Ideological Positions Research Articles

An Empirical Study of the Ideological Component in Russian Economic Science

Ideology plays a significant role in forming economic theories and models, although its influence is often underestimated or denied. In economics, the desire for objectivity prevails. However, historically, economic theories often bear the imprint of certain ideological attitudes. In this paper, the authors analyzed the ideological component of Russian economic science from 1992 to 2023. The total sample consisted of 134,124 scientific publications divided by year. As a hypothesis, we identified five economic ideologies: neoliberalism, socialism, dirigisme, special path and environmentalism. In this work, we classified economic scientific articles based on their ideological coloring using vector representations of texts (embeddings) obtained using the SciRus-tiny model and the LSTM neural network, which acts as a classifier. The accuracy of the model on cross-validation was 77.45%. The array of scientific articles was classified by ideology in the following proportions: dirigisme – 29.86%, environmentalism – 18.85%, special path – 16.60%, neoliberalism – 14.53%, socialism – 12.16% and 8.00% of articles remained unallocated. Our hypothesis was confirmed during the machine analysis of article texts since the smallest number of texts was undetermined during the classification. Further, the authors analyzed the representation of bigrams and trigrams. As a result, bigrams and trigrams found in each ideological group were determined, and the first ten were identified in prevalence for each ideological group separately. Using factor analysis (principal component analysis), we identified ten key micro-themes in each period (1992–1997, 1998– 2002, 2003–2007, 2008–2012, 2013–2017, 2018–2023). Based on the interpretation of the obtained factor loadings of the principal components in each group and the correlation of the bi- and trigrams identified for each ideology, we analyzed how different ideologies manifest themselves and what scientific problems they are associated with. The analysis showed that the most discussed issues in the articles were the problems of government regulation, the labor market, and industrial development throughout the entire period.

Dualistic and Multiple Approaches to the Study of Ideology in Economic Science

The article analyzes modern Russian and foreign literature devoted to studying ideology in economics. In contemporary Russian scientific economic discourse, a significant variety of values and ideological attitudes determine the vision of economic processes, which ultimately affects the basic theoretical foundations and subject area of study and can also influence normative judgments and research in economic policy. Moreover, analysis, apologetics, and criticism of ideology in economic science have a deeply rooted scientific tradition. The article develops D. North's approach to studying ideologies as mental models. Based on a systematic review of scientific papers from eLIBRARY.RU, ScienceDirect, Lens. org and Google Scholar databases analyzed in this article, the authors have come to the following conclusions: firstly, the approach defining ideologies as general mental models is rooted in economic science; secondly, the presence of ideology in economics is often underestimated; and, thirdly, the dualistic approach to the study of ideologies is widely represented. According to the authors, this dualistic approach should be transformed into a multiple one to studying ideologies in economic science, which includes a comparison of five economic ideologies: neoliberalism, socialism, dirigisme, special path, and environmentalism. On the one hand, this typology of ideologies is not political and is directly related to economic science and the corresponding theoretical narratives (proto models). On the other hand, it will avoid emphasizing the antagonism between ideologies.

The Сommon Man in the Focus of Modern European Values (Based on the Works of F. Backman)

The relevance of this study is due to the fact that modern democratic values, entrenched in Western countries, including at the legislative level, are widely discussed in Russian society today: how much the freedoms and restrictions introduced in the 21st century correspond to the needs of the average citizen, that is, in this case, the average European. The material for studying this issue was the works of the world-famous Swedish writer Frederik Backman — the novels A Man Called Ove (2012) and Things My Son Needs to Know About the World (2012), as well as the film adaptations of the first novel (Swedish in 2015 and American in 2022). The aim of the study is to determine the ideological attitudes conveyed by the artistic worlds of the works under study. To achieve this goal, the theoretical and methodological frameworks were analyzed, opening up the possibility of studying values through the prism of cultural research of fiction and cinematography. Other tasks included: identifying the key features of the literary and film versions of the novel A Man Called Ove, to establish the specifics of their value framework, and describing the key moments of the novel Things My Son Needs to Know About the World so as to determine the values conveyed by this work. Based on the axiological and anthropological prisms within the framework of the cultural studies approach, intertextual, intermedial and narrative analysis of the texts of each of the books and the two film adaptations of A Man Called Ove is applied. The biographical method and the method of reconstructing the views of the hero of the work of art were also used. As a result of the undertaken reconstruction, a cultural model of analysis of European values of the common man was created thanks to their reflection in literature and cinema. The possibilities and limits of using the cultural method in the analysis of complex and multi-level artistic material were determined. The contradictions that permeate various versions of the film adaptation of the novel A Man Called Ove were highlighted and the characteristic discrepancies between the two novels by F. Backman are described. If the first describes the path of gaining tolerance for everything new by a person of the old school, then the second develops the theme of the absurdity of the modern world, its lack of rootedness in traditions, and discusses the helplessness and defenselessness of man in new realities, such as when, alongside the maximum of democratic freedoms, there arises a paradoxical maximum of unfreedom for the individual. It is also indicative in the axiological context that the directors were only interested in the first book, which was more convenient not only in terms of the script, but also in terms of the ideology, as a locomotive of loyalty to representatives of minorities, and therefore offering more chances to receive international awards.

