Ideological Affinity Research Articles

‘Birds of a feather’? Assessing the prevalence of anti-immigration attitudes among the far right electorate

ABSTRACT This article focuses on the prevalence of anti-immigration attitudes among the far-right electorate. Drawing on the distinction between the predictive power of immigration concerns, and the question of how widespread these concerns are among the far-right voter pool, we proceed in two steps. First, we assess the extent to which anti-immigration attitudes are a necessary condition for voting far-right; and second, we examine whether far-right voters with different levels of anti-immigration attitudes exhibit similar individual and attitudinal characteristics. Using data from the 8th wave of the European Social Survey (ESS) we find that, surprisingly, anti-immigration attitudes are not a necessary condition for voting for the far-right as approximately one third of far-right voters have no concerns over immigration. We further show that far-right voters with different levels of immigration concerns have different profiles when it comes to other predictors of the far right-vote including ideological affinity, attachment to the EU and government satisfaction. Our contribution is significant as we suggest that there are different routes to voting for the far right by groups with different grievances, including non- immigration related.

Kantian Project of Perpetual Peace in the Context of Modern Ethical and Political Concepts of War

The article considers the modern meaning of Kant’s doctrine of war. The author examines the context and content of the key provisions of Kant’s concept of perpetual peace. The author also reviews the ideological affinity between Kant and previous authors who proposed to build alliances of states as a means of preventing wars. It is noted that the French revolution and the wars caused by it, the peace treaty between France and Prussia served as the historical background for the conceptualization of Kant’s project. In the second half of the 20th century, there is a growing attention to Kant’s ethical and political philosophy. Theorists of a wide variety of political and ethical schools, (cosmopolitanism, internationalism, and liberalism) pay attention to Kant’s legacy and relate their own concepts to it. Kant’s idea of war is reconsidered by Michael Doyle, Jürgen Habermas, Ulrich Beck, Mary Kaldor, Brian Orend. Thus, Doyle tracks democratic peace theory back to Kant’s idea of the spread of republicanism. According to democratic peace theory, liberal democracies do not solve conflict among themselves by non-military methods. Habermas, Beck, Kaldor appreciate Kant as a key proponent of cosmopolitanism. For them, Kant’s project is important due to notion of supranational forms of cooperation. They share an understanding that peace will be promoted by an allied authority, which will be “governing without government” and will take responsibility for the functioning of the principles of pacification of international relations. Orend’s proves that Kant should be considered as a proponent of the just war theory. In addition, Orend develops a new area in just war theory – the concept of ius post bellum – and justifies regime change as the goal of just war.

The theatrical imagining of diasporic modernity in Shih-I Hsiung’s Lady Precious Stream

ABSTRACT Lady Precious Stream (1934) is an English spoken drama adapted from Peking Opera by the Chinese British writer Shih-I Hsiung. Its commercial success in the Anglo American context during the 1930s is often seen as a result of its expression of the Chinese diasporic voice. This article explores the nature of this expression by situating the play within two processes of transcultural practice: first, the translation of the form of spoken drama from the west to China, and second, British chinoiserie forms of appropriating Chinese culture. The play’s reconfiguration of gender, class, and international relations bears close thematic and ideological affinities with Chinese spoken drama, and thus can be seen as a “national allegory” of modern China. This context of “translated modernity” underwrites the play’s intervention in British chinoiserie discourses and the way it challenges binary thinking about China in Britain.

Who are China’s strategic economic partners in South America?

PurposeThe purpose of this article is to discuss the characteristics of China’s strategic partners in Latin America, emphasizing the foreign policy orientations of these nations towards China.Design/methodology/approachThe first part is a theoretical analysis of the foreign economic policy orientations of the Chinese strategic partners in South America. In the second part, attention is paid to the empirical regularities of economic cooperation between China and its South American strategic partners.FindingsChina seeks to diversify the profile of its strategic partnerships, as long as they increase Chinas complexity in the orientation of cooperation, using a multidimensional approach, based on three strategic cooperation networks (partners based on ideological affinities, geo-economic partners and trade partners).Originality/valueThis article increases the understanding of how new strategic partnerships take a more active position in the new great geo-economic game in which China is involved. China increases its facilitation role in Latin American Pacific rim countries, as well as its influence in countries historically close to the USA.

