Identity Politics Research Articles

Fiona Volpe: A New Perspective on James Bond's Iconic <em>Femme Fatale</em>

While narratives of gender politics and female identity in Western visual culture have become more dynamic with the passage of time, one of the most contentious spheres of discussion in mass media surrounds that of Ian Fleming’s ultimate fictional creation, James Bond. Female sexuality and gender politics in the Bond universe has been robustly, and rightfully, scrutinised by academic and casual spectators for at least 50 of the 70 years since his inception. Yet, one of the most enduring characters in the cinematic canon has not yet been given this discerning treatment, in earnest. Originally called "Fiona Kelly" by screenwriters Richard Maibaum and John Hopkins, Fiona Volpe was portrayed by Italian actress Luciana Paluzzi-Solomon in Terence Young’s 1965 film adaptation of Thunderball. In November 2017, I had the opportunity to interview Mrs. Paluzzi-Solomon for a now-abandoned book concept. As one of the few actresses from the Sean Connery-era who are still living, she was remarkably forthcoming regarding her professional and personal experiences on set. Without pride or prejudice, Mrs. Paluzzi-Solomon’s account proved to be not only to be illuminating in and of itself as an interview, but also served as a foundation to better understand the origins, development, and public reception of the gold standard femme fatale of the Bond films. This article will explore the character of Fiona Volpe, her origins, plot function, and legacy, from the unique perspective of the woman who brought her to life.

Perceived grievance and individualising moralities: exploring the psychological structure of left-wing authoritarianism

ABSTRACT Research shows a sharp increase in political polarization over the last two decades. While right-wing authoritarianism has received considerable academic attention, the psychological mechanisms of left-wing authoritarianism remain under-explored. This study used structural equation modeling to empirically test the factors that influence left-wing authoritarianism and its relationship with features of identity politics and psychological distress. Moral foundations theory was used to assess the moral concerns underlying left-wing authoritarianism. Participants from English-speaking countries (52.4% female, aged 18 to 85 years old) were recruited from various political groups on social media. The final sample (N = 299) voluntarily completed an online survey measuring left-wing authoritarianism, psychological distress, moral concerns, need for cognitive closure, and emotional reactivity. The final model explained 53% of the variance in left-wing authoritarianism and demonstrated that psychological distress indirectly affects left-wing authoritarianism through perceived grievance. However, perceived grievance had the strongest direct impact, providing support for the premise that perceived grievance, a feature of identity politics, constitutes a strong positive predictor of left-wing authoritarianism. Additionally, non-hypothesized mediating effects were observed from perceived grievance to the individualizing foundations and left-wing authoritarianism.

‘Botha Cake’ and ‘Belgian Onion Soup:’ Gendered Patriotism Through Three South African, First World War, Community Cookbooks

ABSTRACT This article considers three South African community cookbooks – including The Overseas Contingent Fund Recipe Book (Turffontein, 1915) and the Paarl Cookery Book in Aid of War Funds (Paarl, 1918) alongside Wartime Cookery (Cape Town, 1915) – as expressions of gendered patriotism. These community-created cookbooks enabled contributors to participate meaningfully in the First World War by drawing together two established gendered practices: philanthropic fundraising and food and household management. This ‘domesticity in action’ enabled participants to contribute to, and feel connected to, both local and trans-empire causes. These values of philanthropy, economy and patriotism are revealed in the constitutive components of the texts – the titles, aims, prefaces and even the recipes themselves. Apart from supporting specific funds, the call for economy in the cookbooks reflected both experiences and perceptions of wartime material hardship in South Africa. A further consideration of the contributors involved with the books’ compilations highlights the intersection of local and trans-empire networks, and wartime (white) identity politics within urban South Africa. The networks suggest locally-grounded loyalisms, many marked by personal connections to men serving, as well as friend and family networks with overseas reach. Lastly, the article is a reminder of the importance of cookbooks as neglected sources in the writing of history.