The Relationship Between Cognitive and Emotional Abilities and Ideological Attitudes Among Adolescents.

A large number of studies-usually based on samples of adults-have revealed a negative relationship between cognitive abilities and right-wing ideological attitudes. Recently, this relationship has been claimed to be weaker among adolescents. We administered data in a sample of adolescents (N = 531) who completed a full cognitive abilities test, as well as a number of abridged, performance-based emotional abilities tests. We also administered Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA), Social Dominance Orientation (SDO), and Left-Wing Authoritarianism (LWA). The results revealed the relationships that mirror the pattern obtained in adult samples, both among middle (age 17 or younger) and late adolescents (age 18 or older). Specifically, the relationship between cognitive abilities and ideological attitudes emerged with a similar magnitude. Not only did the analyses reaffirm previous studies with regard to the relationships for RWA and SDO, but we also revealed meaningful relationships for LWA. Moreover, emotional abilities bore out even stronger relationships than cognitive abilities. The present results thus show that the relationships between cognitive and emotional abilities on the one hand and ideological attitudes on the other hand also apply to adolescents. We discuss the need to better understand the development of ideological attitudes throughout childhood and adolescence.

Идеология: операционализация понятия и построение аналитической модели (часть I)

The article is devoted to the issue of operationalization of the ideology concepts as a variable in empirical researches. The range of issues in modern studies of ideology at the level of empirical observations is quite diverse: from the ideological attitudes of political activists and organizations, to psychological and genetic factors influencing individual choice in favor of any ideology. However, according to the authors, this kind of researches lack methodological coherence, since the set of indicators for interpreting ideology is often determined arbitrarily. There is a need to develop an operational concept of ideology, reflecting its key functions at different levels of existence in society: theoretical in the form of doctrines, political programs level in the activities of political leaders and organizations, as well as at the level of everyday views of individuals. Thus, the authors strive to identify the place of ideology in the system of political ideas and ideas about politics, to highlight the structural elements of ideology and their relationships in the context of various types of social practice for the subsequent development of an analytical model that allows analyzing ideological constructs both at the level of theory and at the level of individuals’ perceptions.

‘Shut up and Resign’: a Contrastive Investigation of Gender-Based Online Aggression on Twitter in Spanish vs. Greek

Abstract Violence against Women in Politics has emerged as an interdisciplinary field of research of global relevance (Esposito and Zollo 2021). The present paper aims to contribute to this field, adopting a linguistically-anchored, doubly contrastive angle to the study of gender-based online aggression. Borrowing our conceptual tools from feminist pragmatics (Christie, 2000), language aggression and impoliteness research (Bou-Franch, 2014; Bou-Franch and Garcés-Conejos Blitvitch, 2014; Culpeper, 2011) and inspired by insights from Social Media Critical Discourse Studies (SM-CDS) (KhosraviNik and Esposito, 2018), we explore how Spanish-speaking and Greek-speaking Twitter users target two female politicians positioned at opposite ends of the political spectrum: the Spanish left-wing former MP, Irene Montero and the Greek right-wing MP, Niki Kerameus. The results reveal that, despite the opposing social values and ideological positionings reflected in the tweets examined, misogynistic abuse anchored in sexist representations of women emerges as a salient shared strategy in both Spanish-speaking and Greek-speaking datasets.

