Power Holders Research Articles

Political Correctness and the Obfuscation of Politics

During the PC spasm last year I was talking regularly with friends on the board of this magazine, with colleagues at Wesleyan planning for cultural studies there, and with a group of left academics from colleges and universities in southern New England. We spent a good deal of time grousing about the assault on "political correctness" and multiculturalism, and trying to understand the phenomenon. What follows is an attempt to voice some of the exasperation we felt and sketch a "position" that was nowhere heard in the mainstream media. It came directly out of talks with my political friends, though of course I don't claim to speak for them. We lefties are not that keen for what often presents itself as multiculturalism. There is a version of it that takes the people of the world to be parceled out into cultures and subcultures, each self-contained and uniform, and each accessible only to its members--so that, for instance, only a Chicana would have the authority to teach about Chicana poetry. On the contrary, we think that all cultures are in continuous exchange with others, and that even the smallest societies are not homogeneous, but embrace their own hierarchies and conflicts. The search for purity is futile. Worse, it precludes learning about cultures from outside and certifies only the "other" as a source of knowledge about other cultures. It also tends to valorize raw experience as the only foundation of knowledge, and to forbid critique of cultures except from within. This sort of multiculturalism sees people as just intrinsically what they are--black lesbians, white male heterosexuals, and so on. Its essentialism is almost as disturbing to us as is the fatuous universalism of the right. On top of that, it leads to a politics of identity that makes any sort of embracing social movement against capitalist patriarchy hard indeed to imagine. The fact that multiculturalism has become a slogan of many college administrations and funding sources suggests how unthreatening it is to the holders of power, and how easy to contain and control in the guise of "diversity," not to mention its usefulness in training global corporate managers.
 Much about the PC phenomenon drives us up the ivied walls. Censorship, of course: we'll all take a loyalty oath to free speech. I pay dues to the American Civil Liberties Union and endorse most of its positions. And if it's OK for the Klan to speak on campus, it's surely OK for our National Association of Scholars colleagues to teach their classes (with unaccustomed responsibility for their ideas, of course). The few incidents of actual censorship, however, incidents recycled endlessly through the media, and those of egregious bad manners (with no censorship involved) that draw headlines like "Return of the Storm Troopers" (Wall Street Journal, April 10, 1991), are not what we mainly hold against PC, much as we deplore them. We object to PC because it is often a self-indulgent substitute for politics, a holier-than-thou moralism of the converted. PC is attitude politics, a politics of feeling good, a politics of surfaces and gestures that in its extreme form amounts to a conviction that the ills of the social order will be cured when executives no longer call their secretaries "girls" and thin people stop using the word "fat." As the right correctly (!) perceives, this is also a politics of separate issues, a catechism that can be memorized by sophomore year, a "cluster of opinions about race, ecology, feminism, culture, and foreign policy" (Richard Bernstein, New York Times, October 28, 1990).

Legal assistance to judges during military conflicts

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of providing legal assistance to judges, including during military conflicts. It is noted that the workload of courts with a large number of cases to be resolved was largely due to military aggression and the existing shortage of judges. Given the provisions of the Code of Judicial Ethics, it is necessary to avoid any illegal influence on a judge's professional activity and the difficulty of complying with the requirements for tact, endurance and respect for judges and others. An attempt has been made to analyze the most common categories of cases in which judges are parties to the case. Taking into account the data on a significant number of cases in the Unified State Register of Judgments, it was deemed expedient to structure them as follows: 1) cases concerning appeals against decisions of the High Council of Justice and the High Qualification Commission of Judges of Ukraine; 2) cases on appeal against dismissal of a judge; 3) cases concerning the recovery of a judge's fee; 4) cases on recovery of payments of due sums of money in connection with the legal consequences of satisfaction of the judge's resignation application; 5) cases related to the probable commission of a corruption act by a judge. The classification of these cases is not exhaustive and can be structured in another way, taking into account the possibility of changing the range of legal relations, the participants of which are the holders of judicial power.

Colin in Black and White

Colin in Black and White

Tymczasowy Naczelnik Państwa – pierwszy sługa Narodu czy dyktator?

