Liberal Party Research Articles

The Islamophobia controversy in Nussa dan Rarra cartoon film: an insight into Indonesian netizens’ tweets

ABSTRACT This article examines the Islamophobia controversy over the Nussa dan Rarra cartoon film (NRCF) on Twitter (X). This controversy was initially triggered by two influencers that became a trending topic. The study employed a qualitative method with a moral panic theory approach. The primary data was tweets on Twitter containing comments on the NRCF. Data analysis was done through five stages of the moral panic process. The trigger tweet’s main issue in the NRCF was the figure behind the scenes, Felix Siauw, with his Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). The pro and contra responses went back and forth to debate the themes of NRCF’s negative labels, such as costume, manner, Taliban, and radicalism, as a threat to society. This study found that the effort to evoke Islamophobia has not succeeded in causing panic because the majority of society and authorities do not support it, making the film still survive to this day.

Palestinian Independence and Religious Extremism: Using the Palestinian Issue as a Khilafah Islamiyah Propaganda Tool on Instagram

Israel's attack on the Gaza area has become a major human rights issue that has attracted public attention. The genocide, which began on October 7, 2023, has claimed thousands of innocent lives. All Muslims in the world sympathize with the disaster that occurred in Palestine. However, this sympathy is vulnerable to being infiltrated by religious radicalism movements, especially those related to opinions spread on social media. Therefore, this research focuses on looking at these potentials. This research is empirical research using netnographic data collection by the hashtag #khilafah on Instagram. Based on this search, an account was found with the name @bultendakwahkaffah, which is an Instagram account for online bulletins spreading propaganda for the Khilafah Islamiyah movement. The propaganda spread by this account revolves around the implementation of an Islamic caliphate, which can guarantee the implementation of Palestinian independence. The form of Khilafah Islamyah as a representation of the unity of the Muslim ummah will liberate Palestine from Israeli colonialism, relying on the unity of all Muslims in the world and the implementation of Islamic law. The author also found that the account in question was affiliated with the ideologies of the Hizbut Tahrir organization, which was disbanded by the government in 2017. The Palestinian issue, which is full of humanity, really attracts the sympathy of the wider community. By hiding behind humanitarian issues, it is feared that the Islamic caliphate movement, which has long been a problem, will attract sympathy from many people on social media.

Foreign Policy Orientation without Party Cues

The central issue in Taiwan’s politics revolves around the island’s relationship with China. The three major parties—the Kuomintang, Democratic Progressive Party, and Taiwan People’s Party—take different positions on this, and their supporters align with these respective positions. However, there is a scarcity of research on the foreign policy inclinations of individuals who do not align with any political party. We find empirically that self-reported independents in Taiwan exhibit a preference for bandwagoning, driven by concerns for tangible material benefits; cultural similarity, economic interests, and the power dynamics between the US and China also play substantial roles here. These findings shed light on the unique role and dynamics of independents in Taiwan’s political landscape. Our theoretical innovation lies in showing that in a democracy, different factors come into play in the formation of the foreign policy preferences of different groups.

Can the party family approach explain Polish partisan positions? A case study on the policy field of higher education in post-socialist Poland

ABSTRACT Research on partisan positions on higher education policies has focused to date mainly on parties in sustained democratic regimes in Western Europe. This study compares these findings with Polish parties’ positioning and investigates the extent to which parties’ preferences in post-socialist Poland can be explained by their party family affiliations. Poland provides an interesting case because of its socialist heritage of strong government control in the higher education sector and the rather fluid party system with a comparatively large share of populist right parties. By means of a qualitative content analysis of 41 party manifestos from 1989–2019, partisan positions of Christian democratic, social democratic, liberal, agrarian, and populist right parties are categorized along the re-distributive and control dimension of higher education policies. While party families can explain Polish parties’ positioning on the control dimension, there is a cross-party consensus to expand the sector and increase public funding due to strong popular demand after the transformation which contrasts with the positions of West European parties. Key results are a rising salience of this policy field in party manifestos and a detailed description of populist right parties’ preferences for government control of higher education institutions and expansion of this sector.

