Habsburg Research Articles

The Political Communication of the Hungarian King and the Estates at the Ceremonies of the Diet between 1687 and 1765

The oration was a significant constituent of the ceremonies on the diets. In Hungarian political culture, the most luxurious ceremony was the reception of the King/Queen in the Diet (highest legislative body of the kingdom), which often meant the first meeting of the King/Queen and the His/Her subjects, since the seat of the Habsburg rulers had been in Vienna. The ceremonial entrance consisted of four stations. Firstly, one of the Catholic bishops held a speech in Wolfsthal, an Austrian village close to the Hungarian border, then the Archbishop of Esztergom welcomed the ruler at Köpcsény, at the border of the kingdom. The town clerk of Pressburg held his speech at the Vienna gate of Pressburg, and then at the castle the Archbishop of Esztergom received the ruler in the name of the clergy. The King, the Court Chancellor of Hungary and—in name of the estates—the Archbishop of Esztergom held orations at the official opening of the Diet, which was signed by the deliverance of the royal propositions, in which the ruler, exercising His/Her royal rights, prescribed the issues negotiated at the Diet. Historians have at their disposal texts of speeches (more often fragments, or short notes), which are used for content analysis of the symbolism and topicality in the communication of the king and the estates is possible. Through the analysis of these celebratory speeches, the paper illustrates some aspects of the dialogue between the ruler and the estates, and presents their reflection upon the political situation and the political language, rhetorical techniques and compositional elements they used. The political language is considered with a focus on the rulers’ depiction of the speakers, and on the usage of the rhetorical figures.

TheTwo, theOne, theMany, theNone:Rethinking the Republics of Spaniards and Indians in the Sixteenth-Century Spanish Indies

AbstractFor a half-century, the historiography on Spanish Habsburg rule suggested that the crown envisioned Indies society as best divided into two segregated sociolegal groups: the republic of the Spaniards and the republic of the Indians. This model was popularized by the eminent mid twentieth century Swedish historian Magnus Mörner and has since become a foundational concept in the field. However, using extensive archival evidence, this article suggests that the Mörner Thesis of the Two Republics is flawed. Historicizing sixteenth-century uses of the concept of the republic, it finds that contemporaries conceived of a complex social order in which many political communities such as municipalities and groups of petitioners could overlap within larger meta-republics, such as the Indies republic and the Christian faith-republic. It then turns to subjects’ uses of the two republics, noting that this conceptual duality appeared rarely in the petitions of Spanish officials, commoners, Indians, Afro-descendants, and mestizos, and was also rare in royal and viceregal legislation. Moreover, this binary most often served to suggest Spaniards’ and Indians’ common ground. The article then reflects on other approaches to understanding the Indies’ Spanish-Indian binary, the place of non-Spanish, non-Indian vassals within republic-thinking, and the staggering complexity of Indies laws, categories, and social interactions.

The Agony of Historic Western Hungary and the Birth of Burgenland (1914-1921)

Many know that one of the most important consequences of the First World War was the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Yet only few know that the two defeated allies – Austria and Hungary – had not only lost large territories of their own to the neighbouring successors states, but they were also engaged in serious border dispute with each other between 1918 and 1921. This desperate struggle may seem as if it came out of nowhere since the three historic counties that composed the Western periphery of Hungary did not really suffered from deep political or social conflicts before the war, at least not on the surface and comparing to other multi-ethnic regions of Central and Eastern Europe. If we picture the old Habsburg Empire as a jigsaw puzzle then the Western Hungarian counties should be imagined as those oddly shaped interlocking and mosaiced pieces that geographically as well as culturally connected the two halves of the empire. Although the long but narrow area along the Western border of the Kingdom of Hungary was dominantly German-speaking for centuries, both countries were under Habsburg rule under which questioning the historical borders would have been simply unreasonable. This radically changed around the turn-of-the century when modern nationalism broke through in public life and became a main driving force behind political aspirations. The disintegration of historic Western Hungary and birth of Burgenland were a very complicated process in which regard the significance of nationalism and its radicalization in the Great War cannot be underestimated.