The article deals with the issue of the scope of competence of the Interim Head of State. This office was held by Józef Piłsudski in the period from November 1918 to February 1919. According to the author, the scope of the powers of the Provisional Head of State – in terms of executive power – was virtually unlimited. Also from the formal point of view, there were no restrictions that would deprive the head of state of decisive influence on the management of the state. The Temporary Chief of State had a full influence on the functioning of the armed forces, as well as he played a key role in shaping and conducting foreign policy. The Temporary Chief of State also concentrated legislative power in his hands. There was no parliament in the indicated period, therefore there was no institutional possibility to control the activities of the Temporary Head of State. His power was therefore omnipotent, in scope not inferior to dictatorial power. Despite this, the holder of this vast power – J. Piłsudski – never became a dictator who abused his powers. Key words: head of state, chiefs of state, system of governme

The impact of Wasta and external power holders on the educational system in Kuwait: leaders’ perspectives

ABSTRACT This study investigates the impact of external power holders’ interference as a form of corruption in the educational system of Kuwait, as well as systems that could be established within the Ministry of Education (MoE) to prevent pressure and interference by power holders. The term Wasta, ‘the abuse of public office for private gain’ is deeply rooted in the conscience of most Kuwaitis. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with educational leaders, and after analysis of the data, two main themes emerged, namely: (1) External interventions and the use of Wasta, and (2) Solutions proposed by the participants to improve systems within the MoE to protect educational leaders and prevent external pressure and interference from individuals or groups. Taken together, these themes constitute the main findings of this research. This study is significant because it is the first time educational leaders with experience in the day-to-day workings of Kuwait’s educational system have validated the prevalence of Wasta and its negative effects on educational outcomes. The study recommends that further research should be conducted on higher education institutions and private schools, and international implications have been reported.

How to promote residents’ collaboration in destination governance: A framework of destination internal marketing

Mobilizing residents' collaboration in destination governance has become imperative for local governments to achieve the success and sustainability of a destination. However, few studies have explored residents' collaboration from the perspective of governance strategies and instruments. Based on a case study of Hangzhou, China, this paper adopts the grounded theory method to inductively construct a new destination governance framework of destination internal marketing to promote residents' collaboration. The findings reveal: (1) In the framework of destination internal marketing, residents are regarded as critical collaborators, playing the roles of achievement sharers, power holders, and responsibility undertakers. (2) Six governance instruments—supply optimization, substitutive compensation, constructing participation systems, participation supports, sharing field creation, and value communication are utilized for mobilizing residents’ collaboration. (3) Through destination internal marketing, a government–resident collaborative relationship based on mutual trust, equal status, and shared goals could be developed. The findings have theoretical and practical significance for effective governance in destinations.

Grassroots Roles and Leadership Aspirations: The Experiences of Young Ethnic Women in Myanmar Civil Society Organizations

This research explores young ethnic women's activities, experiences, and leadership aspirations within Myanmar civil society organizations (CSOs), and the influence of the COVID pandemic on their life and work. Ethnic women working for CSOs face a number of challenges not only from various power holders but also from within their own communities and organizations. Meanwhile, they carve out opportunities for themselves as young civil society workers. Many show aspirations to become community leaders or politicians. This research was set up in collaboration with two organizations based in Myanmar. Interviews were held in July 2020 with fourteen young ethnic women who had previously been involved in women's leadership trainings, to explore how they experienced their position within civil society after completion of these programs. Apart from their ethnic and gender identities, a number of intersecting identity factors such as age, life stage, education level, and place of origin were taken into account. Differences in experiences were found not only among the known identity factors but also between individual women from different communities, and between those working on the community level and in more formal nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). We end with a number of recommendations for CSOs and their partners and donors.

