Idea Of Self-government Research Articles

Student Team as a Factor of Socialization of Younger Schoolchildren

Primary school age is the age of significant personality development. It is characterized by new relationships with adults and peers, entry into the entire system of teams, and entry into a new type of work — teaching, which places a number of serious demands on the student. There are two main methods for determining the essence of the socialization process: 1) socialization is a form of learning, it is a “one-way street”, society is the active party, and the person himself is a passive object of its various influences; 2) at present, the vast majority of sociologists agree with this method — it is based on the paradigm of interaction and emphasizes not only the activity shown by society (the so-called agents of socialization), but also the activity and selectivity of the individual. Research objectives: study of the student body as a factor in the socialization of younger schoolchildren. Research results: the State Educational Standard of the Kyrgyz Republic states that the main task of primary school is to form the child’s personality and develop his abilities. One of the tasks is to instill citizenship, respect for human rights and freedoms, patriotism, and love for the Motherland. Conclusions: pedagogy reflects the ideas of the unity of socialization and individualization of the individual, self-realization of the individual in conditions of collective activity and relationships, the idea of self-government and the development of creative abilities in the educational process.

ROA CLUJ: REKO TYPE SUSTAINABLE MARKETING NETWORK IN ROMANIA

The trend of sustainable consumption induces a change in the marketing strategies, applying a marketing type that promotes the culture of quality, and employs the principles of eco-rationality in choosing the tools of interaction with the consumers. The originally Finnish REKO (abbreviation of the Swedish “Rejäl Konsumtion”, meaning “Fair Consumption”) model of alternative food network (AFN) is a perfect example of implementing the principles of sustainable marketing. This survey focuses on ROA (Roade Online din Ardeal; Fruits/Harvest from Transylvania online), a REKO type direct marketing network, based in Cluj -Napoca, Romania. The aim of the study is to assess the chances and challenges of this type of AFN in the Romanian context. For this, we analyse the opportunities and impediments of development, and the cost and benefits of the AFN for the involved producers. The objective of the survey is to reveal the potential contribution of AFNs to sustainable production, marketing, and distribution of local products. The applied qualitative research is based on (1) an interview with a coordinator of the investigated initiative, (2) a survey among the involved producers, (3) participant observation as consumer, (4) informal discussions with the AFN stakeholders , and (5) secondary data analysis . As conclusions, we can state that Romania holds significant resources for the implementation of AFNs due to numerous favourable circumstances, such as the rising demand for qualitative local and regional products, and the willingness of consumers and producers to get involved in direct marketing networks. However, grassroot initiatives of direct marketing face administrative and legal challenges. The lack of real support of public policies, the weakly developed idea of self-government, and not firmly established in practice, confine the short food supply chains to a niche phenomenon.

STAGES OF REFORMING THE INSTITUTION OF LOCAL SELFGOVERNMENT ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND

The article examines the evolution of the institution of governance and local self-government in the Republic of Poland. On the example of experience, an analysis of effective mechanisms for implementing reforms in local selfgovernment of the Republic of Poland, and highlights the positive aspects of such reforms. In this regard, the study of the institution of self-government in those countries where the basic conditions of state-building are closest to the Ukrainian ones are of special interest for domestic political science. It is the Republic of Poland, where a multi-stage administrative and political reform has been carried out, which contributes to the "new birth" and further reform of the institution of local self-government. Formulation of the problem. The idea of self-government in Poland is not to manage local affairs in general and to represent the interests of the state, but to represent the interests of a society that chooses its own government. At the same time, local governments operate under the supervision of state bodies that monitor the implementation of laws. Structurally, the system of local selfgovernment in Poland is three-tiered, namely: voivodship, county, gmina. It is the study of foreign experience of close countries that have shown effective policies in local government reform, and analysis to use the most effective experience for use in modern Ukraine.

Aleksander Kroński’s Theory of Local Government

The main aim of this article is to present the original concept of local goverment, coined by Polish jurist Aleksander Kroński. The Author has analyzed the theses contained in the book Theory of Local Government in the context of legal and philosophical debate concerning the Polish political system during the interwar period. Furthermore, in the paper the Author has developed Kroński’s views on the history of the local government indicating that the idea of self-governance might be plausibly intertwined with various of political doctrines. It was also concluded that due to its expressed stance on the human nature, community and individual rights the above-mentioned theory might be found as inspiring nowadays too.