CRITICAL STUDY ON THE DA’WAH MOVEMENT OF THE MUSLIMAH OF HIZB UT-TAHRIR INDONESIA IN ESTABLISHING AN ISLAMIC SOCIETY IN INDONESIA

This research is a scientific paper arising from a thought of the big amount of women population along with their roles in building society and human civilization. However, empowerment of women, as the subject of da’wah, is still less, both in terms of the quality and the quantity. Hence, women as the da’wah object have not been properly managed. For that reason, the reseachers are interested in studying the activities of the da’wah movement of the Muslimah of Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia. The da’wah movement the Muslimah of Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia is chosen as the research object since building an Islamic society is related to their central issue of establishing an Islamic Caliphate. For analyzing such an issue, the researches determine the problem formulation, namely: how does the da’wah movement of the Muslimah of Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia realize an Islamic society? The method of the research is qualitative, namely by conducting observation along with interviews, library researches, and an analytic description method. The discussion result was obtained through a study of the da’wah movement of the Muslimah of Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia by utilizing da’wah approaches, both in terms of the manhaj, da’wah elements, and da’wah objectives, and then analyzing them. The result discloses that the da’wah movement of the Muslimah of Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia focuses on the da’wah of thoughts only. Therefore, those who have a vision of realizing an Islamic Caliphate and leading Indonesia will not be able to realize an Islamic society, or even to lead the country or to realize an Islamic Caliphate.

Perceptions of COVID-19 Risk: How Did People Adapt to the Novel Risk?

There is limited understanding of how risk perceptions changed as the US population gained experience with COVID-19. The objectives were to examine risk perceptions and determine the factors associated with risk perceptions and how these changed over the first 18 mo of the pandemic. Seven cross-sectional online surveys were fielded between May 2020 and October 2021. The study included a population-weighted sample of 138,303 US adults drawn from a market research platform, with an average 68% cooperation rate. Respondents' risk perception of developing COVID in the next 30 days was assessed at each time point. We examined relationships between 30-day risk perceptions and various factors (including sociodemographic features, health, COVID-19 experience, political affiliation, and psychological variables). COVID risk perceptions were stable across the 2020 surveys and showed a significant decrease in the 2021 surveys. Several factors, including older age, worse health, high COVID worry, in-person employment type, higher income, Democratic political party affiliation (the relatively more liberal party in the United States), low tolerance of uncertainty, and high anxiety were strongly associated with higher 30-d risk perceptions in 2020. One notable change occurred in 2021, in that younger adults (aged 18-29 y) had significantly higher 30-d risk perceptions than older adults did (aged 65 y and older) after vaccination. Initial differences in perception by political party attenuated over time. Higher 30-d risk perceptions were significantly associated with engaging in preventive behaviors. Cross-sectional samples, risk perception item focused on incidence not severity. COVID risk perceptions decreased over time. Understanding the longitudinal pattern of risk perceptions and the factors associated with 30-d risk perceptions over time provides valuable insights to guide public health communication campaigns. The study assessed COVID-19 risk perceptions at 7 time points over 18 mo of the pandemic in large samples of US adults.Risk perceptions were fairly stable until the introduction of vaccines in early 2021, at which point they showed a marked reduction.Higher COVID-19 30-d risk perceptions were significantly associated with the preventive behaviors of masking, limiting social contact, avoiding restaurants, and not entertaining visitors at home.

Backlash or Progressive Mobilization? Voter Reactions to Perceived Trajectories of Women’s Representation

Existing research on the effects of women’s descriptive representation on citizens’ attitudes has mainly investigated potential positive effects, namely on political engagement or the legitimacy of outcomes. However, trends in representation have rarely been theorized as potential causes of resentment among women. While a male backlash to increasing representation has been theorized, this article argues that women may also be discontent with their trajectory of representation, if they perceive it as stagnating. Using a survey experiment fielded in Germany, the results show that a stagnating representation trajectory mobilizes women to vote for a progressive party, the German Greens. In contrast, the paper demonstrates that men do not lash back against women’s increasing representation, even if they realize that this means a lower standing for themselves. This article contributes to research on political behavior by highlighting that discontent with persisting inequality is a mobilizing factor for progressive parties.

