specificities of the assimilation of the political, limited by the problems of collective memory, cultural, religious and gender identity along with military and ideological confrontation in modern mass culture of historical memory within the visual space of the science fiction series The Orville. The series is analyzed as an attempt to deconstruct the cultural experience and legacy of Star Trek, which actualized science fiction series as one of the sources of cultural and social meanings for modern consumer society. The author also analyzes the contribution of the series to the development of the collective memory of US society; the transformation of the concepts of Self and Otherness through the prism of specifying cultural, religious and gender roles. Revision of the past in popular culture as an alternative space for the functioning of collective historical memory is investigated. As a result of the study, it is presumed that The Orville actualizes modern American laughter culture and inspires attempts to rethink collective memory, the collective historical experience of trauma and represents an attempt to abandon the strategies of historical amnesia and ignoring politically inconvenient experiences.