From prison to parliament: Victimhood, identity, and electoral support

ABSTRACT Are voters more likely to support candidates who are victims of political persecution? I draw on an original survey with embedded experiments deployed in Turkey ahead of the June 2015 General Election to advance a theory linking political victimhood to an electoral advantage. The results suggest that voters primed with information about a candidate’s political imprisonment, on average, report higher ideological affinity with the candidate. In addition, respondents who identify as co-victims are more likely to say they would vote for a candidate who was imprisoned. These findings are significant and hold regardless of which party the candidate belongs to. Respondents presented with a candidate from the incumbent Justice and Development Party also report higher levels of trust and closeness with the candidate who was imprisoned. This pattern is consistent for voters with low trust in the Justice and Development Party leadership and low levels of religiosity, demonstrating that a history of persecution can broaden candidates’ support.

Climate Concern and Policy Support Among Early-Career Scientists in Europe

The European Union (EU) is taking final steps towards the 2020 target of reducing greenhouse gas emissions (GHG) by 20% from 1990 levels. The new generation of climate policies are being discussed and designed to achieve the EU commitments in the Paris agreement. Public support specially among the scientific community is the key determinant of the success of any climate policy. In this paper we report the result a broad survey of more than 800 alumni of the Marie Sklodowska-Curie Actions, a highly selective and prestigious European academic fellowship about their belief in climate change, their concerns about the status of it, and their support for an array of policy proposals to address this problem. We find that climate change has been accepted as a “fact” by overwhelming majority of the respondents while it is also considered the most concerning global issue for this group of future leaders of the EU scientific community. Allocating more funding towards renewable energy research and more carbon emission regulation received the most support from the respondents. The political beliefs and ideological affinity seem to play a minor role in their support for different policy proposals. In designing future climate policies in Europe, a bipartisan support for providing alternative energy options through funding renewable energy research may benefit from having a high priority. • We conduct a survey of over 800 alumni of the Marie Sklodowska-Curie Actions, the up-and-coming generation of scientists in Europe who will be, sooner or later, in a position to shape the future of European climate policies. • The overwhelming majority of the participants believe in climate change and rank it as the most concerning global issue higher than terrorism and international migration. • Regardless of different political beliefs and ideological affinities, there is a consensus among the respondents to support more research in renewable energies and to more strictly regulate carbon emissions.

FROM AD HOC ISSUE PUBLICS TO DISCOURSE COMMUNITIES: A YEAR OF PUBLIC DEBATE ON TWITTER

This paper presents an empirical investigation of the concept of ad hoc issue publics, through a mixed-methods analysis of a year of debate over a contentious topic in the Australian public sphere. Following two controversial racial discrimination cases in 2016, a number of Australian conservative politicians called for amendments to a specific section of the Racial Discrimination Act (Section 18C), which they claimed restricted freedom of speech. Similar proposals had been put forward and shelved in 2013. The issue was discussed widely on Twitter and other social media platforms. Eventually, the Australian Senate voted down changes to section 18C. Using a range of network analyses, examining the various network structures created by Twitter’s affordances, this study identifies the publics and communities involved in the debate. The discourses of these communities are then qualitatively analysed. The findings show that different—and sometimes antagonistic—discourse communities are involved in the debate, and while all of these use the same hashtags and keywords, they have contrasting discursive positions. This paper argues that in this case, the publics created as a result of the affordances of Twitter cannot be regarded as ad hoc issue publics, since the discourse communities involved were formed as a result of a priori ideological affinities. Broadly, the findings of this study help in the theorisation of online publics and communities, particularly the necessary elements involved in the formation of ad hoc issue publics and/or online discourse communities.