Moral Profiles Differ in Political Attitudes, Religious Orientations and Personality Dimensions

Abstract: According to the Moral Foundations Theory, there are five moral foundations: Care, Fairness, Loyalty, Authority, and Sanctity. Various studies have aimed to identify moral profiles that differ in the pattern of support for the five moral foundations. Those profiles correspond to distinct ideological positions. However, there are cultural differences in emphasis of certain moral foundations, and no research has been conducted on a Croatian sample to identify moral profiles. We conducted a study on 352 Croatian students and identified three moral profiles: the High Moralist, the Moderate, and the Individuator. The three profiles differ in political attitudes, religious orientations, and personality dimensions. We explain how the differences between our results and the previous research may be reflecting the cultural differences between Croatian culture and those of the US and New Zealand.

Development of the Communist Party of Russian Federation’s opposition identity in the post-Soviet period in 1990s

Importance. The research of the process of the Communist Party of Russian Federation’s opposition identity development in the 1990s is important for understanding the transformation of leftwing movements in the post-Soviet space and the mechanisms of the formation of a multiparty system in Russia. The study aims to define the specifics of the Communist Party of Russian Federation opposition identity development in the post-Soviet space in the 1990s.Materials and Methods. T research is based on the analysis of official documents of the Communist Party of Russian Federation of the Russian Federation, statistical data of the Central Executive Committee of the Russian Federation, transcripts of meetings of the State Duma, publications in the party press, and scientific literature. Historical-genetic, comparative-historical, and systemic methods of analysis are applied.Results and Discussion. The key stages of the Communist Party of Russian Federation opposition identity are revealed: the restoration of the party (1992–1993), institutionalization as a parliamentary force (1993–1995), the struggle for federal power (1996–1999). The evolution of the ideological attitudes and electoral strategies of the party is traced. The dynamics of electoral support for the CPRF of the Russian Federation is analyzed: an increase from 12.4 % of the vote in 1993 to 24.29 % in 1999. It is established that the party has formed a stable faction in the State Duma and created a broad coalition of left-patriotic forces (NPSR). The main strategies of the CPRF opposition activities are revealed: parliamentary work, participation in elections at all levels, organization of mass protests, attempts to initiate the impeachment of the president.Conclusion. By the end of the 1990s, the Communist Party of Russian Federation had formed a stable opposition identity, characterized by a combination of criticism of the government with a willingness to cooperate with limited parliamentary activity. This allowed the party to become a key element of the new Russian political system, demonstrating the possibility of successfully adapting the communist movement to the conditions of post-socialist transformation while maintaining its opposition status

BIOÉTHIQUE, ANTHROPOLOGIE THÉOLOGIQUE ET TRANSHUMANISME

Bioethics, theological Anthropology and Transhumanism. Transhumanism is the platform of the conceptual debates, a cultural current that brings together philosophers, theologians, engineers, doctors, researchers from all fields of science, who anticipate the face of tomorrow’s world from the perspective of the interaction between bioethics and bioengineers and technological progress and the evolution of technoscience. From the initial transhumanism defined by the biologist Julian Huxley (1887-1975) which leads to the increase of life expectancy, and to the improvement of the human condition, we arrive at the ideological positions of posthumanism that seek to argue the manipulation of the evolution of the human being for utilitarian purposes or in the direction of imposing cultural and political pressures in the direction of the artificialization of the natural man. At the present time, a consensus is needed in the meta-analysis of the results of frontier research, of which theology is also a part, in order to arrive at an anthropological model unanimously accepted by the socio-human disciplines, which can substantiate any bioethical decision, more chosen in matters concerning the dignity of life, the quality of life and the dignity of death for any human being, according to the specific position he occupies in the world.

PARTISAN VOLUNTEER MOVEMENTS DURING WORLD WAR II IN THE ROSTOV OBLAST OF THE SOVIET UNION AND IN WESTERN SERBIA: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS

Based on an analysis of both published and newly identified sources, this paper will attempt to carry out a comparative analysis of the essential content, nature, scale, social and national composition, political and ideological views and positions, and the ideological foundations and practical results of the struggle by partisan, anti-Nazi resistance movements in the Rostov oblast and in western Serbia during the Second World War. These regions were unique in terms of natural and geographic conditions, the ethnic and social composition of their populations, and their ideological views and political positions. Therefore, special attention will be given to identifying, thoroughly describing, and conducting a comparative analysis of the common and unique features of the partisan movement in these two regions. The paper will also demonstrate the influence of political, socioeconomic, ethnic, and social factors on the scale of this movement, the degree to which it was supported by the local population, the results of its activities in each of these areas both generally and in relation to their correlation and comparative analysis. The final generalizations and conclusions about the role and significance of the partisan movements in the Rostov oblast and in western Serbia during the Second World War, and their general and more specific features will also be substantiated.