Territorial disputes between Poland and Czechoslovakia 1938–1945

The historical point of view is important to fully understand foreign affairs. For Polish-Czech relations the crucial period in this respect is 1918–1945. The matter of the conflict were borderlands, with the most important one – Zaolzie, that is, historical lands of the Duchy of Cieszyn beyond Olza River. Originally, the land belonged to the Crown of the Polish Kingdom, then to the Kingdom of Bohemia and Austrian Habsburg dynasty. After World War I, local communities took control of the land. Czechoslovakian military intervention and a conflict with Bolsheviks caused both parties to agree to the division of Zaolzie through arbitration of powers in 28 July 1920. Until 1938, key parts of Zaolzie belonged to Czechoslovakia. In that year, Poland decided to annex territories lost according to the arbitration. After World War II tension between Poland and Czechoslovakia heightened again. Czechoslovakia made territorial claims on parts of Silesia belonging to Germany. Poland once more tried to reclaim Zaolzie, but military invasion was stopped by Stalin. Negotiations failed, but the escalation of the conflict was stopped. Two years later the relationship between the parties was eventually normalized, the final agreement was signed in 1958 and it is still in place today.

Slavic activists and socio-political situation in Bosnia at the turn of the 19th century. The Foundations of the contemporary ethnic divisions

The aim of the article is to show the forms and content of public and political activity of the Slavic elites in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the time of Habsburg rule (1878–1914). The research into the press releases and academic publications allows to show the most prominent circles and individuals who aspired to be the representatives of the people, defined in accordance with ethnic and religious divisions. These groups are characterised via an analysis of the correlation between the socio-political circumstances in Bosnia and the external influences (such as ideologies, personal and organisation relations, the impact of the state authorities). The political stances among the most prominent circles are portrayed in the context of the legal and institutional solutions regarding Bosnia, as well as the ethnic and religious policy of the Habsburg administration.

La Monarchie des Habsbourg et le Saint-Empire d’après les Voyages de Montesquieu

Dans ses récits de voyage, Montesquieu écrivit peu d’observations sur les États de la Maison de Habsbourg. Ils ne lui servirent pas de modèle pour sa réflexion sur les systèmes politiques. Il goûta pourtant les charmes de son séjour à Vienne. Mais, arrivé à Venise, il y critiqua le poids de la domination autrichienne, avant que la découverte du système prussien ne le conduisît à reconsidérer la « douceur » du gouvernement des Habsbourg.

National indeterminacies at the periphery of the Habsburg Monarchy: Nationalisms versus multi‐ethnic identities in Fiume/Rijeka and Trieste, 1848–1867

AbstractIn the 1848–1867 period, the Habsburg Monarchy was shaken by the first waves of nationalism. Yet in the case of the Habsburg port cities of Fiume/Rijeka and Trieste, contended by several different opponents, Italian and Croatian nationalisms had to face centuries‐long traditions of municipal autonomy. In both cities, municipalism and attachment to the House of Habsburg were particularly strong and were coupled with local urban identities that defied national forms of identifications, insofar as they were ethnically and linguistically hybrid. Nationalist activists sought to exploit ethnic and linguistic elements as markers of defined national identities, yet without widespread success. The final demise of the Habsburg Monarchy in 1918 has been generally taken as proof of the cogency of nationalist discourse, especially the Italian, in the region. However, the northern Adriatic rim points to the forcefulness of Habsburg multinationalism and the existence of ethnic hybridity, which provided effective bulwarks against nationalisms for decades.

Celebrations at the Royal Court and Their Reception in the Festive Life of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth

The author traces the transition of the royal court of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth to the Western European model of court ceremonies, which lasted for almost two centuries, from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries. Initially, they followed the ceremonial models of the House of Habsburg and, starting in the 1640s, the French ceremonial, refined at the Versailles of Louis XIV. Meant to extol the monarch in the eyes of subjects, such ceremonies became widespread under kings of the House of Vasa, Michał Korybut Wiśniowiecki, Jan III Sobieski, and the House of Wettin. Many etiquette elements and ceremonial patterns were borrowed and adapted to the needs of the wealthy Polish and Lithuanian nobility, who followed the example of the royal court in Krakow and Warsaw. The author concludes that the borrowed cultural models had a significant influence on the everyday life of residences and palaces and on the theatricalisation of private aristocratic ceremonies, which was reflected in the way nobles dressed, moved, the style of music they played, and in illumination and the use of fireworks. Balls grew considerably more important; in the eighteenth century, opera and play productions attracted more interest. These elements are the most significant borrowings from the ceremonial practices of the Western European and local royal courts of the Warsaw-Dresden House of Wettin. However, the ceremonial culture of the Polish-Lithuanian aristocracy retained a number of traditional elements, which is especially noticeable in the organisation of weddings, funerals, and religious rituals. The author maintains that in magnate and aristocratic courts, they followed a ceremonial pattern which united elements of both traditional and new types of ceremonies. A similar tendency was characteristic of Russia, where in the eighteenth century, traditional customs were integrated into a new system of organising celebrations borrowed from Western Europe while retaining a number of unique elements.