Pathways to institution and resource sustainability: lessons from the Forest Rights Act implementation in India

The Scheduled Tribes and Other Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Rights) Act, 2006, marked a momentous change in the institutional contour of forest management in India. The change suggested better tenure security along with a strong community resource regime. However, policy implementation was marked by weak enforcement of community forest resource rights. Intrigued by variable performance of the Act, this study explains the process of rights negotiation, and analyzes the determinants of institutional and resource sustainability in the post-rights scenario.<br/> The study, based on successful cases from Maharashtra, uses a comprehensive set of institutional and resource indicators, developed to suit the cultural and ecological context. The strongest factors that emerged from the two case studies were of community association with the resource, resource centrality and visionary leadership. However, these factors manifested differently in the two villages. The success was also mediated by a range of intermediate variables in both villages. The findings offer a counter-narrative to the claim that granting forest rights will lead to forest fragmentation and loss of forest cover. Both the villages had rich forest and robust institutions normatively fuelled by idea of selfgovernance, inclusion, and equity. Such normative foundations of equity and sustainability steered these institutions to successful collective outcomes.

Os limites à liberdade de expressão: uma análise do debate acerca da proibição ao discurso de ódio a partir de um caso emblemático

Este artigo tem como objetivo investigar o debate em torno da permissibilidade de restrições ao discurso de ódio a partir de um caso emblemático da Suprema Corte dos Estados Unidos: Beauharnais v. Illinois, de 1952. A análise dos argumentos apresentados pelos juízes em suas opiniões possibilitará a identificação dos principais pontos de tensão do debate, de modo a se criar uma chave de análise confiável que possibilitará sua melhor compreensão. A fim de complementar os argumentos analisados, as reflexões de Robert C. Post a respeito do tema também serão trazidas a presente investigação, em especial sua concepção de liberdade de expressão fundada no autogoverno, as modalidades de dano causadas por discursos odiosos e seu conceito de public discourse. Por meio dessa investigação, pretende-se trazer maior clareza aos conceitos e categorias do debate, apontando o que realmente está em jogo quando se fala na restrição da liberdade de expressão nessas hipóteses.

The Rise and Fall of Judicial Self-Government in Poland: On Judicial Reform Reversing Democratic Transition

AbstractThis article argues that the establishment of the National Council of the Judiciary in 1989 and the empowerment of the general assemblies of court judges gave rise to the idea of judicial self-government in Poland. This very idea of self-government, implying that judges hold important decision-making or veto powers on matters concerning the judiciary, was regarded as a precondition of the separation of powers and judicial independence, neither of which existed under Communist rule. However, the package of laws introduced in 2017 marks the end of judicial self-government as we know it. Not only did it undermine the independence of the National Council of the Judiciary by altering the mode of electing its judicial members, but it also concentrated the power over the judiciary in the hands of the executive branch, allowing for, inter alia, the exchange of key positions in court administration and the reconfiguration of the Supreme Court. This article examines the impact of this “reform” on such values as independence, accountability, and transparency. Investigating the role of judicial self-government in ensuring the principle of separation of powers and democracy, the article concludes with an assessment of the early consequences of the introduced changes for the Polish judiciary.

Innowacyjność izb gospodarczych na tle modernizacyjnej funkcji prawa

On the basis of extensive sources, the author discusses the meeting point of three phenomena: innovativeness, economic self-governing bodies and the modernizing function of the law. Initially, he analyzes the meaning of the words ‘innovation’ and ‘modernization’. The issue of innovation and innovativeness is described with reference to Joseph Schumpeter. New notions are indicated, that have emerged in academic language: innovative competence, innovative potential, innovative environment, etc. The innovative activity of modern chambers of commerce in Poland is criticized. An attempt is made to draft an ideal model of an innovation incubator. The author identifies the sources of poor development of business environment institutions, as chambers of commerce are defined, as lying in their legal organization, which is faulty in his opinion. As he emphasizes the idea of self-government (differentiating between ‘self-government’ and a ‘self-governing community’) he raises the issue of whether it is feasible to vest the tasks of the central administration in economic self-governing bodies.

