Horizontal Solidarity Research Articles

Disability studies in war and care: How to do work otherwise? A conversation between anthropology‐and‐disability‐studies scholars in relation to Russia's invasion of Ukraine

AbstractThis piece weaves together the voices of four feminist disability studies scholars and anthropologists whose work has been profoundly shaped by Russia's war of aggression. Composed via a dialogic encounter, it is based on a panel presentation on the topic of disability studies in war and care that took place at the University of Massachusetts Amherst just before the 1‐year mark of the full‐scale invasion. We came together to share insights and consider the best ways to practice horizontal solidarity, our approach inspired by recent work on feminist epistemology and methodology and scholarship on care, and disability studies. The text assumes a dialogic form, presenting our reflections as well as the contexts that shape our knowledge production and sharing the process of scaffolding our “Dis‐Fem” conversation. In dialogue with the decolonizing discussions that animate feminist, anthropological, and Slavic Studies, as well as critical disability scholarship, it centers on the work of Ukrainian scholar‐activists associated with the organization of people with disabilities (OPD) Fight For Right. In foregrounding their work, it traces the creative ways they've mobilized data and the experimental and collaborative data practices they've harnessed. Finally, it asks questions about trans‐local solidarities we can enact and ways we might forge novel, “otherwise” ways to collaborate.

A Peasant’s Satire of the Politics of Debt (Luke 16:1–8a)

This article reads the parable of the unjust steward (Luke 16:1–8a) using a social-scientific method, particularly the anthropology of agrarian patron-client relations. Here I delineate a model of the erosion of patron-client bonds, based on the work of James C. Scott and others, and the emergence of horizontal solidarity and mutual aid (“balanced reciprocity”). I relate this model to the peasant’s burden of debt, particularly in Jesus’ world. As commercialization develops in an agrarian society patron-client bonds begin to erode, and peasants begin to understand these bonds as relations of exploitation. Consequently, subversive ideology develops, evident in peasant folktales directed against the wealthy and powerful. Accordingly, I argue that the parable of the unjust steward is a satire aimed at landlord-patrons who perpetuate the burden of debt.

По ту сторону утопии. Два взгляда на постиндустриальный труд

Statism and anarchism are a binary opposition that divides Marxists into two irreconcilable camps. This opposition was felt especially irresistible during the Iron Curtain. But already in the 1980s, both in Soviet philosophy and in European Marxism, the idea of dialogue and communication was actively gaining popularity, which called for compromise between opponents. And today, when the depoliticizing nature of late capitalism tendentiously smooth out “rough edges,” imposing radical centrism according to Anthony Gidden contradictions completely lose their fundamental importance. Within the framework of this hypothesis, the author constructs a theoretical dialogue between Italian post-Operatism (Antonio Negri, Paolo Virno, Franco Berardi, Maurizio Lazzarato, etc.) and domestic cultural philosophies (Vladimir Bibler, Vadim Mezhuyev, Nal Zlobin, Moses Kagan, Arnold Arnoldov, etc.), which are usually located at opposite poles of the political spectrum: postoperatives are known as anarchists, and cultural philosophers are more conservative and rather closer to the Social Democrats. Both schools, referring to Karl Marx’s early works, analyze a new reality where the role of the main producer is occupied by a cultural person (scientist/artist) or a postindustrial worker. Both schools experience a certain affect of disappointment in radical political changes, and therefore see the main way to improve society no longer in political struggle, but in culture and communication. But while Italian Marxists urge to seek horizontal solidarity in subcultures, cultural philosophers take a position of power, developing pedagogical programs to make from proletariat the so-called cognitariat. The post-operatives label the new society emerging with the term “Empire.” The author of the article draws parallels between the new Empire and the late USSR, in which cultural philosophers worked. The article compares critical and apologetic views on post- Fordist production, as well as examines two proposed Enlightenment projects. The article attempts to demonstrate the theoretical similarities of the two directions and lays a certain foundation for their convergence with the aim of creating a dialectical theory that would combine both elements of pedagogy and a program of horizontal solidarity.