2011 Sonrasında Türkiye-Mısır İlişkilerinde Yaşanan Ani Yükseliş ve Sert Düşüşü Anlamak

This article seeks to explain sharp oscillations that have taken place in Turkish-Egyptian relations after 2011. In this context, it argues that post-Arab uprising developments are exceptional, considering the history of bilateral relations. To explain this development, the article highlights four main factors: shifts in the regional balance of powers, economic difficulties and opportunities, ideology and identity of political elites, and domestic political concerns and calculations. The article first examines the regional, political, and economic motives behind Ankara’s foreign policy opening toward Egypt and Cairo’s positive reaction during the transition period following the 2011 revolt. Second, the article sheds light on the historical peak in Turkish-Egyptian relations following the victory of the Muslim Brotherhood candidate Muhammad Morsi in the 2012 presidential elections. More specifically, the article focuses on the ideological affinity between the Brotherhood and the Justice and Development Party and the role of Turkey in supporting Morsi’s government politically and economically. Lastly, the study investigates the harsh reaction of Turkey to the 2013 military coup against Morsi and Egypt’s responses by investigating the shifts in the regional balance of powers and the porous line between domestic politics and foreign policy in both countries at the discourse level due to the rising problems and ideological polarization in domestic politics. The research is based on scanning of news, data, and analyses of political and economic dimensions of bilateral relations, along with personal in-depth interviews with Turkish and Egyptian diplomats, politicians, bureaucrats, businesspersons, and NGO officials who have a role and/or experience in Turkish-Egyptian relations.

Jamil Hasanli. The Sovietization of Azerbaijan: The South Caucasus in the Triangle of Russia, Turkey, and Iran, 1920–1922

Reviewed by: The Sovietization of Azerbaijan: The South Caucasus in the Triangle of Russia, Turkey, and Iran, 1920–1922 by Jamil Hasanli Heather D. DeHaan Jamil Hasanli. The Sovietization of Azerbaijan: The South Caucasus in the Triangle of Russia, Turkey, and Iran, 1920–1922. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2018. 384 pp. Cloth, $50. ISBN: 978-1607815945. Jamil Hasanli’s The Sovietization of Azerbaijan is a richly documented study of Azerbaijan on the regional and world stage in the months immediately preceding and following its occupation by the Red Army in 1920. The work closely assesses Azerbaijan’s diminished—and ever diminishing—scope for independent foreign policy initiative in this period. In so doing, the work forcefully depicts the colonial nature of Red Army occupation, which was marked by the expropriation and export of large quantities of local goods, the execution of many Azerbaijani leaders, as well as a form of cultural disregard that alienated the local Muslim population. At the same time, it offers a detailed study of competing Azerbaijani and Soviet objectives for Azerbaijan’s diplomatic endeavors, including divergent concepts of Azerbaijani sovereignty. It also sheds light on regional territorial disputes, Azerbaijani relations to Turkey and Iran, and Soviet attempts to export the Revolution to the East. This work displays the tremendous skills and wide expertise of its author, who has spent a career studying the history of Azerbaijan and its place in the realm of international relations. A prolific scholar, Jamil Hasanli has published works in English, Russian, Turkish, Persian, and Azerbaijani and integrates scholarly findings from a variety of languages. For this particular study, Hasanli conducted research in archives in the United States, Georgia, Russia, France, and Azerbaijan, also making use of published archival documents, [End Page 180] diplomatic memoirs and diaries. The study thus incorporates a broad range of voices and perspectives, including those of pro-Communist and émigré Azerbaijani political figures, British and German officials, and Soviet party and state figures. This resulting narrative captures the messiness of international affairs at the time—the many competing interests both between and within different states. This complex study eschews falsely simple, linear narratives of sovietization—these latter, emphasizes Hasanli, being a weakness of much of the existing literature on this subject. The process whereby Azerbaijan lost its independence was non-linear, marked by back-and-forthing between competing factions within Soviet and Azerbaijani officialdom, as well as by the contingencies of international events. For instance, both Communist Azerbaijanis and many Soviet officials regarded the Red Army occupation of Azerbaijan as a stepping-stone to exporting the Revolution to the East, and particularly to Iran. Yet, Azerbaijani and Soviet advocates of this policy did not agree on their strategies for the export of the Revolution—with which revolutionaries to partner, what kind of revolution to advance, and how to deal with advocacy for Persian merchants deprived of their Baku holdings. Further, some leaders in Moscow sought to use “Red Gilan” as a bargaining chip in negotiations for British withdrawal from Iran, clearly prioritizing state interests over those of revolution. Was Azerbaijan a gateway to the East, or simply a pawn in the Soviet pursuit of control over oil or leverage against British interests? As Hasanli demonstrates, sovietization needs to be interpreted through all of these lenses, as the messy result of anti-British, imperial-revolutionary, and Azerbaijani Marxist ambitions. Hasanli’s study of sovietization likewise sidesteps simplistic binaries that pit Russia as colonizer against Azerbaijan as colonized, even as he meticulously documents the colonial nature of the Red Army occupation, along with Soviet Russia’s subordination of Azerbaijani interests to its own geopolitical exigencies. He documents frequent partnerships across ethnic and political divides, both between and within states operating in the southern Caucasus. As he indicates, groups represented each of the major peoples of the Caucasus (Georgians, Armenians, Turks, Iranians, and Azerbaijanis) partnered with Soviet Russia at some time or another, if not out of ideological affinity then out of shared geopolitical interests. Loyalties between them were also contingent: for instance, the Kemalists alternatively betrayed and supported Azerbaijan, first accepting its loss of sovereignty and then defending its claim to Nakhichevan—shifts that reflected Turkey...