El Nacionalismo en la Lucha por la Independencia de las Colonias en África (Angola)

The purpose of this study is to analyze the impact of Nationalism on the struggle for Independence in the colonies in Africa, with particular emphasis on the case of Angola. The objective of this work is to assess the changes that took place on the Continent from 1888 to 1910, marked by the conquest and occupation of almost the entire African Continent by Western imperialist powers; followed by the effective implementation and installation of the colonial system as an administrative system in the second half of the century. XIX, division and definition of geographic spaces. In fact, the year 1910 was essentially characterized by the consolidation and exploitation of that system, causing major distortions in the economic, social and cultural structures of the dominated territories. The appeal written at the Manchester Congress (1945) to the colonized peoples, expressly advised that all colonies should be freed from foreign imperialist control, both political and economic, and fight by all means to achieve these objectives. The use of qualitative research based on bibliography related to these themes, the inductive-deductive method allowed the (construction) of ideas of a passive Africa, embodied in the emergence of movements that aimed at the overthrow of the colonial system. In effect, with the end of World War II, the process of decolonization began, resulting in a more reinvigorated, radical and consequential African nationalism. This means a more conscious, enlightened and enlightening continental nationalism, better structured and politically framed and represented internationally and with qualitatively higher levels of political and cultural organization, with the year 1960 being marked as the year of Africa, with the outbreak of the various independence of respective African countries and consequent recovery and affirmation of socio-historical, political and cultural identity, hidden by colonization.

Beyond Colonial Politics of Identity: Being and Becoming Female Youth in Colonial Kenya

This paper draws on biographical research among the Akamba and the Luo communities in Eastern and Western Kenya, respectively. Our research explored how practices of adolescence as a process, an institution, and a performance of identity interact with colonial modernities and imaginaries in complex ways. The biographical research was carried out predominantly with women born in the late colonial period in Kenya. We provide critical reflections on the process and affordances of our embodied storytelling approach, which we position as an Africanist methodology and a decolonial research practice. This research and approach provided women with a space to narrate and perform their lived experience, potentially disrupting epistemic inequities that are embedded in the way research on growing up in the past is carried out. The discussions show how colonialism interacted with other factors, including gender and generational power, tradition, girls’ agency, and other life characteristics like poverty and family situation, in order to influence the lived experiences of women. Going beyond the narratives of victimhood that characterise coming of age in similar spaces, we present women’s emergent, incomplete, and incongruent agency. We position this agency as the diverse ways in which people come to terms with their difficult contexts. The discussion also points to the need for unsettling the settled thinking about girlhood and coming of age in specific historical spaces in the global South.

Contrapuntal Citizenship: Solidarity Protests and Multi-layered Belonging in the Lebanese Diaspora in France

ABSTRACT Normative models of citizenship delimit rights and obligations within the territorial boundaries of the modern state. These models fail to capture how political belonging can be stretched and reconfigured across polities. The 2019 ‘17 October Revolution’ in Lebanon galvanised widespread solidarity protests and initiatives in the Lebanese diaspora in France. As sites of cultural encounter, solidarity protest movements in the diaspora created opportunities for different cultural and political identities to collide, producing ‘contrapuntal’ forms of citizenship. Drawing insights from Edward Said’s examination of the ‘contrapuntal,’ this paper argues that as sites of encounter, diasporic solidarity initiatives pluralised definitions of political belonging producing contrapuntal forms of citizenship. By thinking through music, this paper will examine the overlapping layers, or melodies, of political belonging that constitute diasporic citizens. It will contend that diaspora solidarity initiatives allowed activists to enact multiple, sometimes contradicting, claims to belonging. In doing so, it will shift from hybrid to contrapuntal models of diasporic citizenship.

“Radicals” and “Racists”: Morality and Identity in U.S. Elite Political Communication

This study examines how elite political and media actors strategically leverage moral claims for partisan ends, transforming political identities, issues, and campaigns into zero-sum moral contests against their opposition. Here, I develop a framework for and approach to the study of morality as a strategic and identity-based tool in political communication, in the process developing a way of studying powerful and pervasive forms of political discourse often overlooked by scholarship. I show how partisan actors have identity-based motivations for employing particular forms of moral political communication, including religious, social, and civic morality. I then apply this framework to the case of the U.S. 2020 election, conducting context-sensitive computational and qualitative content analyses of elite political communication across political talk shows, op-eds, and campaign Twitter discourse. Results reveal the pervasive nature of moral political communication in these spaces. This work shows how, as U.S. political parties increasingly represent divergent and less cross-cutting groups of people, elite actors draw upon moral claims to attract and perform for particular ideological, religious, racial, and ethnic identity coalitions—often drawing from the same moral vocabulary to articulate opposing visions of democracy and civic life.