Samorządna Rzeczpospolita – samorządna wyspa na niedemokratycznym oceanie. Koncepcje samoorganizacji społecznej w czasach pierwszej „Solidarności”

In the times of the “First Solidarity” (1980–1981), the idea of self-government was one of thekey fragments of the socio-political system change concept. The specific connection of thebottom-up activity of the working class with the activity of the political and intellectual elitesresulted in the appearance of numerous, different models and solutions, the culmination ofwhich was the concept of “Self-governing Republic”. The central category and basic way of itsrealization was in the mechanism of self-organization of the society, and its purpose was todemocratize the political system. The change of the political situation, started by introducingthe martial law caused the slow abandonment of the earlier suggested solutions. Among thecriticism directed towards the “Self-governing Republic” there were the accusations of itsutopianism and uselessness. The concept that seemed revelatory in its time, turned out to beuseless in the new reality, but its creator ideas survived.Key words: Self-governing Republic, NSZZ Solidarity, concepts of the governmentself-organization, utopia

DEMOCRATIC VISTAS

After a generation of grand stories about the rise of modern republican thought (the so-called “republican-synthesis” school epitomized by the works of Gordon Wood and J. G. A. Pocock), James Kloppenberg's new book, Toward Democracy: The Struggle for Self-Rule in European and American Thought, offers a history of democratic thought: what Kloppenberg calls “the idea of self-government.” In the course of nearly a thousand pages of text and notes, Kloppenberg traces democracy's emergence “as a widely shared, albeit still controversial, model of government” over the last four centuries in the North Atlantic world (1). The book is deeply learned and intellectually capacious, covering thinkers from the ancient Greeks, through the sixteenth-century wars of religion, through the American and French Revolutions, ending abruptly at the Civil War. Few intellectual historians writing today could have managed a book of such sweep. The number of authors, texts, and themes discussed is vast—so much so that at times it seems that the book could double as a history of thought in the West.

Self-Governance and Reform in Kant’s Liberal Republicanism - Ideal and Non-Ideal Theory in Kant’s Doctrine of Right

At the heart of Kant’s legal-political philosophy lies a liberal, republican ideal of justice understood in terms of private independence (non-domination) and subjection to public laws securing freedom for all citizens as equals. Given this basic commitment of Kant’s, it is puzzling to many that he does not consider democracy a minimal condition on a legitimate state. In addition, many find Kant ideas of reform or improvement of the historical states we have inherited vague and confusing. The aim of this paper is to untangle both puzzles by exploring Kant’s idea of self-governance. I argue that Kant’s idea of self-governance gives us a very good starting point for thinking about how to leave room for a variety of political systems—different ideals—that have grown out of and responding to different contingent historical and cultural circumstances. It also helps us id entify those areas where we want to take extra care to build in safeguards to secure stability and to take sufficiently seriously humankind’s truly nasty sides. Autogovernanca e Reforma no Republicanismo Liberal de Kant - Teoria Ideal e Nao-Ideal na Doutrina do Direito em Kant No centro da filosofia juridico-politica de Kant esta um ideal liberal, republicano de justica compreendido em termos de independencia privada (nao-dominacao) e sujeicao as leis publicas que garantem a liberdade para todos os cidadaos como iguais. Dado este compromisso basico de Kant, e intrigante para muitos que ele nao considere a democracia uma condicao minima para um Estado legitimo. Alem disso, muitos consideram as ideias de Kant quanto a reforma ou melhoria dos estados historicos que herdamos, vagas e confusas. O objetivo deste artigo e desembaracar os dois quebra-cabecas explorando a ideia de auto-governanca de Kant. Eu argumento que a ideia de auto-governanca de Kant nos da um bom ponto de partida para pensar em como deixar espaco para uma variedade de sistemas politicos — diferentes ideais — que cresceram e responderam a diferentes contingencias historicas e circunstâncias culturais. Tambem nos ajuda a identificar as areas em que queremos ter um cuidado extra para construir salvaguardas para garantir a estabilidade segura e para levar suficientemente a serio os lados verdadeiramente desagradaveis da humanidade.

Por qué es antidemocrática la secesión

the aim of this paper is to prove that secession is inherently undemocratic. We will review the secessionist arguments: the one that starts from a wrong idea of selfgovernment and the one that starts from liberalism. then, we will oppose objections to both: defending the value of equality; rejecting internal homogeneity claims; picking up Buchanan’s classic objections; and finally, reformulating, with Habermas and Pogge, a concept of self-government in order to deduce that it is not legitimate to draw more boundaries because an ideal democracy would require to eliminate the current borders.

