Power Holders Research Articles

Desenvolvimento territorial rural: diálogos conceituais

This essay seeks to establish a dialogue on the term development and its implications from the perspective of the territorial/rural approach. It also aims to outline a brief panel on social capital, social networks, and partnerships as alternatives to the permanence of rural communities in their territories. The text takes into account the socioeconomic and cultural aspects present in the studies and authors addressed, as well as the process under the aegis of capital, which produces and consumes spaces and cultures that evidence individuals of communities in an invisible rural. Especially nowadays, when technique and mechanization are placed as the assets to be achieved by agricultural activities, it would be imperative to establish itself for family farmers - many not holders of socioeconomic power to engage in this process, alternatives focused at their (re) existence for the land and for their work.

KEWENANGAN PRESIDEN DALAM MEMBENTUK UNIT KERJA PRESIDEN

The constitution is supreme because it is assumed as a form of agreement of all people. Indonesia adheres to the supreme constitution and the understanding of democracy, so that every policy whether it is a product of legislation or other political policies must be in accordance with the values ​​of society or in accordance with the wishes of its people. The authority of the President as the holder of government power is not unlimited power, but has guiding principles in making specific policies regarding the formation of the Presidential Work Unit. These rules must be in line with the constitution and democracy (constitutional democracy). Institutional relations between the President's Work Unit for Development Supervision and Control with the Ministry of State, Cabinet Secretariat as well as between the Legal Mafia Eradication Task Force and law enforcement agencies such as the Corruption Eradication Commission, the Police, and the Prosecutors' Office, have the potential for overlapping authorities in the practice of implementing government and law enforcement.

Venezuela under Maduro: A Different Kind of Hybrid Regime

One of the specific characteristics of the contemporary world is the frequent occurrence of competitive authoritarianism, a new kind of political regime in which democratic institutions formally exist, but abuse by power holders skews the playing field against opponents. Recently, researchers have often been highlighting the difficulty to discern competitive authoritarianism from liberal democracy, which leads to intellectually unsustainable concept-stretching that weakens our ability to understand political processes. Also, a no less important flaw of past studies on this topic is the insufficient analysis of civil-military relations, due to which a different kind of hybrid regime, namely the tutelary regime, is often marked as competitive authoritarianism. In the present study, this problem is demonstrated with analysis of the political regime of Nicolás Maduro’s Venezuela. The results of the analysis clearly show that researchers should pay more attention to the nature of civil-military relations when classifying political regimes in the grey zone.

Gender and corruption: Explaining women involvement in governance corruption in Nigeria

The paper examined the causes, impacts and implications of the involvement of women as decision makers in corruption scandals in the Nigeria's Fourth Republic. It made use of qualitative approach and adopted idealistic and realistic theories of gender and corruption as its theoretical framework. There has been a general contention in the anti-corruption literature that most men in power have the tendency to perpetrate corruption and engender bad governance in Nigeria. Hence, there was rising call for political power to shift base to women for accountability and transparency in governance. This is connected with the notion that women's involvement at a higher level in governance would lower corruption level. The findings indicated that women's involvement in corruption is also significant. The findings further reiterate the corruptibility offemale power holders and contradict the assumption of women being the “cleaner and fairerx sex in public governance.

Justice and Righteousness in Post-Communist Societies - The Case of Croatia

Can Croatia, as a transition country, be put in the category of democratic states? Yes, if by democracy we consider only implemented mechanisms, which provide a formal democratic procedure for the election of power holders, and guarantee certain political rights and freedoms, such as freedom of speech, opinion, assembly or association. However, if we describe the concept of democracy as a political system that serves the people through a democratically elected government, guaranteeing every citizen the right to work, prosperity, equality before the law, justice, righteousness, equal opportunity for every member of society, but at the same time if we take into account that it has no control over it, Croatia is still at the beginning of its democratic development. There are numerous obstacles along the way. The aftermath of the war, and the poorly implemented transformation of the inherited socialist political order and economy based on self-management of social property, opened the way for the development of corruption into a disease of the system, as well as political clientelism and conflict of interest as a way of functioning of political elites. The consequence is the stratification of the Croatian society in material terms, and the division in ideological and world-view issues. Structural reforms in all areas of society, starting from the political system, the public administration system, the health, education and justice systems are a precondition for Croatia's development towards true democracy, in which every individual will be provided with the so-called the rights of the first, second and third generation. In order to carry out the reforms, the political will of the authorities is crucial, the imposed system of value, partly inherited from the period of socialism and partly formed in the beginnings of the functioning of a newly founded state, must be changed through reforms.