Impact of Identity Politics on Security and Stability in Medan

This research aims to investigate the influence of identity politics on political stability and security in Indonesia. This research uses a literature review method to collect and analyse various previous studies on identity politics, political stability and security in Indonesia. Data were analysed qualitatively to identify patterns, trends and relationships between identity politics variables and political stability and security. The results of the analysis show that identity politics has a significant influence on political stability and security in Indonesia. Religious, ethnic and regional-based political identification is an essential factor influencing political and security dynamics in this country. Political conflicts rooted in differences in identity often trigger political and security tensions that have a negative impact on state stability. Based on the analysis results, it can be concluded that identity politics significantly impacts political stability and security in Indonesia. A better understanding of the dynamics of identity politics can help formulate more effective policies to maintain political stability and security in the country.

The power of implicit political capital on companies’ entry barriers

The paper distinguishes the political capital of private enterprises into three types, in terms of the political identity of entrepreneurs, partial state ownership, and government background of entrepreneurship. The first two are classified as explicit political capital, while the third is called implicit political capital. We investigated how political capital, the institutional environment, and access to protected industries intersect within private sector enterprises (PSEs). The data sample from 2011 to 2018 of listed private companies in China is employed. Firstly, the findings indicate political capital significantly enhances access to protected industries for PSEs. Second, implicit political capital shows a strong impact, while the effects of partial state ownership and entrepreneurs’ political identity are weak. Third, explicit political capital weakens the effect on access to protected industries, while implicit political capital still holds significant influence under the improvement of institutional environments. It reveals the situation under the imperfect environment of the market economic system and legal system in China. To be explicit, the concept of ruling by man or power is deeply rooted in the traditional Chinese social governance and social structure model. Therefore, there is enormous room for implicit political capital to function.

Letters from Exile: Canadian Media, the Romanian Diaspora, and the Legionary Movement

This article traces the post-Second World War immigration of Romanians to Canada, and addresses themes of self-identification versus outside perception, national identity, and myth-making in the Romanian-Canadian community. It subsequently documents the scrutiny faced by the Romanian diaspora for supposed links to the interwar Romanian far-right Legionary Movement. Beginning in the 1950s, Romanian exiles in Canada forged their own community organizations, churches, and media, in which a unique synthesis of national identity and far-right politics was promoted, placing these new immigrants at the center of intracommunity and inter-ethnic conflict. Following the release of the Deschênes Report on war criminals living in Canada in 1986, as well as a series of unsolved terrorist attacks, Romanian-Canadians were subject to investigations by the mainstream Canadian media for potential involvement in far-right organizing. In the years since the collapse of state socialism in Eastern Europe, significant strands of the Romanian diaspora in Canada have continued to embrace historical figures of the Legionary Movement, synthesizing a diaspora identity flavored by anticommunism, radical right politics, and (ultra-) nationalism well into the post-communist period.

Ethnic votes and parties' mobilization: A case study of New Zealand

AbstractThe aim of this research is to investigate how ethnicity and political parties' mobilization efforts influence the voting preferences of migrants in electoral contexts. To achieve this, an empirical study was conducted, focusing on New Zealand's two major parties (New Zealand National and New Zealand Labour Party) and their mobilization practice targeting ethnic Chinese voters. This research adopted a mixed‐methods approach, involving conducting interviews with Chinese community leaders and surveys within the community. The quantitative findings establish a positive correlation between a party's mobilization efforts and the level of support from Chinese ethnic voters. Furthermore, the research underscores the importance of genuine targeting, emphasizing the recognition and addressing of the unique needs and concerns of ethnic minority communities, rather than engaging in mere tokenism.Related ArticlesEscaleras, Monica, Dukhong Kim, and Kevin M. Wagner. 2019. “You Are Who You Think You Are: Linked Fate and Vote Choices among Latino Voters.” Politics & Policy 47(5): 902–30. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12329.McKay, Spencer. 2021. “The Politics of Referendum Rules: Evidence from New Zealand (1893–2016).” Politics & Policy 50(1): 137–53. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12445.Stokes‐Brown, Atiya Kai. 2009. “The Hidden Politics of Identity: Racial Self‐Identification and Latino Political Engagement.” Politics & Policy 37(6): 1281–305. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00220.x.