Populism and ideological convergence: Evidence from a multiparty system

Populist parties have gained significant power in European politics in the last decades, raising concerns about the potentially contagious effect of populism. I study how populist party representation in local councils affects other parties’ ideological positions. I use variation created by close elections to identify ideological shifts resulting from a change in party representation, holding voter preferences constant. I use candidate-level data from a voting advice application to estimate ideological positions, modeling candidates’ responses using item response theory to obtain measures of ideology that are comparable across election years. The results show that increased populist representation causes the ideological spectrum among other parties’ candidates in the municipality to become more concentrated. One additional seat for the populist party reduces the interquartile range of candidate positions by 9 %. While there is initial ideological convergence between mainstream and populist parties, it does not persist as the populist party continues to gain more seats. These effects take place only on the liberal-conservative dimension, while positions on the economic dimension are unaffected. The results demonstrate that increased populist representation influences other parties and causes ideological convergence within the candidate base.

Ntertext and Hypertext as Means of Conveying the Idea of Life-Affi rmation in N. Morshen’s Poem “About the Stars”

The relevance of the article is determined by the identifi ed problem of representing the idea of life-affi rmation by modern artistic means. The idea of rejection of the marginal model of behavior is expressed through intertext and hypertext. The transformation of the text into hypertext occurs in the process of commentary on the works of each of the cited authors. Here a special philological space is formed, which is created not only by texts, but also by “extra-textual structures” that draw the cultural background of the corresponding eras.The purpose of the work is to consider the role of intertext and hypertext in conveying the ontological idea of accepting life. We suggest a hypothesis that intertext turns into hypertext. With a centripetal vector, the cited quotations work on the main idea of rejection of death “called upon” oneself; with a centrifugal vector, each quotation sends the researcher into a potentially infi nite, branching space associated with the cultural and historical features of the eras. The novelty of the study lies in such an interpretation of N. Morshen’s poem. N. Morshen’s text, like a musical theme with variations, emphasizes the idea of affi rming life through the quotations used. The cultural-historical method involves examining the cited works in the context of the ideological positions of the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries. The biographical method is determined by the connection between the tragic fate of the authors and their literary works. The intertextual method allows us to consider the role of quotations in increasing the life-affi rming meaning in the core text. The hermeneutic approach is necessary due to the fact that N. Morshen’s text represents a system in which the whole (a poem with quotations) depends on the parts (quotes illustrating the main idea), and the parts (quotes) confi rm what is expressed in the entire work. Such dialectical unity characterizes the hermeneutic circle. N. Morshen’s poem “About the Stars”, being an obvious intertext, can, through comments, unfold into a hypertext, multi-vector, united by the idea of a harmonious perception of life and overcoming death. The prospects for research are seen in the use of hypertext strategy when considering other problems of an existential nature: freedom, responsibility, loneliness, posed in the works of different writers.

Либералы и государство в Италии: либеральный реформизм Джованни Джолитти и его критики

The article examines the strategy of liberal reformism in Italy in the late 19th – early 20th centuries and its critique by representatives of economic liberalism (“pure” liberals). The clash of two visions of liberal policy reflected the complication of the transformation of liberalism in response to expansion of state interference and the emergence of the mass politics. The peculiarities of the transformation of liberalism in Italy during the period were caused by the nature of the challenges. The country faced the tasks of state-building after the unification, bridging the development gap between the north and the south, carrying out industrialization. Protectionist and dirigiste policies were the responses to this. The challenges were further intensified with Italy’s entry into the First World War and the post-war social and political teurmoil that lead to the establishment of the Mussolini regime.At the same time, Italy had a lasting tradition of liberal economic thought, and Italian liberals comprised a prominent and influential school of economic thought. State interference could not but cause their repudiation. However, their close involvement into the country’s elite made them to modify the postulates of classical economic liberalism of the mid-19th century to be able to deliver feasible policy proposals. This article focuses on the political program of the outstanding Italian politician Giovanni Giolitti. It became one of the routes of transforming classical liberalism of the mid-19th century. Following the introduction, the second section of the article examines the position of liberal ideology in Italy in the context of the problems that arose in the context of industrialization of a backward and divided economy. Giolitti’s liberal reformism became a strategy for a pragmatic response to emerging challenges. The main features of this strategy and its criticism by ‘pure’ liberals are examined in the third section of the article. Brief conclusions are presented in the conclusion.