Théâtralisation de la transmission dans le Maître de Santiago de Montherlant

La question du rapport maître-disciple est mise en évidence dans Le Maître de Santiago de Montherlant par une théâtralisation de la transmission. Dialogue vif et tendu, situations conflictuelles et divergences de points de vue ébranlent aussi bien les relations familiales et amicales que les affinités idéologiques. Pour les Espagnols de 1519 partir en Amérique est une aubaine. Cette course effrénée derrière le gain qui utilise l’évangélisation comme prétexte séduit les chevaliers de l’Ordre de Santiago mais elle déplaît énormément à leur chef. La focalisation de cette dramatisation sur le différend en question permet de dégager les figures du maître, celles du disciple et, à travers leurs relations, les valeurs affirmées. Alvaro Dabo, qui agit en tant que guide de l’Ordre de Santiago, est sans conteste la principale figure du maître. En cultivant le paradoxe et en s’opposant au désir de ses pairs, il ne s’érige pas en passeur de savoir-vivre et de savoir-faire, mais il parvient tout de même à formuler les valeurs auxquelles il est attaché : noblesse d’âme, générosité, humilité. Les disciples se répartissent en cinq catégories. La figure « aristotélicienne » (Bernal et Vargas) commente et interprète le discours du maître. La figure « épicurienne » (Olmeda) vise à atteindre le bonheur. Le disciple « parricide » souhaite éliminer Alvaro. Letamendi est l’illustration du mauvais élève. Mariana, incarnation de l’« alter ego », tient du maître sans en être une pâle copie. Tendues, les relations qui régissent les deux instances confèrent une dynamique au processus de transmission. Alvaro cherche à se murer dans le silence, mais il tient à transmettre avant de disparaître. Deux valeurs essentielles constituent la teneur de son message : l’histoire nous enseigne qu’il faut être méfiant à l’égard des forces négatives, l’engagement requiert des qualités morales telles que le sacrifice de soi et la charité. Montherlant approuve chez son personnage la condamnation de la colonisation, mais il n’adhère pas à son extrémisme.