Samorządna Rzeczpospolita – 25 lat samorządu w Polsce

Samorządna Rzeczpospolita – 25 lat samorządu w Polsce

Two Papers in Joint Operating Agreement Publish Meaningful Editorial Diversity

A common assumption about newspaper markets is that the competition brought about by the existence of two or more daily newspapers in a market fosters diversity and competition of ideas and news coverage.1 This competition would include different types of stories covered by the separate editorial staffs, different emphasis given to stories of similar topics, different approaches to those stories and the existence of varying ideologies and topics on the editorial page. Such competition is vital to maintain democratic government, as Classer argued in his defense of a free press:First Amendment protection ... is desirable because it fosters a robust and uninhibited press; a robust and uninhibited press is desirable because it is a press able and. presumably willing to accommodate divergent points of view; divergent points of view are desirable because they sustain public debate; public debate is desirable because it nurtures an informed citizenry; and an informed citizenry is desirable because it brings about a more perfect polity and, in the end, legitimates the very idea of self government.2The joint operating agreement (JOA) phenomenon began during the Depression as a means of easing the financial stresses of competition.3 After the first formalized agreement was formed in Albuquerque, N. M., in 1933, joint operating agreements continued to be formed until 1969, when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled such agencies were illegal. The next year, Congress passed and President Richard Nixon signed the Newspaper Preservation Act allowing newspapers to enter joint operating agreements (JOAs) in which they share costs of production, business and circulation operations while maintaining separate, competing newsrooms.4 However, it mustbe demonstrated that one of the two newspapers is in probable danger of failing. 5 A 1972 federal district court ruling found that JOAs serve to preserve editorial independence and that the act met constitutional muster.Literature ReviewFew studies deal explicitly with the effects of JOAs on the editorial diversity of the agreement's participating newspapers. Those studies that have been done offer conflicting findings, as reported by Lacy in his review of the literature.6 Lacy has found, however, that JOA newspapers more closely resemble competitive newspapers in news and editorial content than they do monopoly newspapers.7The literature on chain ownership effects on editorials and editorial pages is a bit richer. This literature is appropriate for the current study, as many JOA newspapers also are group owned. Wagenburg and Soderland's analysis of seven Canadian newspapers belonging to the same chain found no evidence that any of the papers colluded in the writing of their editorials.8 Borstel discovered little difference in editorial comment linked to ownership or competition, but he found that chain newspapers emphasized more local economic issues.9 Thrift found that group-owned papers tended to have fewer editorials of a controversial nature after purchase by a chain.10 Akhavan-Majid, Rife and Gopinath found evidence suggesting that chain ownership can have a homogenizing effect on editorial position and policy.11 In their analysis of endorsements from four national election cycles-1960, 1964, 1968 and 1972-Wackman, Gillmore, Gaziano and Dennis found that chain newspapers were more likely to endorse presidential candidates than were independently owned papers and that the degree of homogeneity among chain newspapers was high for all four elections.12 Gaziano replicated this finding in examining elections in 1976, 1980, 1984 and 1988,13 but Busterna and Hansen were unable to find the same trend in a study of presidential endorsements in the 19761984 presidential elections.14Three phenomena in newspaper markets lend importance to the determination of the effects of newspaper ownership and competition on newspaper editorial independence and diversity. They are the increase in joint operating agreements, whose number had grown, since the first formalized agreement in Albuquerque in 1933, to newspapers in 22 cities by the time of congressional adoption of the Newspaper Preservation Act in 1970;15 the decrease in the number of daily U. …

Historical and philosophical reflections on patient autonomy.

Contemporary American medical ethics was born during a period of social ferment, a key theme of which was the espousal of individual rights. Driven by complex cultural forces united in the effort to protect individuality and self-determined choices, an extrapolation from case law to rights of patients was accomplished under the philosophical auspices of 'autonomy.' Autonomy has a complex history; arising in the modern period as the idea of self-governance, it received its most ambitious philosophical elaboration in Kant's moral philosophy. In examining the Kantian construction, it is evident that neither his universal moral imperative nor his rigorous application of self-legislated ethical action can sustain our own notions of moral agency in a pragmatic, pluralistic society. But the Kantian position is useful in highlighting that self-governance is not equivalent to 'autonomy,' and this distinction defines the limits of autonomy in the clinical setting. A critique of Engelhardt's idea of 'principle of permission' is used to illustrate autonomy's eclipse as a governing principle for medical ethics.