Personal deficiency, racism, or culture clash?: Teacher candidates' beliefs about why racial discipline disparities exist

In this exploratory qualitative study, we mapped out the ideological frames a sample of teacher education students from a large SE university in the US adopt to make sense of why racial discipline disproportionality persists. We examined both the prevalence of deficit and structural ideologies, and tried to uncover ideological positions and justifications that fall in-between these ideologies. Findings show that participants' responses fell all over the ideological continuum, as some attributed educational disparities to supposed deficiencies in students' cultures or communities, others to a lack of teachers' understandings of their students’ cultures or to individual biases, and yet others to structural and institutional racism. We propose the following implications for teacher education programs: teacher educators should push teacher candidates to identify and address their implicit biases and to understand their relationship to societal injustice; teacher educators should equip teacher candidates with skills that help them see students and their families from an asset-based lens, not a deficit lens; and finally, teacher educators should teach teacher candidates explicitly about equitable and culturally responsive pedagogy.

Saliendo del templo: evangélicos en la arena política uruguaya del siglo XXI

This article examines the participation of evangelical figures in Uruguayan politics in the 21st century, analyzing their agendas, projects, and effects in the political and religious spheres. It begins with the diversity within the evangelical field, between biblical conservatives and historical liberationists. Using mixed methods, it observes the evolution of Uruguayan evangelicals from a pietistic withdrawal to active political participation. In Uruguay, biblical conservative evangelicals dominate politics with pro-life, pro-family, and anti-gender ideology positions. However, there are historical liberationist evangelical politicians with different positions. Evangelical figures in politics have not formed a party or a specific bench. Although most of them belong to the National Party, they are distributed in several parties and lack organic coordination.

Psychosocial Disorders and Escapism in Nigerian Poetry: A Study of Lara Owoeye’s Time to Sing and Other Poems

Nigerian poetry has consistently responded to issues affecting the country and the people since the pioneer stage to contemporary time. In this instance, the burden of societal failings has propelled the level of social commitment and ideological postures identified in the poetry. However, recent experiences in the socio-political and economic landscape of the Nigerian society seems to have shaped the mentation and emotional condition of contemporary Nigerian poets in a way that calls for a psychological approach to the study of the poets’ creative nuances. Therefore, adopting a descriptive research method and employing relevant psychoanalytic theoretical framework, the study explores how Lara Owoeye's collection, Time to Sing and Other Poems, represents psychosocial disorders and escapism. Through a close reading of the selected poems from the collection, it is discovered that Owoeye employs the resources of language and music like imagery, metaphor, parody, allusion, enjambment, rhyme, tone and other literary devices vis-à-vis the motif of a distressed singer to convey her psychosocial condition. The study also shows that the psychosocial disorders represented in the collection are triggered by memories of bad leadership and harsh socio-economic conditions. In this instance, the poet finds an escape into the world of imagination and emotional recovery through poetic expression. This way, Owoeye's poetry does not only reflect the cultural, historical, and social contexts of the Nigerian society but also offers an understanding of the complex interplay between psychosocial disorders and poetry as an escape mechanism.