Ideological parallelism: toward a transnational understanding of the protest paradigm

ABSTRACT This study advances the protest paradigm as a transnational theory by examining how ideological affiliations within and across national borders influence the framing of a protest movement. Our empirical focus is the coverage of the 2016–17 South Korean ‘candlelight’ protests to oust conservative President Park Gyun-hye in Korean and US newspapers. Content analysis of 6 months of coverage suggests that liberal publications in both nations (Kyunghyang Shinmun and New York Times) were supportive of the movement, framing the protests as large yet peaceful and relying on protesters for information. In contrast, the conservative press in the US (Wall Street Journal) was closer in its coverage to Korea’s conservative publication (Chosun Ilbo), which was defensive of Park and her supporters. We argue that ideological affinities can operate beyond national boundaries – what we term ‘ideological parallelism’ – to make news organizations sympathetic or hostile toward a social movement. But nationalist sentiments also remain significant to the extent that a foreign (Korean) social movement affects a nation’s (US) foreign policy. We identify a novel framing device – Gaze – under which the coverage of both US newspapers converged and considered the adverse implications of candlelight protests for America’s relations with South Korea and its containment of North Korea and China. We also show how the US media’s Gaze recursively shapes South Korean press coverage, indicating that transnational protest frames impact local perceptions of social movements and can potentially influence their legitimacy and outcome.

An Alternative Internationalism: The Main Lines and Legacies of Polish Sovietology, Promethean Orientalism and the Soviet ‘Southern Borderlands’, 1926–1939

‘Prometheism’ was an interwar movement of borderland nationalists from the former Russian Empire who envisioned the division of the Soviet Union into independent nation-states. This article argues that ideological affinities and diasporic connections made the Promethean cause an attractive ‘alternative internationalism’ to the Soviet system for exiled thinkers hailing from the so-called ‘southern borderlands’ of Crimea, the Caucasus, the Volga region and Central Asia. In the 1930s, Prometheism drew intellectuals from these regions to Poland, where the movement’s thinkers formulated ambitious visions of Eurasian liberation from Soviet power.

Poezja, muzyka i sumienie. O Lukanie w Koronacji Poppei Giovanniego Francesco Busenellego i Claudio Monteverdiego

The article discusses the role of Lucano in the dramatic structure of The Coronation of Poppaea. After a deeper analysis, the poet, an episodic figure, turns out to be an important element in the reconstruction of the ideological background of the works by Busenello and Monteverdi. This is achieved by context reading of the opera libretto in two fundamental aspects – biographical and literary, based on two groups of textual sources related to Lucano – the first consisting of information about his life and work, and the second, which is his own works. Particular attention was paid to the analysis of Farsalia, a poem that shows numerous ideological affinities to Busenello’s libretto. A detailed analysis of literary contexts also reveals the self-thematic aspect of the scene with Lucano’s participation and the moral aspects of poetic creation that emerge in connection with it.

Los think tanks y su presencia en la agenda mediática española/ Think tanks and their presence in the Spanish media agenda