«Рубин Бургундии» или «Сапфир Франции»: камень на утерянном портрете герцога Филиппа Смелого

In the late Middle Ages, particular precious stones (e.g. sapphires, rubies, emeralds, etc.) were endowed with a special symbolic meaning. For the political elite, the possession of large colored gemstones was considered a mark of status and sometimes an expression of political ambitions. In 1397, Duke of Burgundy Philip the Bold purchased a red gemstone and named it the “Ruby of Burgundy”. Researchers O. Pächt and J.-B. de Vaivre claim that this gemstone set into a pendant is depicted in the copies of the lost portrait of the Duke. However, the copies, including those closest to the lost original, depict the stone differently, either as a ruby or a sapphire. The pendant of Philip the Bold and the stone that adorned it are the subject of research in this work. The purpose of the study is to determine the political significance of the stone depicted in the original portrait, which requires establishing the color of the stone in the lost original portrait and revealing its symbolic meaning. The author concludes that it was the blue gemstone that the pendant in the original portrait was adorned with, presumably a sapphire, but not a “Ruby of Burgundy” and puts forward a hypothesis about the symbolic and political significance of this stone in the image of Philip the Bold. The author conditionally calls this stone the “Sapphire of France”, since in this case, it is considered a symbol of the French monarchy. Demonstrating this stone, the Duke appears in the portrait as a son of the king and the holder of royal power. In addition, there is a connection between the pendant of Philip the Bold and a similar sapphire pendant depicted in the portrait of his brother, Jean of Berry, and the sapphire pendant of King Richard II of England. Presumably, these pendants served as signs of a special political union. The illustrations accompanying this article include a drawing depicting Philip the Bold from the collection of the State Hermitage Museum, which is published for the first time.

Legal Approach to the Democratic Control of the Armed Forces

Abstract The existence of contemporary states is directly conditioned by the ways of effectively defending the values, institutions and state resources. The organization and endowment of the armed forces is the expression of the will of the holders of political power and therefore ensuring the democratic character of the control of the armed forces becomes an imperative of today’s global society, an imperative that is achieved through legal means. The process of militarization of contemporary states is supported by the legal framework that establishes the extent and type of political and administrative control that is exercised during this process. An important role in this legislative context is played by the constitution, the fundamental law of each state, which sets out the general principles and modalities for ensuring democratic control of the armed forces. Whether it is a direct control exercised by the people through a referendum or another similar means of expressing the will in connection with military matters of national interest, or it is an indirect control, carried out by the representative authorities, whose members are elected to represent the will of the people, democratic control of the armed forces is a matter of current

ALTHUSSER VE GRAMSCİ AÇISINDAN İDEOLOJİ VE İDEOLOJİNİN BİR TAŞIYICISI OLARAK YENİ MEDYA

By using the concepts of Althusser "Ideological Devices of the State" and Gramsci "Hegemony", they discussed ideology with different dimensions in their own time. On the other hand, after the 21st century, the rapid development of technology in the world and the emergence of the internet and interactive social media tools necessitated a re-discussion of ideology. In this context, in this study, new media are discussed as "Ideological Devices of the State" and a tool of "Hegemony". The new media has spread around the world very quickly and has begun to be used by many people. Realizing the power of the new media, the power holders also monitor the communication and sharing there and intervene when necessary. In addition, since the new media is an interactive environment, surveillance and hegemony continue not only outside, but also among users inside. This makes the hegemonic environment permanent. Today, ideologies have become movable thanks to the new media. Therefore, it is inevitable to consider and research the ideology of traditional mass media for new media. It is quite appropriate to adapt and re-evaluate the concepts used by Gramsci and Althusser in dealing with ideology and mass media today. The general method of the research is the literature study. After first discussing the ideological perspectives of Gramsci and Althusser, the study deals with both the concept of hegemony and the ideological apparatus of the state within the scope of new media with examples. As a result, it has been concluded that the new media is ideologically no different from traditional mass media, and even more advanced.

Kedudukan Mahkamah Konstitusi Dalam Sistem Hukum Ketatanegaraan Indonesia

In the Indonesian constitutional law system, it is known as the Constitutional Court, which is a high state institution which is the holder of judicial power together with the Supreme Court. It can be said there are two actors of judicial power, namely the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court. The problem in this article is what is the position and authority of the Constitutional Court in the Indonesian constitutional law system. The Constitutional Court here has an equal and high position with the Supreme Court, which means that no one has a position below it. The authority of the Constituional Court is regulated in Article 24C paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution, among others, to decide on the dissolution of political parties, to give a decision on the opinion of the House of Representatives that the President and Vice President because they have violated the law in the form of bribery, betrayal of the state, commit corruption, other serious crimes or disgraceful acts, examine laws against the 1945 Constitution, decide disputes regarding election results, and decide on disputes over the authority of state institutions whose authority is granted by the 1945 Constitution.