Corporate Responsibility for Transnational Human Rights Violations under German Criminal Law – Review and Outlook

Time and again, cases come to light in which companies in unstable regions have participated in crimes, including human rights violations. However, the economic power over these companies is regularly geographically distant, anchored in the stable regions of the world, e.g. in a corporate headquarters located in Europe, the USA, Canada or Australia, where the economic profit ultimately accrues. Starting from this imbalance, the present essay examines the question of the criminal (co-)responsibility of these power holders using the example of the German legal system. It becomes apparent that the concept of criminal law, which is still based almost exclusively on individual responsibility, leads to deficits in the investigation of the most serious economically driven crimes. Despite this need for reform, however, even de lege lata a top management based in Germany can be held (jointly) liable for distant crimes under the concept of "principal’s criminal liability" (“Geschäftsherrenhaftung”).”

OTORITAS POLITIK DALAM KODIFIKASI MUSHAF PADA MASA KHULAFĀ’ AL-RĀSYIDĪN

This paper seeks to explore the history of the study of codification of manuscripts which still remains problematic. Even some Muslim thinkers doubt the authenticity of the manuscripts circulating now, or commonly referred to as Mushaf ‘Uṡmāni. In Islamic history, the Qur'an at the time of the Prophet Muhammad was not codified as it is now. At that time, the diversity of reading methods (qirā'ah) was so rich that many friends had their own manuscripts. But in the time of ‘Uṡmān, the Mushaf only had one version because the other Manuscripts were “destroyed". Even many Mushaf were burned at that time, so some friends (campanions/ṣaḥābah) did not accept this. This will not happen without anyone behind it, and certainly has to do with the caliph's political authority at that time as the holder of power. Then why did the time of khulafā 'al-rāsyidīn united the mushaf? What is the reason for the caliph of the early days of Islam to united the Mushaf and burned the other manuscripts? With a historical approach and analytical-critical method, this paper seeks to examine in depth the background or motives for the union of Mushaf and the burning of other best manuscripts. In addition, this paper will also briefly described some of the best-known Mushaf in the history of the Qur'an. They are ‘Alī bin Abū Ṭālib (d. 40 H), Ibn Mas'ūd (d. 32 H), and Ubay bin Ka'ab (d. 21/22 H).

Representatives of Chinese Society as Power Holders in the Images of Chinese Cinema

The study considers the visualization of representatives of Chinese society as power holders in modern Chinese cinema. Cinema has been chosen as the source of research since it visually displays the processes taking place in society. As a result of an analysis of ten films of Chinese directors, the author identifies certain types of heroes who, to one degree or another, are endowed with power in modern Chinese society. Seven groups of power holders have been distinguished and characterized: members of the Triad mafia, police officers, officials, business representatives, the media, teachers, men as heads of families. A comprehensive study of these images is carried out, which includes an analysis of professional activity, social status, age criteria, visual and behavioral characteristics. The emphasis is placed on the complex relationship between the police and the mafia in the cinema: in addition to the traditional confrontation, the cinema presents a new version of the development of relations between the representatives of these groups - a mutually beneficial symbiosis. Still preserved in modern society traditional attitude the teacher and the head of the family as a source of power is shown . The images of business representatives as power-holders are revealed in the cinema through the opposition “material and moral”. There are relatively few images of direct holders of power – government officials in modern cinema. This fact can be explained by existing censorship in China.

Egypt’s media system: historic legacies and blocked potentials for independent media

Egypt’s media system: historic legacies and blocked potentials for independent media

INTERELASI ALQURAN DAN KONSEP SOSIAL: KONSEPTUAL GOOD AND CLEAN GOVERNMENT SAID HAWWA DALAM AL-ASAS FI AT-TAFSIR

This research takes focus on how to conceptualize good and clean governance based on the universality of values ​​in the Qur'an, such as discussion, justice and equality which ultimately aims to lead to the concept of the baldatun state ṭayyibatun wa rabbun ghafūr as an ideal concept responding to the changing era. The description in this study takes a new form, namely thematic analysis with mufassir's view, Sa'id Hawwa in his interpretation in Al-Asas fi at-Tafsir. Data analysis is presented in the form of arguments or truth that can be justified scientifically and rationally related to siyasi verses. At the end of this study, the researcher analyzes that the basic framework is to build good and clean governance, which can accommodate corruption, collusion and nepotism by building internal relations between all social strata including people as holders of power, judges as enforcers of justice and leaders who carry out mandate of the people. The three stakeholders must be able to work together to present a sense of justice for all parties, be able to act according to the applicable law and realize that mutual benefit is a top priority. In its implementation, the Good and Clean Government must always place deliberations as the fundamental principles and philosophies of the country. In this case listed in the fourth precepts of Pancasila adopted by the Indonesian people.