The development of Greenland’s self-government and independence in the shadow of the unitary state

ABSTRACT The article investigates whether the development of Greenland’s autonomy over the past 40 years can be fruitfully understood as a case of path dependency or, alternatively, as a series of changing equilibriums marked by critical junctures. The article addresses the following questions: 1) What were the drivers behind the establishment of Greenlandic home rule in 1979? 2) What were the drivers behind the establishment of Self Government in 2009? 3) What are the implications for today’s constitutional debate in Greenland? It is shown that the 1979 Greenland Home Rule Act followed from a critical juncture triggered by the Greenlandic ‘no’-vote on EU membership. The subsequent 2009 Greenland Self Government Act was, to a large extent, a consequence of endogenous change within a path dependency flowing from the Home Rule Act. The logic from home rule was carried over into self-government: the gradual transfer of policy areas to Greenlandic self-government when Greenland was willing and able to take over the policy areas. It is suggested that there is a potential tension between path dependency arising from the GSGA and intensified Greenlandic expressions of political identity which may challenge the GSGA logic, while there are still dynamics which pull towards the GSGA logic.

The limits of virtue politics in an African context

The limits of virtue politics in an African context

Actualization of Social Media Communication Ethics in Democracy in the Digital Age

Internet social media communication ethics are needed by citizens / netizens (internet users), because internet social media users are diverse. Diversity of backgrounds can lead to debate, conflict and even hostility. In a community, for example, when a user creates an account in the facilities provided, such as accounts on social media, email accounts, and blog accounts. Before users can use the account facility, it is necessary to know about communication ethics where there are provisions that should be understood by users regarding what is allowed, what is not, to legal provisions if violated. With the weak quality of communication ethics of the Indonesian people in democracy, it is likely to be a serious threat to national resilience and to threaten the disintegration of the nation, therefore the problem of communication ethics in sausage media in democracy in the digital era is a very important topic of discussion faced with potential problems in the future that have an impact on the nation and state. This research will analyze the condition of Indonesia's socio-political democracy in the Digital Era, of course, a comprehensive study is needed obtained from the results of research, observations and writings of other scientific papers including from figures or writers who discuss democracy, social media communication ethics, the internet, and identity politics. The writing material is combined and analyzed to form a clear presentation and picture. The research method used is descriptive research, which focuses attention on the problems that arise in research, the problem is actual and describes the facts in the field as they are and accompanied by rational interpretation.

Examining emotional belief expressions of advocacy coalitions in Arkansas' gender identity politics

AbstractMany theories and approaches to policy studies have recently begun to question and research how emotions interact with peoples' understanding and behaviors, especially in policy and politics. This paper builds on and contributes to studying emotions in policy and politics via the advocacy coalition framework (ACF). In applying Emotional‐Belief Analysis, this paper examines the legislative testimony on one of the US' first gender‐affirming care (GAC) bans. It shows that those testifying can be organized in competing advocacy coalitions with distinct emotion‐belief expressions in combination with deep core and policy core beliefs. Moreover, expressions of negative emotions and policy core beliefs display significant and the largest effects in explaining coalition affiliation and shared views of the bill banning GAC. The conclusion summarizes the paper's empirical themes with suggestions for incorporating emotions more into the ACF and the broader policy studies field.