Die Rechtslage des Grundbesitzes im Spiegel der Lehre von der Heiligen Krone

In relation to the Doctrine of the Holy Crown there are two opposing views. In one of the opinions the state power and the lands belonged to the Holy Crown, and for this reason the decisions about the lands had to be made by the ruler and the orders together. In the other opinion the state power and the lands belonged to the ruler, and for this reason the relation between the king and the person who was donated with a land was a private legal connection. Although the mineral resources originally belonged to the Holy Crown, in the course of time the Habsburg rulers achieved that they could dispose alone, without the consent of the orders, over the mine revenues. In this way, by the 18th century, the relation between the king and the mining contractors became a private legal connection. Comparing the rules of the Bergregal and the rules related to the lands we can conclude that the lands belonged to the Holy Crown, and not to the ruler.

El escenario del valido: el conde-duque de Olivares y el Palacio del Buen Retiro

El palacio del Buen Retiro fue uno de los grandes símbolos del valimiento del conde-duque de Olivares, además de una de las grandes empresas constructivas y decorativas del reinado de Felipe IV. Comenzado a construir de forma discreta a partir de 1629, en este real sitio el valido concentró buena parte de sus energías y de los numerosos recursos que estaban a su alcance con el objetivo de crear un gran escenario en el que la majestad de Felipe el Grande brillara de múltiples maneras. Gracias a nuevo material inédito, profundizaremos sobre cómo don Gaspar de Guzmán utilizó el real sitio que tanto admiró a cortesanos y embajadores de toda Europa para ejercer y afianzar su valimiento exaltando la figura de Felipe IV y la Casa de Austria y vinculando a su fama y poder, su nombre y el de su linaje.

'Nuevo epiciclo al gran rubí del día'. El duque de Lerma, la danza cortesana y la imagen del poder

Este artículo propone explorar la compleja interrelación entre Felipe III y el duque de Lerma, su valido, a través de un prisma poco utilizado por la historiografía: la danza cortesana. En la muy ambiciosa política festiva del valido, la danza ocupa un papel especial que responde al gusto específico del monarca por este arte y que no tendrá equivalentes en la posteridad bajo los Austrias. En este contexto, la danza cortesana es uno de los soportes de la representación alegórica de la monarquía que opera en las fiestas reales. Partiendo de estas premisas, el artículo se pregunta cómo la danza afecta a este sistema de representación cuando está en manos del valido, es decir, no solo un partícipe cualquiera de las danzas, sino aquel que baila al lado del rey y, sobre todo, aquel que termina teniendo suficiente poder como para costear saraos o máscaras capaces de emular la magnificencia real.

Connected Empires, Connected News

This paper analyzes the information that was disseminated in the Netherlands and Spain—and other territories connected to the latter such as Portugal and Flanders under Habsburg rule—about the taking by the Dutch of the city of San Salvador de Bahia in Brazil, and his subsequent recovery by a Spanish-Portuguese expedition (1624–1625). Despite the different communicative structures, these national journalisms shared professional strategies to inform about the conflicts that occurred in the distant Brazilian lands. Given the difficulty of informing promptly and truthfully, the discourse of the Dutch and Spanish newspapers about their colonies alternates between the information explosion and silence, depending on the alternation between victories and defeats in American territory. News was as connected as were the empires that controlled vast territories in Europe and America, despite the ideological and religious differences of the era.

Autobiographische Ungarnbilder aus dem Exil im Vergleich

Abstract In this article, the author examines three autobiographical texts. These represent three different languages, three subgenres and two writers. The leading question is which patterns, motives and figures of thought determine the image of a country for the examined writer, and which of these become symbols of the fatherland in hindsight. The author’s main goal is therefore not to test the texts’ factual truth. Instead, three variants of emotional fictionalisation of patriotism are compared. By doing so, the author seeks to answer the question how factual truth is used, how autofiction and fictionality are created, and by which means and for what goal these images of the abandoned fatherland have become fictionalised. This question is treated in the context of the Habsburg dynasty’s imperial ambitions and of national resistance to it.