Representing Women in the Struggle for Socialism: Alexandra Kollontai and Lydia Chukovskaia as Alternatives to Socialist Realism

Mainstream Socialist Realism had a fundamentally gender stereotyping of women from the 1930s. By contrast, Alexandra Kollontai in the 1920s (The Love of Worker Bees) was socialist, feminist, and realist, but not Socialist Realist. She presented a critique of an emergent new hierarchy, and also challenged the re-inscription of patriarchal norms. Lydia Chukovskaya, writing immediately after the Great Terror, (Sofia Petrovna, written 1939-40) produced a text that started in a typical Socialist Realist mode only to reveal the brutality of Stalinist terror and subverted the Socialist Realist structure by positing the possibility that only horizontal solidarity of communities of the oppressed, rather than a top-down party led hierarchy, could provide wider ideas and awareness.

The Ideology of Social Traditionalism (Social Tradition)

The Ideology of Social Traditionalism (Social Tradition) scientifi c manifesto off ers a modern concept of traditionalism. Today, this line is based on the principles of “double” social solidarity: both between contemporaries (horizontal solidarity) and intergenerational (vertical solidarity). The idea of the fi rst type of solidarity has historically evolved against the background of the leftist thought. The second type of solidarity dates back to classical traditionalism. It insists on placing the priority on the historical heritage, traditional values and on the rejection of historical gaps in public life. According to the author, the relevance of social traditionalism (social tradition) is growing as the crisis of neoliberal globalism deepens and currently observed deglobalization processes accelerate. The opposition of the ideas of social justice and traditional values is one of the false alternatives imposed on the society. It emerged and is still maintained within the framework of the ideology of neoliberalism, which is now in a state of decay. The article highlights the common value basis of colonialism, Nazism and neoliberal globalism. A way out of the historical impasse is possible if two conditions are met: the neoliberal ideology must be rejected and the cultural and spiritual connection with the native tradition — authentic Christianity — must be restored. After the ideological paradigm and the socioeconomic model are changed, the synthesis of socialist and traditionalist ideas can take priority in the society. The right-wing traditionalism needs to be opposed to the left-wing social traditionalism, in which the ethics of justice comes fi rst. Instead of the classic triad “conservatism—liberalism—socialism”, the society will have to develop within another political triangle: “nationalism—socialism—traditionalism”. Social traditionalism assumes the equality of nations, peoples and cultures, aff irms their incomparability, incommensurability and uniqueness. It also advocates the society governed by the social justice and supports the overcoming of painful historical gaps in the life of each people. The author proceeds on the basis that “tradition is a set of ways to preserve the historical continuity based on endowing inheritance procedures with ethical meaning”. Tradition is a method of social and cultural construction rather than a subject of restoration. The basis of the Russian (Russian-Byzantine) tradition and identity can be defi ned using the well-known formula by Max Weber as follows: “Orthodox Ethics and the Spirit of Solidarity”.

Self-Help, Natality and ‘Civic Growth’

This paper examines the role that SHGs (self-help groups) have played in the creation of ‘civic growth’ and changing electoral politics in India. Based on ethnographic engagement in a village in West Bengal before and after the formation of these groups, the impact of the transformative effect of these groups on women is placed in a wider political context. The activity of the SHG enabled horizontal solidarities to emerge despite the vertical divisions in village society and successfully challenge the status quo. It builds on a growing literature on women’s empowerment and capacity for collective action through SHGs to show that the notion of ‘empowerment’ can be extended to include the capability for active citizenship and skills in how to do politics, what Arendt calls ‘natality’.

‘Working at becoming a communist’: institutional belonging and political self-making of women in the Communist Party of India (Marxist)

ABSTRACT Gendered relations of power contribute to the signification inherent in political parties. The formal rules and informal processes through which hegemonic gender regimes are reproduced and contested in the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) are subjected to Feminist Institutionalist analysis here. In addition, the institutional belonging and political self-making of women party members are also assessed in the state of West Bengal. The experiential concepts of institutional belonging and self-making can enhance Feminist institutionalist research by identifying the processes that shape gendered behaviour of actors in institutions. The idealised revolutionary communist subjectivity that represents the institutional standard of appropriateness of gendered behaviour in the CPI(M) is explored. The co-constitutive relationship between institutions and political subjectivities is elaborated. The paper argues that the institutional belonging and political self-making of women in the CPI(M) are characterised by a politics of boundary-creation from as well as horizontal solidarities with fellow women colleagues.