Framing sexual and gender-based violence: Australia Day, nationalism and conservative prime ministerial policy discourse

ABSTRACT Grace Tame’s 2021 Australian of the Year (AOTY) award directed public attention towards sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), as did Australia Day award recipients Donna Carson in 2004 and Rosie Battie in 2015. We use mixed-method textual analysis of a corpus of prime minister’s Australia Day speeches between 1990 and 2021 to show how conservative Liberal Party prime ministers have narrated a discourse of idealised national identity to manage activist demands regarding SGBV policy. We quantitatively find that prime ministers promote masculine and heteronormative representations of Australian identity and then develop a qualitative typology of conservative SGBV frames employed by prime ministers that gloss over SGBV as a pressing and chronic policy issue and position idealised Australian femininity to condone and obscure SGBV. This paper builds upon scholarship on public policy and gendered nationalism to explain this pattern of SGBV problem definition and framing by conservative prime ministers.

Analysis of the 2024 Taiwan Presidential Election

In the 2024 Taiwan presidential election, Lai Ching-te, the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) candidate calling for the continuation of the Tsai Ing-wen administration’s line, won the election, while the DPP lost its majority in the legislative elections held at the same time. The opposition Kuomintang (KMT) became the leading party in the Legislative Yuan, and the third largest party, the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), although a small party, held the casting vote. The election campaign revolved around the pros and cons of “change in government,” and the DPP, already in power for eight years, had an uphill battle. In the end, however, neither of the opposition parties was able to raise expectations higher than those of the DPP. For the next four years, Taiwan’s political landscape is now under a “divided government,” with the Executive Yuan led by the ruling party but the Legislative Yuan dominated by the opposition parties. This situation shows a fine balancing act, but it could also lead to a paralysis of Taiwanese politics. The election results carry a degree of uncertainty.

Post-Mortem Analysis of the 2016 Elections Based on the Political Marketing Strategies Used by Local Political Parties in Dumaguete City

This research study is a post-mortem analysis of the 2016 local elections in Dumaguete City, focusing on the political marketing strategies used by the Liberal Party (LP) and Nationalist People’s Coalition (NPC) candidates. The objective was to analyze the political marketing strategies the political parties and candidates employed in the 2016 elections. It also aimed to address the research gap by systematically examining and analyzing the political marketing practices within the local context. The researcher employed a combination of descriptive-quantitative and qualitative designs. The quantitative design was facilitated by measuring the level of effectiveness of the political marketing strategies used by the party and the candidates to win votes, which was measured on a scale of 5.00, where 1.00 is not effective, and 5.00 is the most effective. The qualitative design was facilitated by the archival of documents and structured interviews. The study's respondents were the mayor, vice mayor, and ten city councilors, totaling 12 (n=12). However, only 9 (n=9) participated in answering the survey questionnaire and guide interview. Using Menon’s framework, the study found that LP dominated the election, employing strategies like clear platforms, candidate image building, party disclosure, information drives, material rewards, smart slogans, and social media use. They also managed attitudinal and behavioral barriers effectively. LP’s dominant strategies included media campaigns, house-to-house campaigns, public forums, small group meetings, and leaflet distribution. NPC, on the other hand, focused on good governance, transparency, and monetary indulgence. Both parties utilized product function, distribution function, cost function, machine politics and rewards, news management function, and communication function. The top three effective strategies were the news management function (4.61), product function (4.59), and communication function (4.58). The study concluded that LP was more thorough and organized in its marketing strategy application, giving them critical advantages in the election.