ResumenEl estudio que se expone a continuación intenta abordar el papel que tienen los think tanksen la prensa española. Los laboratorios de ideas centran su actividad en crear y reformular ideas con el objetivo de difundirlas a la opinión pública y que esta las acoja y las tomen como propias, la mayor parte de estas enfocadas al ámbito político. Por tanto, los medios de comunicación tienen un papel fundamental en el desarrollo de estas organizaciones. Para la consecución de los objetivos de este estudio se ha realizado una revisión bibliográfica a fondo del tema expuesto y, además, se desarrolla una metodología cuantitativa a través de un análisis de contenido de los cuatro periódicos con mayor promedio de difusión según la Oficina de Justificación de la Difusión (OJD). Gracias a la aplicación de esta metodología se han obtenido resultados y conclusiones sobre la relación entre los laboratorios de ideas y los medios de comunicación en España. Todo esto, junto al planteamiento de la pregunta de investigación: ‘Los think tanksespañoles difunden su actividad y sus ideas a través de medios de comunicación afines a su ideología política, situándose en la misma posición del espectro político’. La presencia, las estrategias y las técnicas que estas organizaciones utilizan para la difusión de su actividad son algunas de las secciones que este estudio expone. Asimismo, se obtienen conclusiones acerca de nuevos think tanksespañoles que han irrumpido en la presa, como Politikón y sus relaciones con el periódico El País, abriendo futuras líneas de investigación. Palabras clave:Think tanks, laboratorios de ideas, medios de comunicación, prensa española, relaciones públicas. AbstractThe following study attempts to address the role of think tanks in the Spanish press. These institutions focus their activity on creating and reformulating ideas with the aim of disseminating them to the public opinion and that the latter welcomes them and takes them as its own, most of these are focused on the political themes. In addition, the information provided by think tanks that have greater participation and, therefore, appearances in the media, are characterized by achieving greater legitimacy. Therefore, the media have a fundamental role in the development of these organizations. In order to achieve the objectives of this study, an in-depth bibliographic review of the subject has been carried out, dealing with different areas that are found around these think tanks: definition, typologies, functions, objectives and the importance of communication for these institutions. It has also focused later on contextualising and characterising how these institutions are and how they carry out their activity in Spain, as the study seeks to focus on the Spanish reality. In the same way, in order to obtain a more faithful image of the state of think tanks in the Spanish territory, a quantitative methodology has been developed through an analysis of the content of the four newspapers with the highest average circulation according to the Oficina de Justificación de la Difusión(OJD): El País, La Vanguardia, El Mundoand ABC, by means of a systematic random k-ima sampling consisting of periods of seven days. Thanks to the application of this methodology, results and conclusions have been obtained regarding the relationship between think tanks and the media in Spain. All this, together with the research question: Do Spanish think tanks disseminate their activity and ideas through media related to their political ideology, placing themselves in the same position of the political spectrum?, which has allowed to develop results and conclusions about the possible ideological affinity between media and laboratories of Spanish ideas. The presence, the strategies and the communication techniques that these organisations use to disseminate their activity become an axis of great importance and, therefore, of relevance to the field of communication. It should also be mentioned that this study has been able to draw conclusions about new Spanish think tanks that have broken into the Spanish dam, such as Politikón and its relations with the newspaper El Paísor the characteristic case found between the newspaper ABCand the think tanks Instituto de Estudios Regionales y Metropolitanos de Barcelona, since the newspaper accuses of having privileges thanks to the affinity of the institution with the mayoress of Barcelona. Thanks to the discussion and conclusions of this study, future lines of research are opened up, as the phenomenon of idea laboratories continues to develop in Spain. Keywords:Think tanks, ideas laboratories, media, Spanish press, Public Relations.

The Ummah racial project: Arab satellite television, Islamic movements, and the construction of Spanish Moroccan identity

ABSTRACT This article explores how non-western, transnational racial ideologies impact Muslim minority identity negotiation and construction in contemporary Spain. It argues that Spanish Moroccans are increasingly racialized towards a Arab-Muslim identity through two transnational scapes, international Islamic movements and Arabic satellite television. These scapes co-opt and mobilize the concept of the Ummah, a traditional Islamic legal prescription that traditionally emphasizes the primacy of Muslim identity and community. In co-opting the Ummah, these scapes reinforce ideological affinities to an Arabized version of Islam that racializes the ethnically diverse Spanish Moroccan community towards a Arab-Muslim first identity. This study contributes to the study of race in the global system by seeking to understand the identity formation of Spanish Muslim minorities in the context of larger non-European, transnational racial ideologies.