For Better or Worst: The Social Bond of Hysterics on Strike

The social bond of the group or culture writ large, for both Freud and Lacan, is predicated on something that exceeds simple social convention, contract, or historical mode of production. This is evinced, for Freud, by his myth of the primal horde and his notion of how groups cohere through a vertical, fantasmatic identification with any given leader and their connection with the dead Father. For his part, Lacan generated his theory of the four discourses as a structural—and, indeed, more plausible—account of how social relations are impossible yet work nevertheless. He mapped these on the basis of what Freud called the impossible professions: education, governance, and psychoanalysis. For Lacan, these are what he calls discourses, particularly the university discourse (education), the master’s discourse (governing), the analyst’s discourse (psychoanalysis, transforming or revolutionizing), and, Lacan adds, the hysteric’s discourse (desiring and protesting). The latter’s innovative addition is what I explore in this paper: how the hysteric makes and breaks institutions with their desire by “going on a kind of strike.” The social bond, for Lacan, is demonstrated most dramatically by the hysteric on strike; as he says, “A strike is the most social thing there is in the whole world. It represents fabulous respect for the social bond.” Herein, I elucidate the discursive power of the hysteric’s social bond, and how it offers a more thoroughgoing way to think of horizontal solidarity as an alternative to Freud’s leader-led patriarchal civilization.

Solidarity in Action at a Time of Crisis: The Role of Employee Voice in Relation to Communication and Horizontal Solidarity Behaviour

AbstractSolidarity behaviour (SB) among employees is important in building a sense of community in organizations, particularly within a crisis context where adverse working conditions prevail. However, we have limited knowledge concerning how SB develops. Using the lens of social exchange theory, this study examines how top‐down communication and employee voice relate to horizontal (employee to emplCoyee) SB. We conducted two comprehensive studies during the Greek economic crisis and found that the relationship between top‐down employee communication and horizontal SB is mediated by employee voice. The paper extends our existing knowledge in the fields of management and human resource management by advancing our understanding of horizontal SB, highlighting the role of top‐down employee communication as an effective human resource practice and delineating the role of employee voice in fostering workplace camaraderie in small and medium‐sized enterprises under crisis.

The Insertion of Person References Motivated by Pragmatic Differences in Estonian-English-Japanese Facebook Communication

Sociopragmatic differences have been examined between many languages and cultures, including English and Japanese. However, Estonian and Japanese have yet to be compared, and thus this data of EstonianEnglish-Japanese communication on Facebook offers a look at a type of code-switching that is caused by the sociopragmatic differences between Estonian and Japanese – i.e. the insertion of person references from Japanese to Estonian and English utterances by native Estonians. I am using the Estonian-English-Japanese Facebook communication dataset from Kilp (2021) with new added conversations. The data consist of synchronous private Facebook messages between 2015 and 2021: a total of 7 informants, 50 conversations and 14,681 tokens. A usage-based approach and a qualitative analysis are applied to the data from individual informants and particular cases. These data show that a perception of pragmatic differences causes the insertions of the Japanese person references, senpai ‘senior’ and sensei ‘teacher’, in various forms (affixed to the name, replacing the name, elongated, capitalised, in the Latin alphabet, in Japanese script) in Estonian and English utterances, while factors such as vertical hierarchy, horizontal solidarity and (situational) salience play an important role in facilitating insertion. Keywords: deixis, code-switching, vocative, usage-based approach, contact linguistics, computer-mediated communication, salience, Estonian, English, Japanese

ФОРМУВАННЯ НАЦІОНАЛЬНОЇ ІДЕНТИЧНОСТІ УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ МОЛОДІ В УМОВАХ РОСІЙСЬКО-УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ ВІЙНИ