Reform and resurgence: The transformation of Islamic movements in the 21st century

This paper studies the development in the thought and praxis of Islamic movements that aim to revive a political system governed by Islamic law. Post-Caliphate Islamic movements - the subject of the current study - have undergone recent reforms in thought, approach, and even branding since the Arab Spring. Notwithstanding the movements? legal and theological diversity, the author argues that they share common features of reform characterized by (a) appeal to public opinion and grassroots work; and (b) willingness to work with groups outside their movement. These reforms were shaped in tandem with and in reaction to the War on Terror, the Arab Spring, and the Taliban?s victory in Afghanistan. The author argues that these changes gave rise to dynamic reform in the latest generation of Islamic movements, leading to substantive revisions in their approach (manhaj) to achieving Islamic change. Despite tightening proscription and censorship, the author argues that the fruit of these reforms has been a resurgence in the form of highly efficient and creative collaboration between movements. Examples studied include collaboration between the Muslim Brothers (MB) and Hizb ut Tahrir in the West, and between former-al-Qaeda and MB affiliates in Syria. The author estimates these strategies - following a period of political failure and internal skepticism - have precipitated a resurgence that makes the future of Islamic movements highly potent, despite resulting in a dilution of each group?s identity and possible decline in membership. As a result of this trajectory, this study argues for the need to theorize contemporary Islamic movements beyond historical categories that have fossilized in Western academia, and often do not capture the dynamic, fluidity and comprehensiveness of Islamic struggle. This study utilizes a mixed methodology, including archival analysis and intellectual genealogy.

Government Spending and Voting Behavior

abstract: Does government spending on public goods affect the vote choice of citizens? On one hand, prior research has characterized voters as fiscal conservatives who may turn toward conservative parties when government spending goes up. On the other hand, increased spending may signal that the economy is doing well, which makes progressive parties a more viable option. To adjudicate between both hypotheses, this article draws on a natural experiment, which created exogenous variation in government spending. A discontinuity in the 2011 German census meant that some municipalities saw an unforeseen increase in budgets. Using a regression discontinuity design, the authors show that the increase in budgets and subsequent spending on public goods benefited left-leaning parties but had no detectable effect on incumbent support. To parse out the causal channel, the authors rely on panel evidence and demonstrate that treated residents viewed their economic situation more favorably than did untreated residents, which led the former to espouse progressive parties.

Let Us Build for Ourselves a City: A Biblical Look at the Correlation Between Secularism, Liberalism, and Urbanization in America

A map of the 2022 U.S. mid-term election results per House district shows a vastness of ‘Republican red’ engulfing most of the country’s landmass in comparison to small pockets of ‘Democrat blue’ that is concentrated upon the most urbanized metropolitan population centers. Such a unique phenomenon begs the following question: ‘What has happened within the most urbanized metropolitan populations to cause them to overwhelmingly vote for the politically liberal Democratic party, a party whose platform is antithetical in many ways to what is expressly taught in the Bible?’ This question also spawns another: ‘Why have the most populous areas in the country also become bastions of paganism, hedonism, and liberalism?’ This paper demonstrates that past human behavior detailed in biblical narratives is being replicated in today’s modern urbanized culture. As is seen in Scripture, for a large city or metropolitan area to obtain and maintain a consistent and achievable level of peace and prosperity, a compromising layer of tolerance towards immorality and evil must materialize. Subsequently, the sustained tolerance of evil and violence will eventually lead to the approval, propagation, and adoption of evil and violence. Then and now, to the degree an urban population ‘goes along to get along’, the further it drifts from the Lord and plunges downward into paganism, hedonism, and idolatry. Thus, when a society consciously usurps the sovereignty of God and thinks it possesses the highest level of authority, then it has arrived at the point where it believes it has the freedom to redefine societal rules according to what it determines to be “right in its own eyes” (Judg. 21:25). By dismissing God’s existence or discounting His holiness, justice, and power, a population cognitively thinks it has effectively shaken off the yoke of sin, guilt, and shame, and has achieved the human right to “call evil good and good evil” (Isa. 5:20).