Региональная идентичность как предмет социально-гуманитарных междисциплинарных исследований

The article presents an analysis of socio-humanitarian concepts dedicated to the notion of “identity”, particularly its regional identity. The author defines that currently, interdisciplinarity and a pluralistic methodological approach (methodological flexibility) determine the increased interest of representatives of social-humanitarian knowledge in the theory of identity. The article also analyzes the inherent potential of the phenomenon of identity in historical research. Based on representative source material, the author demonstrates the fruitful scientific potential of the constructivist theory, which allowed him to present a wide range of scientific studies of identity. The emphasis is placed on the fact that the strive for preservation and promotion of regional identities is a topical issue in modern society. It is noted that the state can contribute to the development of regional identity, support the creation of cultural centers, organization of festivals, exhibitions, and other events that contribute to the popularization and attraction of attention to the unique characteristics of each region, in other words, implement an identity politics.

Irish dance and identity politics on TikTok

Irish dance and identity politics on TikTok

Branded Social Campaign and the Politics of Representation

Introduction: The low awareness of clean living made a company, through one of its product brands, initiate a social program through a donation campaign to improve sanitation and poor quality of health in the province of East Nusa Tenggara (NTT— Nusa Tenggara Timur ), Indonesia. An advertisement was then aired frequently in national media to support the campaign. However, this advertisement was protested by the people who represent NTT citizens. Methodology: Employing Karatani's (2003) representation theory and Schiappa's (2008) concept of representational correctness with a discourse analysis approach, the research critically analyzes the politics and problems associated with Lifebuoy's social campaigns that sparked protests and denials from various NTT community groups. Results: This study found that the landscaping of the representation problems of the advertisement included the problems of 'speak about' and 'speak for.' Also, the power of prejudice or racial stereotypes of eastern Indonesian people was permanently attached to poverty and underdevelopment. Discussion: The protest(ers) representation was also problematic and political. There were numerous struggles of agenda and identity politics among protesters. Therefore, Lifebuoy's social campaign did not only serve as the object of protest but at the same time also criticized the protesters. Conclusions: This study contributes essential lessons for brands about the urgency of mapping and reading political voices in the field when a social program is launched and implemented so that various obstacles are well anticipated.

Blood is Thicker than Water: A Genealogy of Water in Nation-State Building

This work explores the multifaceted relationship between India and Pakistan, starting with India’s very recent decision to renegotiate the terms of the Indus Waters Treaty of 1960 between the two countries. This treaty, considered to be a time-tested hallmark of peace on the Indian subcontinent, is particularly heralded by mediators like the World Bank. This desire for peace is confronted with the reality of border skirmishes and conflicts over Kashmir, a state through which the Indus River flows. Accordingly, I interrogate the interactions between various political actors over the Indus Waters themselves, specifically focusing on partition and the subsequent period that led up to the signing of the Indus Waters Treaty. This piece seeks to understand the role of nature in cohering international, national and subnational identity. Specifically, I focus on the two countries’ historical conflicts over water as well as sovereign claims to water in Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir, which are regions that must balance domestic priorities with the looming national interests of India and Pakistan. By linking water to the economic, cultural, and social language that comprises political imagination and identity, I hope to reveal new insights about how the relationship between nature and humanity has transformed from mutual cooperation to one of commodification and displacement.

Bulls on Parade

1 Kgs 12:25-33 is composed of two significant layers – an earlier stratum that may be based on an Israelite royal inscription and a later, likely Judahite redaction. These can be disentangled based on a redaction critical approach rooted in studies of compilational and editorial practices attested in biblical and Cuneiform sources. Though the final text is often analyzed as an idol polemic, the Israelite strata suggest that Jeroboam is not depicted as constructing idols but rather pilgrimage outposts. This is borne out by the use of bovine iconography to direct ritual movement at other Levantine sites, as well as the broader Near Eastern practice of establishing pilgrimage networks in order to project political authority over multiple settlements, knitting them together into a kingdom. Accordingly, this article argues that the Israelite text depicted Jeroboam creating a pilgrimage network to performatively bring his Israel into being. Participating in this pilgrimage was a performance of Israelite identity. The Judahite redaction disavowed this by othering key aspects of the Israelite material culture depicted in the text. The final text is thus an example of identity politics rather than an idol polemic.