The article reveals the conceptual foundations for the formation of Ukrainian youth national identity during the Russian-Ukrainian war. Based on an interdisciplinary approach, the theoretical aspects of national identity formation are highlighted. Attention is paid to the fact that an interdisciplinary approach allows identifying the problems of national identity formation, related to both the need to outline the value and meaning content, as well as the risks of informational, political and military confrontation. The article emphasizes that the question of the formation of Ukrainian youth national identity during social changes, military operations and value crisis acquires meaningful content, because the actualization of the historical and cultural heritage and national processes is imposed on the axiologically heterogeneous and fragmented modern socio-cultural space. The difficulty of forming the national identity is that it consists of social, economic, political and cultural signs of Ukrainian unity, represent the national space, without denying the right to reproduce other identities. Special attention needs to be paid to the creation of common socio-cultural space as a horizontal solidarity of society, based on the dominant values of national identity. It was found that an important basis for the further reproduction of Ukrainianness in Ukraine and abroad is spiritual heritage and national traditional dimensions, which form the basis of the national existence of Ukraine and allow to feel a constant connection with the Motherland.

Educating the New Soviet Man: Propagated Image and Hidden Resistance in Soviet Latvia

The New Soviet Man has been studied primarily from the perspective of its creators, propagators of Communist ideology, while the recipients of the New Soviet Man project and its immediate end users, namely pupils and teachers were largely ignored. Hence, the present research, while capturing and utilizing the experience of Soviet Latvia from 1945 to 1985, sets the research questions as to how the image of the New Soviet Man was presented and introduced at schools and how the concept of the New Soviet Man was perceived and utilised by the “objects” of this state contract – teachers and pupils. The research corpus includes 26 textbooks, 265 school photos and 367 student profile records. For the research purposes, four discursive domains of the New Soviet Man project were identified, namely, socio-biological discourse (gender, body, sexuality and health); social discourse (social class); spatial discourse (nationality) and discourse of individuality (personality, character traits). Given that the dictatorship unavoidably engenders the conflict of interests and resistance, the research corpus allowed to detect some tiny openings for the oppressed to express their views, some elements of pupils’ and teachers’ subtle resistance to the creation of the New Soviet Man, by using horizontal solidarity, avoidance, and slipping into the Grey Zone.

Constructing collective identities and solidarity in premiers\u2019 early speeches on COVID-19: a global perspective

The COVID-19 pandemic has prompted a unique global experience, arousing both exclusionary nationalistic and inclusionary responses of solidarity. This article aims to explore the discursive and linguistic means by which the COVID-19 pandemic, as a macro-event, has been translated into local micro-events. The analysis studies the global pandemic through the initial statements of 29 leading political actors across four continents. The aim is to examine discursive constructions of solidarity and nationalism through the social representation of inclusion/exclusion of in-, out-, and affiliated groups. The comparative analysis is based on the theoretical and methodological framework of the socio-cognitive approach to critical discourse analysis and is informed by argumentation theory and nationalism studies. The results of our analysis suggest that leaders have constructed the virus as the main outgroup through the metaphors of the pandemic-as-war and the pandemic-as-movement which have entered the national space. Faced with this threat, these speeches have discursively constructed the nation-as-a-team as the main in-group and prioritized (1) a vertical type of solidarity based on nationhood and according to governmental plans; (2) exclusionary solidarity against rule-breakers; (3) horizontal solidarity that is both intergenerational and among family members, and (4) transnational solidarity. It is not by chance that the world stands as a relevant affiliated group that needs to forcibly collaborate in order to face the main outgroup, the virus itself. A major consensus has been found in constructing the out-group. In contrast, the linguistic and discursive constructions of in-groups and their affiliates display a greater variation, depending upon the prevalent discursive practices and social context within different countries.

Hiding in Plain Sight: Black Women, the Law, and the Making of a White Argentine Republic