The Civil War (1918-1922) in the historical politics of Russian political parties.

In the Soviet Union, the history of the Civil War was one of the important parts of the historical "myth", which ceased to exist shortly before the collapse of the country. Although three decades have passed since the collapse of the USSR, there has not been a unified attitude in society towards this conflict. The article presents a study of the collective memory of the Civil War in Russia based on the narratives of political parties. Modern parties, as part of the formation of their historical policy, offered their own vision of the events of the Civil War. The author of the article analyzes the attitude of parties to the parties to the conflict and personalities, highlights the key features of the image of the past formed by them. The main sources were official documents of the parties, election programs, speeches and publications of party leaders, books, materials of official websites. The results of the study are based on the use of general scientific methods and principles of scientific cognition, comparative analysis, and a systematic approach. The main conclusion of the study is the lack of a unified approach among modern political parties in assessing the events of the Civil War. Liberal and conservative-patriotic parties blamed the beginning of the conflict on the "Reds", the Communist Party – on the anti-Bolshevik camp, the rest expressed the opinion that all parties to the conflict were to blame. The parties also assessed the degree of foreign influence differently – communist and patriotic associations believe that the conflict has escalated into a large-scale war due to the intervention of the Entente countries. In modern political discussion, appeals to personalities are rare: parties resort to generalizations "Bolsheviks", "whites" and similar synonyms, the parties to the conflict in party narratives, as a rule, are faceless. From the personalities of the Civil War, they often turned to the figures of V. I. Lenin and A.V. Kolchak, evaluating them depending on their political preferences. The only conclusion common to all political parties was the unacceptability of a repeat of civil conflicts in Russia, in their opinion, the country should develop, avoiding such shocks.

On the Question of the Trade Policy Imperatives of the Zemstvo Liberal Fronde of Northern Ukraine (60–80s of ХІХ cent.)

The investigation is devoted to finding out the imperatives of the trade policy of the Zemstvo Liberal Party of Northern Ukraine in the 60-80s of the 19th century. The author came to the conclusion that trade policy issues occupied not the last place in the economic program of the Zemstvo liberal movement in the north of Left Bank Ukraine in the 60-80s of the 19th century and were an organic part of the social doctrine of the specified trend in the liberation movement in the Russian Empire. At the level of city self-government, liberal citizens initiated the elimination of taxation of the trade system in order to avoid the processes of cartelization of the industry and to stimulate healthy competition between producers of products, both in terms of quality and at the level of price parameters. In order to destroy corruption and monopolies in the trade sphere, the representatives of the liberal opposition insisted on diversifying the service market, by granting the right to engage in relevant business to everyone, not only interested representatives of the region's Jewish commerce. In the field of public trade and commerce, Zemstvo progressives took a distinctly flexible economic position, trying to eliminate the ground for the emergence of any financial speculation and to maximize the portfolio of commercial offers on the market. In the context of the conservative clerical policy of the Russian autocracy, members of the opposition liberal front of the Northern Left Bank defended the right of representatives of the trade system to hold traditional fairs and bazaars on a regular basis for the purpose of neutralizing the threat of breaking economic ties between the cities and the province and avoiding the loss of the market for products which could lead to an increase in prices for socially important and sensitive groups of goods. Representatives of Zemstvo liberalism in northern Ukraine defended the idea of the need to transfer the area of trade to municipal or state ownership, which would allow, from their point of view, to control pricing procedures.