Argentina, Brazil and Chile and democracy defence in Latin America: principled calculation

This article examines the role of Argentina, Brazil and Chile (the ‘ABC countries’) in supporting democracy through the logic of consequences and appropriateness in three emblematic cases: the removal of President Zelaya in Honduras in 2009, the constitutional crisis that led to the removal of President Fernando Lugo in Paraguay 2012 and the sudden closing of the National Assembly in Venezuela in 2017. The authors argue that the ABC governments’ responses to governance crises have been shaped by a mixture of motivations, both instrumental (geopolitical interest or ideological affinity) and ideational (a normative preference for democracy). This mixture has resulted in inconsistent policies deriving from the mismatch between the normative commitments made by these countries, enshrined in multilateral instruments such as democracy clauses, which have often limited their room for manoeuvre, and their preference for a measured, prudent foreign policy based upon traditional principles of non-intervention. Specifically, the authors find that the ABC countries’ stance on democracy support depends on two fundamental conditions: their leverage vis-à-vis the target state and the degree of certainty regarding a potential resolution of a given democratic crisis.

Hasidic Myth-Activism: Martin Buber’s Theopolitical Revision of Volkish Nationalis

Since the 1970s, Buber has often been suspected of being a Volkish thinker. This essay reconsiders the affinity of Buber’s late writings with Volkish ideology. It examines the allegations against Buber’s Volkish thought in light of his later biblical and Hasidic writings. By illuminating the ideological affinity between these two modes of thought, the essay explains how Buber aims to depart from the dangers of myth without rejecting myth as such. I argue that Buber’s relationship to myth can help us to explain his critique of nationalism. My basic argument is that in his struggle with hyper-nationalism, Buber follows the Baal Shem Tov and his struggle against Sabbateanism. Like the Besht, Buber does not reject myth, but seeks instead to repair it from within. Whereas hyper-nationalism uses myth to advance its political goals, Buber seeks to reposition ethics within a mythic framework. I view Buber’s exegesis and commentaries on biblical and Hasidic myths as myth-activism.

Predictors of credibility of online media in the Spanish polarized media system

Credibility of online news media is facing important challenges: the levelling effect of the digital environment, the changing habits of consumption, polarization of discourses... This scenario makes it relevant to address what features of news brands and news content shape the credibility of contemporary journalism. This article tests a set of items, including journalistic standards, reputation and citizen participation, in order to build predictors involved in credibility judgments. The authors carried on a quantitative survey (n=416), representative of the Spanish online population. Results identified currency of information, inclusion of analysis and context, citation of sources and inclusion of links to primary sources as the most significant predictors of credibility judgements; it also showed that engaged respondents rely on news brand reputation and individual journalists´ reputation and do not take into account ideological affinity with editorial lines of media. Participation in the media did not prove to be relevant in shaping aggregated judgments of credibility.