Hiding in Plain Sight is a new contribution to the study of African descendants in the Río de la Plata and one of the few works in English to examine continuities and transformations in race relations from the late colonial to the early national period. The title refers to the relative success that some African-descended women and their families from the province of Córdoba achieved in “whitening” their social status and erasing their African and mixed-race past. In Erika Edwards's analysis, a number of mulata and parda concubines, wives, and mothers “negotiated their own invisibility” as a result of a conscious generational strategy to ascend to whiteness and claim the social privileges restricted to those publicly recognized to possess a white identity (p. 2). Like Ann Twinam in her study on whiteness in Spanish America secured through the colonial gracias al sacar petitions, Edwards finds that “whitened” women in Córdoba most often achieved social mobility through relations with white men. Case studies drawn from an examination of ecclesiastical and civil court cases as well as Bourbon and early nineteenth-century censuses provide examples of slave concubines and wives of white men whose children were manumitted or registered in the book of “white” baptisms, and several women were recognized with the honorifics of señora or doña. According to Hiding in Plain Sight, institutional policies to whiten society eclipsed African-descended women's individual strategies in the late colonial and early republican periods. This project by provincial authorities sought to enlighten and discipline the large nonwhite population. By the 1832 census for the province's capital city, the myriad racial distinctions for those of African descent had collapsed into one category, “pardo”—a result, Edwards argues, of a shift “from an identity based on reputation and social and moral attributes to an identity based on inherited traits” (p. 44).Hiding in Plain Sight depicts Córdoba as a conservative society, jealous to maintain white privilege. The first two chapters detail the rise of a significant free casta population in the city of Córdoba by the 1770s in the context of constantly policed social boundaries. Slave families often created social networks that allowed them to purchase the freedom of children and wives. Edwards also uncovers examples of slaves who petitioned the state to emancipate them by arguing that they were Indians and thus illegally in bondage. Bourbon efforts to reestablish social hierarchy increased surveillance of the poor and nonwhite population suspected of idleness and immorality but also established new schools to uplift them from their “barbaric and ignorant state” (p. 33). Edwards studies how these attitudes were preserved after independence by governing elites who closely held political power, even as they recruited slaves for independence armies, freed slaves born after 1813 at adulthood, and further expanded access to public schools in order to impart new behaviors and mores to mixed-race girls and future mothers. According to Edwards, “manumitted African descendants enrolled in these schools to whiten themselves” (p. 104).The following chapters are organized thematically, examining the paths to freedom and respectability that African-descended women chose. Despite legal and customary restrictions, some women of African descent found in concubinage, marriage, and manumission means for social mobility. In one case study, the light-skinned slave mistress of a priest was able to “escape . . . blackness” by violating late colonial sumptuary laws, acting as the señora of the household and dressing with luxurious clothes appropriate for that role (p. 49). In other cases, women of alleged African descent contested the 1776 Royal Pragmatic, which prohibited “unequal marriages,” by seeking to prove their Spanish or Indian genealogy; in eight documented cases, slave women married Spanish men and achieved freedom for themselves and their children. Manumission was most often granted by slave owners in recognition of valued service. Edwards also points to the role of slave mothers as court supplicants seeking to free their children by claiming an Indian identity, appealing for enforcement of the 1813 Free Womb law for their children, or asserting that slave owners had forfeited their rights by acting dishonorably. Edwards underscores the agency of women of African descent in pursuing the privileges of whiteness. She does acknowledge that this path was not possible for those women without white allies or light skin (p. 3). Yet we know much less about the African-descended community who might have pursued horizontal solidarities and made it more difficult to render Blacks invisible in Argentina. Similarly, though much of the analysis examines legal cases, we know relatively little of the role of learned intermediaries, such as colonial notaries and court-appointed defensores de pobres, in shaping the identities that women asserted in these public forums.

Solidarity at Work During an Economic Crisis

Solidarity behavior among employees is important to the effective functioning of organizations, particularly within the context of a crisis where adverse working conditions prevail. There is, however, a scarcity of knowledge in relation to the process by which solidarity behavior emerges in organizations. Using the lens of social exchange theory, this study examines how top-down employee communications and employee voice, as high-performance work practices, relate to horizontal (employee to employee) solidarity behavior. Based on two studies conducted within a year at the heart of the Greek crisis we found that the relationship between employee communications and horizontal solidarity behavior is mediated by employee voice. This paper advances our theoretical understanding of the construct of horizontal solidarity behavior, highlights the role of employee communications as an effective HR practice, and delineates the role of perceived employee voice in fostering support among co-workers and building workplace camaraderie.