Freedom's Law: The Moral Reading of the American Constitution.Ronald Dworkin

A familiar criticism of America’s legal culture is that judges, especially Justices of the US Supreme Court, presume to rule as philosopher kings. Ronald Dworkin was perhaps the country’s most unabashed intellectual advocate of the idea that this is just what judges ought to do. “Freedom’s Law: The Moral Reading of the American Constitution” is a collection, published in 1996, of essays by Dworkin, most of them devoted to Dworkin’s herculean ideal for the role of judges and for constitutional adjudication. This article is a review of “Freedom’s Law”, published in “Ethics” the International Journal of Social, Political, and Legal Philosophy. Dworkin attributed a high level of abstraction to such provisions of the Constitution as “equal protection” and “due process”. These phrases lay down general principle, said Dworkin, and judges ought to give them the best interpretation that moral thought can muster. Dworkin gave short shrift to the possibility that valid moral reasoning might lead to legal or political conclusions different to his own. If the Constitution really means “justice”, and the role of the courts is to tell the country what justice requires, it obviously means less scope for the people and their representatives to decide things for themselves. One good reason for interpreting the Constitution as laying down more modest and specific legal norms is therefore the idea of self-government. Otherwise, under Dworkin’s vision, the people are debarred from voting about almost anything important. But there is another good reason for more judicial modesty, and that is value pluralism. If freedom, equality, and other goals often conflict, then public policy inevitably requires rough compromises: and making compromises is the stuff of democratic politics, not of moral theory.

My Experience in the Organization of Self-Government

This article did not come into being all at once. I was nurturing the idea of self-government on the school group scale as long as a decade ago. Individual experience, an analysis of the accomplishments of others, and thoughts about unutilized possibilities—all this material lay at the basis of my perhaps subjective view on the development of self-government in the secondary specialized educational institution. Sketching the range of questions to be examined, I propose restricting self-government to two levels: the group and alltechnicum levels.

Constructing the Inner Citadel: Recent Work on the Concept of Autonomy

The metaphor of an citadel was not used approvingly when Isaiah Berlin invoked it as part of his attack on the notion of positive liberty (Berlin 1969, pp. 135 ff.). And although he scoffed at the idea that there loomed within us all an inner structure representing our selves, he was moved to admit that the idea of self-government that positive liberty is meant to capture is a value to be counted among the various elements of a free society. After all, can a person be said to be free or acting freely if the desires which produce those actions do not bear the pedigree of authenticity-the person's true desires? What account can we give of the self-critical and self-mastering capacities of a person utilized to form the desires which motivate free action? What such an account would amount to, then, is a theory of individual autonomy. And while a great deal of attention has been paid recently to this notion, much of the work done on the ideas of self-government and autonomy avoids the use of the term 'autonomy.' Nevertheless, what I wish to do in this survey is to touch on the various attempts at constructing such theories of autonomy (or what amounts to autonomy), and the resulting controversies that these have spawned. After asking whether it makes sense to talk of a single or central notion of individual autonomy at all, I will discuss some of the most influential recent theories of autonomy and the criticisms that these have faced. In Section II, I will touch on the relation of autonomy to other values (in particular utility and rights) and turn finally to the question of the value of autonomy itself.

Don Cossacks and the February Revolution

In the great Russian empire, by the twentieth century, the Cossacks had formed a well-to-do agrarian community whose privileged position as an independent state gradually evolved into a strictly military society of limited political status and autonomy. As early as the end of the nineteenth century this society was integrated into a monarchial system whose main military functions were restricted to protection and expansion of the empire; thus the role of a Cossack was limited to that of a frontiersman. To a greater extent the bonding of Cossack-Russian relations was traditionally solidified through the Cossack's unquestioning loyalty to the monarchial system and its tsar.1 No matter how strong the Cossacks' devotion to the Russian tsar, it came second to their love and devotion to their homeland, be it Don, Kuban, Terek, or any other Cossack territory. The idea of self-government, however, whether in the form of an autonomous component of Russian monarchy, as a republic, or as a territory completely independent from Russia, was for centuries nurtured in the hearts of the majority of the Cossacks. The memories of the insurrections of Emelian Pugachov, Stenka Razin, Bulavin, and the massacres under Peter the Great and Catherine n are monuments to the Cossacks' struggle for rights and independence, signifying their pride in freedom and the glorious past.2 Nevertheless, the tsar's abdication in March 1917, was a great surprise to them. It took time and propaganda from Russian political parties to make the Cossack masses realize that the tsar was gone, though the Cossacks eventually accepted the abdication without great sorrow or regret.3 Their attention immediately turned toward their