Escritoras monjas. Autoridad y autoría en la escritura conventual femenina de los Siglos de Oro

Escritoras monjas. Autoridad y autoría en la escritura conventual femenina de los Siglos de Oro

Mark Cornwall and John Paul Newman, eds, Sacrifice and Rebirth: The Legacy of the Last Habsburg War

Mark Cornwall and John Paul Newman, eds, <i>Sacrifice and Rebirth: The Legacy of the Last Habsburg War</i>

Die Beurteilung des Böhmischen Aufstands im Pamphlet vom Winter 1618/1619

The study analyses and makes available the pamphlet Pasquill von itzigem Zustandt des Kriegswesens from 1618/1619, which has been preserved in a manuscript version in the collections of the Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden. It may be assumed that it was delivered with other reports to the court of Elector Johann Georg I of Saxony, who took a strong interest in the development of the Bohemian. The author of the pamphlet provides a list of influential persons, power groups and countries which could fundamentally intervene in the conflict between the Habsburg rulers and the Bohemian Estates. In each case he added a comment describing the current position of the individual, his past and his plans. At the same time, he clearly sided with the Bohemian uprising, which he attempted to defend in the eyes of the undecided. He was therefore merciless in his criticism, especially in his discussion of various members of the Habsburg dynasty, their followers and troops. However, he also employed irony against certain insurgents who, in his opinion, were acting too harshly or prioritizing their own goals. His text therefore represents an extraordinary example of an ironic evaluation of the contemporary military and political situation by an educated and engaged person.

The Complex Mother: Maria Anna of Inner Austria and the Entanglement of the Vasa, Habsburg and Wittelsbach Dynasties

Maria Anna of Inner Austria became the mother-in-law of King Sigismund III of Poland-Lithuania (1566–1632) twice due to the marriages of her two daughters, Anna and Constance. This role placed Maria Anna in a position between the dynasties of the House of Wittelsbach (into which she was born), the House of Habsburg (into which she married) and the House of Vasa (into which her daughters married), thus giving her a prominent, albeit informal, position in the structure of early modern foreign relations. Maria Anna had multiple loyalties that she could use depending on the situation. Hostilities that arose on the basis that she was too Bavarian or too Austrian demonstrate that the changing loyalties of the Archduchess between the dynasties were being discussed at the time. Ultimately, the mother-in-law played an important role in the mediation of further kinship relations, serving as an important link between several dynasties.

Localness, Identity, and the Historic City. New Elites in the Autonomous Galician Lviv

This article explores the urban elites of Lviv during its autonomous era under Habsburg rule. The elites included not only state and municipal officials but also ‘self-proclaimed’ groups of local patriots, whose main point of reference was their city and maintaining its respectability. The issue of the preservation of secular monuments in the city (mainly the Old Town) is dealt with, as well as the history of selected grassroots associations, like the Society of the Friends of Old Lviv and the Society for the Embellishment of the City of Lviv and Its Surroundings. The author argues that by investigating the institutions which took care of the physical space of the city and its buildings, it is possible to delve into the identity of the elites in question. He further argues that it was not only the imperial and national identity that was reflected in the sources, but also a purely local one, which points to the issue of localness as an important category of research.

A bányahivatalnokok jogi helyzete Magyarországon a 18. században

A Habsburg uralkodók központosítási törekvései a bányaigazgatás területén a 18. században felerősödtek. Ezzel el kívánták érni, hogy a bányákból befolyó hasznokról a rendeket kizárva, egyedül tudjanak dönteni. Ehhez szükséges volt a rendektől elszakított hivatalnoki kar felállítása, amit a tisztviselőkre vonatkozó aprólékos szabályozással tudtak megvalósítani. A hivatalnokok jogi helyzetének bemutatása az abszolutizmus működésének feltárásához is segítséget nyújt.

The Tragic End of Bona Sforza and Roxelana (La tragica fine della Regina Bona Sforza e della Sultana Roxelana)

This is an attempt to compare events related to the tragic end of the life of Queen Bona Sforza d’Aragona and Hürrem Sultan (also known as Roxelana). The main portion of the story is preceded by a section relating Bona’s journey from Poland to Italy and outlines the context of political connections to the House of Habsburg. Accordingly, reasons for the grant of the loan by Bona Sforza to Philip II King of Spain are discussed. As we know, this put a tragic end to the life of the Polish queen. Even if Bona Sforza was a victim of Habsburgs’ actions aimed against her, with a considerable participation of Gian Lorenzo Pappacoda, Roxelana – treated in this text a reference point for Bona – fell victim to her own intrigues. Bona’s and Roxelana’s political activity focused on the same area in Europe. Roxelana’s acts led to the death of two sons of Suleiman the Magnificent: Mustafa and Bayezid. In turn, Bona, who was defeated by the Habsburgs, abandoned her daughter Isabella, who fought against the dynasty. Her aim was to secure the future of her son and Bona Sforza’s grandson – Jan Zygmunt Zapolya.