A Study on Intersectionality of Feminist Family Romance -Focused on Novels of Kim Yi Seol

In novels by Kim Yi Seol, familial relationship is developed based on a plot of ‘mother-daughter’. It is opposed to ‘Family Romance’ of S. Freud, which is unfold on a basis of the Oedipean relation between ‘father and son’. The feminist defiance to a normal family centered on a man, which has become prominent since 2000, is being realized as the ‘Feminist Family Romance’. In other words, in novels by Kim Yi Seol, female characters maintain the relationship of non-separation with their mother from whom they were forced to be separated to go into paternal order and stay in ‘semiosphere chora’. Making a crack in ‘The Symbolic’ centered on father, they also show the flexibility to reject idealization of maternity at the same time. (Chap. 2). In addition, as for the relation with their father(husband), they not desire but reject them. Therefore, even if a female body comes to arrive at abjection, they disturb ‘The Symbolic’ while actively struggling against the violent reality.(Chap. 3) As such, daughters who are not isolated from their mother and reject their father become a mother themselves(daughter-mother) or remain as the daughter of the mother(mother-daughter), sharing the female identity. Hence, rather than the vertical dominance shown from the Oedipean relation between father and son, they show the horizontal solidarity centered on the sisterhood.(Chap. 4). In such a context, ‘Feminist Family Romance’ which conducted the feminist appropriation of the existing family romance reveals Intersectionality, in which two voices made by mother and daughter interact with each other. Accordingly, Feminist Family Romance of Kim Yi Seol has significance in that it embodied the historicity and politicality of the feminist family that has been left out so far.

Vertical power structure and horizontal solidarity

In Hrodna, there were also spontaneous protests against the falsified presidential election. Hundreds of people were arrested. The power vertical in Minsk failed to bring the situation under control by these means. The size of the protests increased, and the city administration in Hrodna took matters into its own hands. It permitted the demonstrations to take place and announced the release of the prisoners. It placed its trust in the representatives of the protest movement and reached organisational agreements with them. This trust was bolstered by the fact that representatives of religious groups participated in the protests alongside workers from the large state-owned enterprises. This reinforced the societal “solidarity horizontal” against state violence. Four days later, Minsk intervened: the heads of the administration in Hrodna were replaced and the power vertical asserted its authority.

ЗАГРОЗИ НАЦІОНАЛЬНІЙ БЕЗПЕЦІ В ГУМАНІТАРНІЙ ПЛОЩИНІ: ЦІННІСНО-СМИСЛОВІ АСПЕКТИ

The research is aimed at disclosing the threats to national security in the humanitarian sphere related to the need of outlining value- and sense-bearing contents in terms of social shifts, military actions, and an axiological crisis, as the actualization of historical and cultural heritage and ethnonational processes overlaps with the axiologically inhomogeneous and fragmentary modern sociocultural space. The complexity of national security policy formation is due to the fact that it must encompass social, economic, political, and cultural features of unity; create national space without denying the right to represent other identities. Thus, it is crucial to form the common sociocultural space as horizontal solidarity of the society based on the national identity’s dominant values. The notion of national values must serve as a conceptual basis for such an approach as, along with the notion of national interests, it most fully depicts the specifics of the humanitarian sphere. The legacy of substance and spirit, as well as traditional ethnonational dimensions, which are fundamental for the national being of Ukraine and allow feeling a constant connection with the Motherland, form an essential foundation for the further representation of Ukrainians and their culture in Ukraine and abroad. The article draws attention to the insufficient depiction of humanitarian problems, the role of national values in the formation of national interests and goals in the strategic security documents of Ukraine. The fact of constructing fake identities and nourishing separatist tendencies in the regions of Ukraine as an element of hybrid warfare requires the state’s reaction. Consideration of dominant meanings and values when working on legal documents in the educational field, language issue, and ethnocultural processes will allow the prognosis of conflict situations, security threats, and elaboration of tools to avoid the crisis.

Subsistence Solidarity and the Extension of Trust: Moral Economies of Organic Farming in Northern China

The widespread phenomenon of unsafe food on the Chinese market has been argued to be both symptomatic of moral disregard for the well-being of strangers and productive of social distrust. Organic farming has grown in recent years in response to this situation, and this article discusses the ethical work of farmers based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted at one such farm in northern China. While the Community Supported Agriculture model of the farm is shown to hinge upon establishing personal trust with member households, turning strangers into associates, the entire project of organic farming is shown to be undergirded by strong expressions of solidarity with conventional farmers framed in the language of moral economy. Engaging with theories of relational morality, the article proposes instead an extended concept of moral economies that allows us to capture the coexistence of differential care alongside horizontal solidarities within the moral landscape of contemporary China.