INTERELASI ALQURAN DAN KONSEP SOSIAL: KONSEPTUAL GOOD AND CLEAN GOVERNMENT SAID HAWWA DALAM AL-ASAS FI AT-TAFSIR

This research takes focus on how to conceptualize good and clean governance based on the universality of values ​​in the Qur'an, such as discussion, justice and equality which ultimately aims to lead to the concept of the baldatun state ṭayyibatun wa rabbun ghafūr as an ideal concept responding to the changing era. The description in this study takes a new form, namely thematic analysis with mufassir's view, Sa'id Hawwa in his interpretation in Al-Asas fi at-Tafsir. Data analysis is presented in the form of arguments or truth that can be justified scientifically and rationally related to siyasi verses. At the end of this study, the researcher analyzes that the basic framework is to build good and clean governance, which can accommodate corruption, collusion and nepotism by building internal relations between all social strata including people as holders of power, judges as enforcers of justice and leaders who carry out mandate of the people. The three stakeholders must be able to work together to present a sense of justice for all parties, be able to act according to the applicable law and realize that mutual benefit is a top priority. In its implementation, the Good and Clean Government must always place deliberations as the fundamental principles and philosophies of the country. In this case listed in the fourth precepts of Pancasila adopted by the Indonesian people.

Distopia do desenvolvimento no semiárido nordestino brasileiro

Uma análise sobre a formação sócio histórica do semiárido nordestino revela os processos de estabelecimento das relações de poder nas organizações políticas e econômicas locais. Estas relações, a partir das transformações vivenciadas nos territórios da região, através das políticas públicas, apresentam-se de maneira naturalizada, fragmentada, e fazem parte dos elementos constitutivos de reprodução da problemática da seca a partir do “fenômeno da estiagem”. Neste texto, a partir de uma revisão de literatura sobre a construção socioeconômica do semiárido nordestino, e de uma análise documental acerca das ações estatais em torno da questão hídrica atualmente nesta realidade, temos como objetivo refletir a respeito da constituição da política hídrica, mais especificamente, como as ações estatais quanto ao abastecimento de água historicamente vieram contribuindo para o chamado Desenvolvimento do Semiárido Nordestino. Consideramos que o chamado desenvolvimento socioeconômico no Semiárido contempla historicamente exclusivamente os interesses dos detentores do poder, portanto os interesses do capital local, sendo a água um elemento da natureza apropriado desigualmente a favor de tais interesses. Assim, como resultado e proposição desta análise, consideramos a possibilidade de mitigação das desigualdades no acesso à água no Semiárido através da construção de um processo democrático à implementação das políticas hídricas, o que significa a busca pela participação social das populações e a organização dos territórios na estruturação dos comitês de bacia hidrográfica, buscando-se a construção integrada do planejamento hídrico, valorizando as particularidades daquela realidade.
 Palavras-chave: Nordeste Semiárido. Ações Estatais. Política Hídrica. Desenvolvimento. Democratização do Acesso.

Increasing Accountability Using Data Journalism: Challenges for the Pakistani Journalists

ABSTRACT A distinct era of data-driven reporting is on rise – a period when software, algorithms, programming, and data-processing techniques are being used by media organizations, especially in many developed countries of the world. Amid the increased practice of data journalism, it is imperative to analyse how journalists can use it for holding the power holders accountable, particularly in authoritarian and competitive authoritarian regimes where democratic norms are often abused and access to information is constrained. Drawing on the new institutionalism theory, thus this study aims to analyse the ability of Pakistan’s journalists to practice data journalism and to explore challenges that they face in the practice of data-driven reporting. To address this aim, this study uses the qualitative methods of document review and in-depth interviews (face-to-face). This study uses thematic analysis to offer insights into the gathered data.