Closing a gap or creating a new one? Comparing support for participatory instruments among different stakeholders

AbstractRepresentative democracy is perceived to be in crisis in many Western countries. Increasing citizen participation is often considered to be a remedy to close this gap between government and the people. Which instruments should be used to realize this remains, however, open for discussion. In this article, we compare attitudes of citizens, politicians and civil servants towards a number of participatory instruments. We assess to what extent these attitudes are influenced by ‘interests’ (operationalized as the formal position one takes: either politician, citizen or civil servant) and ‘ideas’ (measured as ideological beliefs), while holding the institutional context constant (the local level in Flanders [Belgium]). Analyses based on a large‐scale survey (N = 4,168) show that although the ideological position of the respondents to some extent affects attitudes towards particular participatory instruments, especially their formal position has a considerable impact on how participatory instruments are appreciated. Indeed, different stakeholders distinctly advance different instruments as the best way to enhance citizen participation. This raises questions about the potential of citizen participation to narrow the gap between citizens and policymakers, as diverging attitudes towards particular instruments might create a new gap rather than closing one.

Ideological identity: worldviews and values are self-defining

ABSTRACT This research investigated whether ideological attitudes (beliefs about religion, social justice) are central to the self-concept. Participants rated ideological attitudes as more self-defining than relevant attitudes (about family, hometown), even though were liked equally (Study 1). Ideological attitudes were as self-defining as attitudes that were personally meaningful, even though the latter were liked more and more psychologically valuable (Study 2). In Study 3, participants reported that if they changed their ideological attitudes or their moral traits (honesty, generosity), they would see themselves as a different person more than if they changed their attitudes about relevant attitudes and their perceptual abilities (hearing, pain tolerance). These studies underscore the important role of ideological attitudes to the self-concept.

Do You See What I See? Emotional Reaction to Visual Content in the Online Debate About Climate Change

ABSTRACT This paper explores the visual echo chamber effect in online climate change communication. We analyze communication by progressive actors and counteractors involved in the public debate about climate change on Facebook, to address the possibility that visual content can bridge ideologically diverse communities. Specifically, we investigate whether visual content depicting protest serves this purpose. The findings reveal a small amount of shared visual content. Interestingly, the emotional reactions to this content for the most part diverge significantly, suggesting that pre-existing attitudes, such as climate ideological position, influence interpretation. Contrary to our expectations, however, we do not observe visual content representing protest activity bridging the two groups. This work posits the possibility of a two-fold (de)polarization around visual content that both connects and divides, which contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the social dynamics that create and sustain the echo chamber effect observed in online climate change debates. KEY POLICY HIGHLIGHTS Even when taking into account visual communication, the online debate around climate change is characterized by the presence of echo chambers with only a small fraction of content that circulates among both climate activists and climate skeptics. In cases where the same visual content circulates within the two groups, the emotional reactions are often opposed, with reactions that are more defined by the pre-existing climate ideological alignment than with an actual engagement with the content.

Hierarchy and Polyphony in the Artistic World of Dostoevsky

According to the later confession of the creator of the polyphonic novel theory Michael Bakhtin, he was able to fulfill only part of the task when he substantiated the polyphonic “horizontal” of voices in the world of Dostoevsky. He was not allowed to create the “vertical” (inseparable from the “existence of God”). An attempt to supplement what Bakhtin was unable to do requires a restoration of the scientific and religious-philosophical context in which the concept of “polyphony” can be ontologically related to the concept of Orthodox conciliarity, as well as other important phenomena of Russian culture. In modern Dostoevsky studies, the prevailing tendency is that the hierarchy and the concept of the polyphonic novel contradict each other. However, the article substantiates the existence of a context of understanding in which this linear logic is annulled. The “dialogue of agreement” between hierarchy and polyphony does not comprise either the recognition of the relative “truth” of the latter concept for an adequate scientific description of Dostoevsky’s world (the absolutization of this principle leads to a relativism unacceptable to Dostoevsky), or a rejection of polyphony in favor of hierarchy (this leads to a religious “legalism” that levels the personality, if another consciousness, the consciousness of the hero, is only the bearer of one or another “idea” for its affirmation). It seems that the recognition of the conciliar basis of polyphony is capable of truly “reconciling” the various interpretation principles, which, with other approaches, lead to the loss of the personhood of Dostoevsky’s heroes, and therefore to the reduction of the meanings of his works. The presence of Orthodox conciliarity in Dostoevsky’s polyphony is expressed not in the “equal” significance of the positions of the heroes’ ideological attitudes for the novel’s whole, but in the fact that the human person depicted by the author himself, due to the Christocentrism of Dostoevsky’s world, is hierarchically more significant than the ideological position that the person expresses. These theses are illustrated by the interpretation of Dostoevsky’s works.