Tierras en trance. Arte y naturaleza después del paisaje by Jens Andermann

Reviewed by: Tierras en trance. Arte y naturaleza después del paisaje by Jens Andermann Brendan Lanctot Andermann, Jens. Tierras en trance. Arte y naturaleza después del paisaje. Santiago de Chile: Metales Pesados, 2018. Jens Andermann’s latest book engages in a reinterpretation of Latin American modernities from the post-human present, by focusing on cultural production whose work, we might say, is the earth itself. Its five central chapters consider a wide-ranging corpus in rough chronological order. This sequence begins with the filmmakers, poets, and automobile pioneers who crisscrossed the interior of the continent in the 1920s, and concludes with present-day cinema and bioart. The intervening chapters consider, respectively, architecture, (neo)regionalist literature from Quiroga to the memoirs of Central American guerrillas, and land art, installations, and performances by figures that include Hélio Oiticica, the Ciudad Abierta collective, and Ana Mendieta. There is not enough room in a review of this length to enumerate the many artifacts that Andermann examines over the course of more than 400 pages, but the summary above points to how Tierras en trance traverses disciplinary boundaries in order to demonstrate how different forms of human inscription trace and undo the conventional partitions between subject and landscape, culture and nature, and techne and poiesis. An underlying premise for this interrogation appears in the form of a rhetorical question that most directly concerns the structures and gardens examined in the second chapter: “¿Por qué no hacerle a un edificio o un parque, entonces, las preguntas que le haríamos a un poema o un cuadro, preguntas acerca de las historias que narra sobre ese lugar, y de cómo lo acomoda a nuestras miradas y nuestros cuerpos para que lo habitemos?” (141). That is, in spite of the relatively autonomous fields that condition the cultural practices that precede what Andermann coins the “giro ambiental” of the latter half of the twentieth century, there is a kind of discursive economy by which they articulate variants of a common experience: the trance or in-corporation that uproots bodies and places from preexisting forms of belonging and relating. Bringing art, architecture, film, and literature into dialogue, Tierras en trance argues that the reconfiguration of landscape that took place as state power was ascendant toward the beginning of the twentieth century has gradually ceded to new modes of agency that arrest and explode the limits between human and non-human. This shift is neither linear nor cohesive, as Andermann takes care to stress the affinities (or “vibrations” as he calls them) linking works from different disciplines and historical periods, as well as the contradictory visions of contemporary works. For example, the final of section of chapter three, “Días de la selva: del Putumayo al Quiché,” demonstrates that, while the memoirs of Central American guerillas share apparent ideological affinities, plots, and settings with Che Guevara’s Pasajes de la Guerra revolucionaria, a biopolitical reading reveals a deeper and deeply ambivalent relationship to the human-nature interface elaborated in novelas de la selva such as La vorágine and Los pasos perdidos. Indeed, the incessant return to the [End Page 1037] liminal sites of exploration, exploitation and extraction is central to the book as a whole, from Roberto Burle Marx’s repurposing of an old fazenda as a sort of “landscape laboratory” (168–72), to Robert Smithson’s photolog of his mirror installations in the Yucatan, to the pampa of Albertina Carri’s films (to trace yet another arbitrary trajectory). These engagements do not passively represent prevailing modes of land use, but instead rehearse and enact alternate ways of relating to the earth. Take, for example, the contrast Andermann draws between Andrea Juan’s Antarctic performances known as Sur Polar (Arte + Ciencia), initiated in 2008, and Ursula Biemann and Paulo Tavares’s Forest Law – Selva jurídica (2014), a project inspired by a lawsuit filed by the Kichwa community against the Ecuadorian government and an Argentine petroleum company. Juan’s project, whose immediate audience is restricted to the small scientific community permitted on the Antarctic base, figures art as a kind of privileged witness to a sequestered natural environment, held in reserve in times of climate change...

Milovan Đilas and the British Labour Party, 1950-1960

The article deals with Milovan Đilas’ political transformation presented through an analysis of his connections with the British Labourites, and with the reaction of the Labour Party to the Đilas Affair. After the dispute with the Cominform, Yugoslav leaders tried to initiate alternative international contacts through Western socialist and social democratic parties, considering the most suitable partner the British Labour Party. Official contacts with the latter were established in 1950, the key role in the dialogue with the British Labourites played by the head of the Commission for International Relations, Milovan Đilas. In the aftermath of the Đilas Affair, the once warm relations between the British Labourites and Yugoslav Communists grew rather cool, but the leadership of the Labour Party did not wish to compromise their relations with Yugoslavia, and therefore reacted to it with considerable wariness. Although Yugoslavia remained an authoritarian state under the leadership of the Communist Party, in the eyes of the West it continued to represent a significant factor in the destabilisation of the Eastern Bloc, and the friendly relationship between the Labour Party and the Yugoslav Communists were primarily based on foreign policy interests of the two parties. In the second half of the 1950s, the relationship between the Labour Party and the Yugoslav Communists rested, even more than before, on pragmatic geopolitical consideration and not on ideological affinity; the interest of the British Labourites in the Yugoslav self-management experiment decreased significantly, as did the Yugoslav interest in democratic socialism, the idea that Đilas was so passionate about.