The logics of political business in state-owned enterprises: the case of Indonesia

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to illuminate the hidden process of collusion among power holders in state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in an emerging economy, which endures despite comprehensive reforms towards democracy and good governance. Why are mechanisms of checks and balances not functioning in the way they should?Design/methodology/approachThe analysis is based on in-depth interviews with board members, executives, politicians, bureaucrats and representatives from auditing boards involved in the management of SOEs in Indonesia.FindingsThe findings reveal practices of collective conservatism, reciprocal opportunism and normalisation of corruption. The costs of getting into powerful positions are so high that conglomerate business owners gain control over the management of SOEs. The authors use the terms “wall-building and gatekeeping” to explain such cases.Research limitations/implicationsThere is a continuous process of wall building and gatekeeping occurring among business oligarchs, bureaucrats and elected politicians in Indonesia. New entrants into the system are co-opted by the established elite.Practical implicationsThis study shows collusion, rent-seeking and corruption among political and business elites as well as top officials in the government hinder good governance reforms in state-owned Indonesian enterprises.Social implicationsCollusion and illicit business practices in SOEs are clearly grounded on wall building and gatekeeping. Tackling this problem is a precondition for good governance and an improved legal and regulatory business environment in Indonesia. The ideal separation of powers and the checks and balances for good governance apparently need more than a democracy to break through. A further strengthening of the free press and critical academics will be one crucial contribution.Originality/valueThere is generally a lack of understanding of the context of corruption, such as the influence of institutional and organisational structures. The topic of corruption is also under-researched due to the difficulty of finding empire evidence. This paper contributes to explaining why new political and organisational structures, such as a democratically elected parliament and a particularly designed corruption eradication commission, are not able to hinder rent-seeking practices and illicit political business in state agencies.

The Role of Public Confessions in Show Trials: An Analysis of the Moscow Show Trials

AbstractAuthority figures may organize show trials featuring public confessions when they are faced with deep rooted contradictions within the social order and want to increase their legitimacy, delegitimize defendants, and justify increased social control in society. An analysis of the court report of the Moscow Show Trials found that these public confessions frame conflicts rooted in contradictions within the social order as acts of deviance that can be resolved with additional social control. The public confessions accomplished this using four main themes: establishing credibility, labeling the defendants as deviant, endorsing the power holder, and demonstrating closure.

Regional Leadership: Challenges of the System

The paper investigates the dynamic of leadership in the transitional period of political system in comparison with the type of leadership in stable political regime. In this paper, the regional focus of post-Soviet Russia was used. Russia passed the stage of democratization in the 1990s. In the conditions of transformation, the rules of political game are fairly vague: the question as to who are the real holders of power is determined in the course of its spontaneous redistribution among different subjects, rather than in the prescribed and regulated order. In these conditions a personage with mighty and extensive connections acquired the status considerably exceeding the one to which his office corresponded formally; on the contrary, a weak personage would humble his position, belittling it in the eyes of the political elite. In conditions of transit, the role of the regional political elite and its leaders was increasing, what created a specific type of leader in Russia. In the period of stabilization of political regime in Russia the vertical system of governance was established. Does the political system of contemporary Russia create a new type of local leader? What is the difference between leader of transitive period and leader of contemporary political system? Today, regional leaders and current governors have found themselves in a rather complex system of inter-institutional relations. On the one hand, representatives of the regional elite must effectively solve the economic problems facing the region, ensure the implementation of federal programs, sometimes with substantially reduced funding, to participate in elections and be guided by the opinion of voters, but at the same time, the elite must show complete loyalty to the Center and should not exceed the permitted limits. Such situation leads to obvious political atrophy of leadership in regions. Possible strong candidates do not want to get involved in the elections. As a result, the specific type of the regional leader - “faceless-leader” was formed. The strategy of the study was the following: I. We studied the official biographies of all heads of administrations of the Siberian regions from 1991 to 2018, the Siberian leaders' memoirs and expert assessments. Periods from 1991 to 2018 were divided into stages. The electoral cycles (until 2005, 2013 - 2018) and the appointment cycles (from 2005 to 2012) were used as the basis for separating the stages. At each of these stages, we estimated such characteristics as age, education, career traffic, membership in parties, political beliefs, inclinations and preferences. II. Analyzed were the characteristic features of those political leaders who occupied the leading positions in the system of power both in the period of transition and retained those positions in the period of post-transitional development. The analysis of transformations of the main characteristics of the leader was carried out in order to establish the degree of dependence of the leader on the political surrounding and political situation.

General practitioners' perceptions of delayed antibiotic prescription for respiratory tract infections: A phenomenographic study.