Social Media Use for the Continuation of “The Korean Wave of K-Pop”

1990년대 후반 국소적으로 일본, 대만, 중국 등에서 한국 드라마가 인기를 얻으며 시작되었던 1세대 한류로부터 약 30년의 세월이 흘렀다. 이제는 드라마, 음악, 예능뿐만 아니라 뷰티, 음식, IT 등 다양한 분야가 유럽 및 미주지역까지 확대되어 K-Culture라는 이름의 한류가 소비되거나 관심의 대상이 되고 있으며, 그 중심에는 연일 화제가 끊이지 않는 K-Pop의 방탄소년단이 있다. 빌보드뮤직어워즈(BBMAs)에서 3년 연속 톱소셜아티스트상을 수상하였고, 비틀즈 이후 처음으로 1년 내에 3개의 앨범을 빌보드 차트 1위에 올려놓은 방탄소년단에 대해 ‘방탄 효과’ 라는 용어가 생길 만큼 음악, 엔터테인먼트 등의 문화산업 관련 업계가 주목하고 있으며, 이에 따라 학계에서도 경제학, 사회학, 인문학, 철학 분야 등에서 연구되고 있다. 그들이 성공할 수 있었던 요인에 대해 분석한 여러 연구 결과에서는 일반적으로 그들의 실력, 음악 세계, 외모, 퍼포먼스, 소셜 미디어 마케팅 전략 등이 주요 요인이라 설명된다. 그 중에서도 전세계 곳곳에서 활동하고 있는 팬덤 ‘아미’가 형성할 수 있었던 계기, 그리고 팬들 간의 또는 스타와 팬 간의 수평적 연대를 통한 ‘소통’이 가장 주목되기도 한다. 이에 방탄소년단의 ‘소통’ 방식을 알아보기 위해 최근 앨범 <MAP OF THE SOUL> 발매시기를 기점으로 활동하는 패턴을 분석한다. 기간은 앨범에 대한 첫 트레일러가 공개된 2019년 3월 27일부터 활동을 마치고 월드투어를 시작할 무렵인 2019년 5월 16일까지의 활동 패턴을 관찰하였고, 소셜 미디어를 활용한 빈도를 조사한다. 유튜브(YouTube), 페이스북(Facebook), 인스타그램(Instagram), 트위터(Twitter), 브이라이브(V-Live)를 통해서 그들이 노출하는 횟수와 콘텐츠의 형식 및 소재를 살펴보면서 한국의 다양한 K-Pop 가수들의 그들의 계보를 이을 수 있도록 한류 지속방안을 고찰한다.Thirty years have passed since the first generation of The Korean Wave, which was initiated by Korean dramas that became popular locally in Japan, Taiwan, and China, in the late 90s. Now, in addition to drama, music, and variety shows, many other fields such as beauty, food, and IT, have expanded to Europe and America. Currently a Korean Wave named “K-Culture” is being consumed, and becoming an object of interest. At the center of this wave is, of which the center is the BTS(Bangtan Sonyeondan), a constant topic of K-pop. BTS received the Top Social Artist prize at the BBMAs(Billboard Music Awards) 3 years in a row, and they became the second singers who published three albums in one year that were ranked No. 1 on the Billboard Chart since the Beatles has reached the record. They are now garnering the attention of the cultural industry, including music and entertainment with the term “Bangtan Effect” being coined and, are studied by various academic fields such as economics, sociology, humanities, and philosophy. Many studies have shown that the main secrets for their success are their talent, musical values, appearance, performance, and social media marketing strategies. What has been receiving the most attention, however, is the trigger for their world-wide active fandom called “ARMY”, and their “communication” through horizontal solidarity between the stars and the fans. Here, we analyze their activity pattern since the release of “MAPS OF THE SOUL” in order to understand BTS’ communication method. The period of observation is between March 27, 2019, when they released the first trailer of the album, and May 16, 2019, when they started the World Tour at the end of their promotion, We also investigate the frequency of their social media use. We look at the frequency of their appearances and contents’ on YouTube, Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and V-Live, to study how different Korean K-Pop singers could be promoted and their global success sustained so we can keep up the Korean Wave.