A VULNERABILIDADE E SUA IMPORTÂNCIA PARA O DIREITO DO CONSUMIDOR

This work aims to demonstrate the importance of the principle of vulnerability for the consumer and evidences its participation as a guide for the objective of demonstrating consumer rights. which is seen through a historical journey from the beginning of society to the industrial revolution and the development of commerce. Part of the provision of vulnerable consumption that the consumer is considered the principle of vulnerability to maintain balanced consumption in the relationship with the supplier who is the holder of knowledge and power to control his product or service.

Otoritas dan Kekuasaan Kiai Menjaga Komitmen Sumber Daya Manusia Beda Agama di Pondok Pesantren Bali Bina Insani Tabanan Bali

The commitment of human resources in an organization is very important and influences the work relations. Organizational commitment cannot be separated from the term loyalty. Loyalty and commitment is a unity that has a confusing meaning. In simple terms, loyalty means how long employees work and obey the leadership's orders. This shows that maintaining commitment is an obligation for leaders. The commitment of human resources within the Bali BinaInsani Islamic Boarding School cannot be separated from the authority and power of the kiai as a leader. The kiai in the pesantren organization is the holder of full authority and power who can determine the path in maintaining the commitment of human resources of religious.

The Executive-Led Planning Regime of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region

Abstract This paper considers the distribution and accountability of planning powers in the urban planning regime of the Hong Kong SAR. This paper identifies the power holders who are charged with steering urban planning, with a view to demonstrating that despite the existence of a multi-actor and consultative process, there is a still a concentration of power on planning matters in particular organs of the executive branch of government. It is not unusual for planning powers to be concentrated in the executive branch of government: however, in the Hong Kong context it is the particular concentration of powers in a small circle of power holders within the executive branch that might need reform. The discussion concludes with sketching out possible ways of dispersing power, within and outside the executive branch, to enhance the legitimacy of the planning regime, without compromising its efficacy.

Pull the weeds out or perish: Using pandemic metaphors to strengthen in-group solidarity in Turkish political discourse

ABSTRACT Political discourse relies heavily on specific discursive strategies to gain, exercise and sustain power. Among those are metaphors which have the power to persuade and the potential to carry certain ideological attachments with them. This study explores and discusses how political power holders in The Grand National Assembly of Turkey make use of conceptual metaphors while framing the COVID-19 outbreak. From 10 March to 10 June 2020, i.e. the time between the date of the first COVID-19 case in Turkey until the time when the government announced that the lockdown would start to ease, a total of 191 tweets were identified as metaphorically framing the pandemic. In accordance with Critical Metaphor Analysis and Discourse-Historical Approach, the results show that Turkish online political discourse uses COVID-19 metaphors in combination with specific argumentation schemes to foster self-presentationand promotes shared representations of Turkish national identity. The results also show that metaphorical framings of the pandemic in Turkish political discourse fit familiar experience patterns with roots in cultural and religious presuppositions. It is argued that the conceptual metaphors manifested in this crisis discourse act as significant tools to influence public opinion.

Constitutionality of President’s Authority Regarding Lockdown Policy During the State’s Emergency

The Article 22 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia grants an exclusive authority to the president enacted as "legal dictatorial power", meaning that the President holds a sovereign authority to create and form regulations or laws independently without needing to discuss with the House of Representatives (DPR). The authority is to stipulate Government Regulation in Lieu of Law (Perppu). It refers to the president’s authority basis to run the regulation over the running government whose primary aims are to guarantee and to protect the citizen’s welfare. On the other hand, in respect of Indonesian constitutional system that adheres to the concept of decentralization, local governments also have the right to determine a situation/condition in response to the global pandemic situation. As a matter of the fact, so many overlaps are found in the exercise of policies and regulations under the authority of central and regional governments. Thus, the current research is aimed to strengthen the role of President as the head of state in dealing with the global pandemic issue and in applying lockdown with its all mechanisms. Practically, the research was carried out by means of normative legal research method associated with statutory, conceptual, historical, and comparative approaches. Furthermore, the research had found that the President appeared to be the supreme power holder over central governments, equipped with strong legitimacy in running the lockdown in accordance with juridical and empirical perspectives on the effectiveness of pandemic handling

Congestion, Conflicts and Urban Politics; Understanding the 2017 Post-election Violence in Nairobi Slums.