Antibiotic use is a major driver of antibiotic resistance. Although delayed antibiotic prescription is a recommended strategy to reduce antibiotic use, practices vary; it appears less commonly used in southern European countries where antibiotic consumption is highest. Despite these variations, few qualitative studies have explored general practitioners' perceptions of delayed antibiotic prescription. We therefore aimed to explore and describe the perceptions of delayed antibiotic prescription for respiratory tract infections among general practitioners in Malta. This qualitative phenomenographic study was conducted in Malta. A semi-structured interview guide was developed in English, pilot tested and revised accordingly. Interview topics included views on antibiotic resistance, antibiotic use and delayed antibiotic prescription for respiratory tract infections, and barriers and facilitators to antibiotic prescription. Individual, face-to-face interviews were held in 2014 with a quota sample of 20 general practitioners and transcribed verbatim. Data were subsequently analysed using a phenomenographic approach. General practitioners perceived delayed antibiotic prescription in five qualitatively different ways: (A) "The Service Provider"-maintaining a good general practitioner-patient relationship to retain patients and avoid doctor-shopping, (B) "The Uncertainty Avoider"-reaching a compromise and providing treatment just in case, (C) "The Comforter"-providing the patient comfort and reassurance, (D) "The Conscientious Practitioner"-empowering and educating patients, and limiting antibiotic use, and (E) "The Holder of Professional Power"-retaining general practitioner responsibility by employing a wait-and-see approach. Although general practitioners were largely positive towards delayed antibiotic prescription, not all supported the strategy; some preferred a wait-and-see approach with follow-up. Many delayed antibiotic prescription users selectively practiced delayed prescription with patients they trusted or who they believed had a certain level of knowledge and understanding. They also preferred a patient-led approach with a one to three day delay; post-dating delayed antibiotic prescriptions was uncommon. In this study we have shown that general practitioners hold varying perceptions about delayed antibiotic prescription and that there is variation in the way delayed antibiotic prescription is employed in Malta. Whilst delayed antibiotic prescription is utilised in Malta, not all general practitioners support the strategy, and motivations and practices differ. In high consumption settings, formal and standardised implementation of delayed antibiotic prescription could help curb antibiotic overuse. Diagnosis-specific delayed antibiotic prescription recommendations should also be incorporated into guidelines. Finally, further investigation into patients' and pharmacists' views on delayed antibiotic prescription is required. NCT03218930.

The Interaction between Local and International Peacebuilding Actors: Partners for PeaceHellmüller, SaraLondon, Palgrave Macmillan (2018), 233p., ISBN 978‐3‐319‐65300‐6

The Interaction between Local and International Peacebuilding Actors: Partners for PeaceHellmüller, SaraLondon, Palgrave Macmillan (2018), 233<i>p., ISBN 978‐3‐319‐65300‐6</i>

Transition of Collective Land in Modernistic Residential Settings in New Belgrade, Serbia

Turbulent periods of transition from socialism to neoliberal capitalism, which have affected the relationships between holders of power and governing structures in Serbia, have left a lasting impact on the urban spaces of Belgrade’s cityscape. The typical assumption is that the transformation of the urban form in the post-socialist transition is induced by planning interventions which serve to legitimize these neoliberal aspirations. The methodological approach of this paper is broadly structured as a chronological case analysis at three levels: the identification of three basic periods of institutional change, historical analysis of the urban policies that permitted transformation of the subject area, and morphogenesis of the selected site alongside the Sava River in New Belgrade. Neoliberal aspirations are traced through the moments of destruction and moments of creation as locally specific manifestations of neoliberal mechanisms observable through the urban form. Comparison of all three levels of the study traces how planning and political decisions have affected strategic directions of development and, consequently, the dynamics and spatial logic of how new structures have invaded the street frontage. The paper demonstrates that planning interventions in the post-socialist transition period, guided by the neoliberal mechanisms, has had a profound impact on the super-block morphology.

Образы мафии и полиции как носителей власти в современном китайском кинематографе

The study considers the visualization of power in Chinese cinema. Cinema has been chosen as the source of research due to the fact that it visually displays the processes taking place in society. As a result of an analysis of ten films of Chinese directors, the author identifies certain types of heroes who, to one degree or another, are endowed with power in modern Chinese society. Two groups of power holders are distinguished and characterized: members of the Triad mafia and the police. A comprehensive study of these images is carried out, which includes an analysis of professional activity, social status, age criteria, visual characteristics and behavioral characteristics. The emphasis is placed on the complex relationship between the police and the mafia in the cinema: in addition to the traditional confrontation, the cinema presents a new version of the development of relations between the representatives of these groups – a mutually beneficial symbiosis.