This article examines the violence that marred the 2017 General elections. Within the post-colonial theoretical context, the article explores the more localized narratives that drive violent skirmishes with specific reference to Nairobi’s sub-spaces, such as the Kawangware slum. Further, the article seeks to explain why the sub-space is vulnerable to violent skirmishes (often ethnic) that accompany divisive elections and the implications of these conflicts for the future of urban politics in Nairobi’s post-colonial space. The overall survey approach and delivery process of this article drew heavily on goodwill data and information from various respondents, majorly slum dwellers, who were randomly sampled. The questionnaires were designed to capture qualitative data on aspects of identity politics, people’s political attitudes and perceptions that drive them to engage in violence before, during and even after elections. In analysing the causes of violence during the electioneering period, it was concluded that political maturity is measured by the degree of public participation and, to be precise, their engagement in political processes. On the other hand, Nairobi’s post-colonial space is plagued with a myriad of challenges, key among them poverty, unemployment and crime. This has precipitated identity politics as a blueprint for preferred politicians, thus making the electoral process a protracted one, exacerbating political uncertainty and endless unrests characterized by violence. This study recommends that urban violence be examined in view of the interactional effects between emerging issues and the existing power holders and governmental agents representing them.

Analysis of the Juridical Protection of the Most Traditional Health Laws in the Perspective of the Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 36 of 2009 Concerning Health

Abstract: In accordance with the ideals of the Indonesian people as referred to in Pancasila and the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia that health is a human right and one of the elements of welfare that the state must realize. The government as the holder of the highest power has the authority to achieve the highest possible health status for the community by carrying out comprehensive integrated health efforts. The results showed that Law Number 36 Year 2009 concerning Health has not fully provided legal protection for traditional health service business actors, namely traditional health workers and for traditional health service consumers, namely patients / clients. The hope is that the government should does special legislation regulating traditional health services specifically because traditional health services are currently increasingly diverse in treatment techniques and the more trusted by the Indonesian people.

What happens when a settlor or powerholder loses capacity?

Abstract Capacity issues are a common feature of the landscape of wills and estates. However, such issues tend to arise much less frequently in the context of discretionary trusts. This relative absence is perhaps attributable to (often) the lack of direct benefit to anyone alleging the existence of mental incapacity issues in relation to a discretionary trust. There are significant consequences that can arise from successfully challenging capacity in the context of, say, a specific legacy under a will, whereas a discretionary beneficiary who raises mental incapacity issues usually remains merely a discretionary beneficiary. However, in the climate of ever increasing life expectancy and rising rates of dementia diagnoses, mental capacity issues in the trusts context are on the rise, and it is essential to understand what happens when settlors and power holders remain in place despite questions over their mental capacity. After all, “having capacity to exercise a power is ‘of the essence of a power’”.1 In this article, we look at the sorts of mental capacity issues that can arise in the trusts context and what can be done about them.

Do the Poor Benefit from the Right to Information Act?

I investigate to what extent India’s Right to Information Act is useful for poor households. Drawing on empirical data from central Uttar Pradesh, I study two categories of poor households—urban and rural—possessing Below Poverty Line cards. These cards entitle their holders to several subsidies, but they are poorly targeted: certain communities receive more cards, while most of the deserving poor do not receive them. The Act is meant to create space for democratization, enabling the poor to challenge local power holders; but there are obstacles to their taking advantage of it. They are scarcely educated, and unaware of the Act, and they get no support from government agencies responsible for implementing it. This has encouraged the use of manipulative tactics by local representatives and government bureaucrats seeking power, control, and domination. But the poor do find ways to receive their entitlements.