«Letters from Chernihiv Region» by I.L. Shrag as a source for the history of the zemstvo liberal movement in the North of the Left-Bank Ukraine (80s of the 19th century)

The article analyzes the public epistolary of the well-known representative of the Zemstvo liberal party of the Northern Left Bank – Ilya LudvigovichShrag. The author comes to the conclusion that «Letters from the Chernihiv region» by I. Shrag is a unique and important source from the history of the Zemstvo liberal movement in the north of Left Bank Ukraine in the 80s of the XIX century, which very eloquently testifies to the ideological and political imperatives of the opposition aristocratic front of the region. In the public epistolary of Ilya Ludvigovych, which was published on the pages of the famous Ukrainian almanac Pravda, a panorama of social life in the Chernihiv province during the Counter-Reforms of Emperor Alexander III is presented, as well as the evaluation judgments and characteristics of the famous liberal regarding the general atmosphere of changes that took place in the Russian Empire at this time. period. In his letters, I. Shrag very eloquently characterized the historical genesis of the reign of Emperor Alexander III, which, according to the actor, was directly connected with the history of the Great Moscow State; presented albeit subjective, but very vivid characteristics to the ruling persons of the Chernihiv province at that time from the circle of reactionary politicians, in particular the Chernihiv governor –O.Anastasyev, emphasizing the demoralizing role of such officials in the life of the province; in sufficient detail, using specific examples, highlighted the reasons for the fundamental and irreconcilable conflict between the members of the Zemstvo liberal party of northern Ukraine and the conservative bureaucracy and the administration of the governor; as a professional lawyer, I. Shrag carried out a legal analysis of the basic counter-reforms of Alexander III – Zemstvo, judicial and city, rightly pointing out the great degradation of the country and society, which these legislative acts caused.

Рукопис В.М. Хижнякова «О ревизии волостей в некоторых уездах Черниговской губернии в 1888 году» як джерело з історії земського лібералізму Північної України (1880-х рр.)

The purpose of the study. The purpose of the publication is to introduce the found author’s work of V. Khyzhnyakov and its content analysis into the international scientific circulation. Work methodology. When writing the article, general scientific (methods of synthesis and analysis, deduction and induction) and special-historical (critical, problem-chronological methods, content analysis) research methodology was used, which in general ensured the achievement of the tasks set in the publication. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the fact that for the first time in Ukrainian historical science, an analysis of the author’s manuscript of a member of the opposition aristocratic front of northern Ukraine, the mayor of Chernihiv V. Khyzhnyakov ‘About the revision of volosts in some counties of Chernihiv province in 1888’ was carried out. The author came to the conclusion that the researched work is an important source from the history of the Zemstvo liberal movement in the north of the Left Bank of Ukraine, which illustrates the ideological imperatives of ascetic practical activity of the Zemstvo liberal party of the Northern Left Bank. The conducted content analysis of the manuscript shows that it contains generalizations of a conceptual nature that reflect the main intentions of the social and economic program of the Zemstvo liberal movement, once again proving that the studied trend in the liberation movement of the Russian Empire in the second half of the 19th century had a self-sufficient and very promising vision of the future of the Russian Empire. The study of this topic will allow domestic historiography to significantly increase its achievements in the matter of forming a doctrinal vision of a large-scale liberation movement in the Russian Empire of the second half of the 19th century.

Women, political violence, and the production of fear in Malawian social media texts

ABSTRACT In the light of insights from the literature on incivility toward women politicians on social media, this article examines the experiences of Malawian women in politics as well as the prescriptive social and cultural norms that are projected onto them by the public. Drawing on social media texts about Veronica Katanga and Joyce Banda during the era of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) (2004–2012 and 2014–2020), I identify a troubling gatekeeping strategy that DPP politicians deliberately used to malign the two women for exercising their right to participate in the 2014 and 2019 general elections. Drawing on Pumla Dineo Gqola’s notion of the “female fear factory,” this study shows how the DPP engaged in political violence (both physically and discursively) to police and instill fear in women politicians. It also shows how DPP politicians and their followers amplified cultural stereotypes and drew on religious themes to achieve this outcome. The article concludes that Malawian women politicians have re-engaged in political participation through textual/feminist strategies that speak truth to power, thereby contributing to the enhancement of activism and agency among women engaging in politics.

진보당의 특선조직과 비밀당원

This study identifies the special organizations, secret members, and entities involved in the expansion and reinforcement of the Progressive Party's organization in the 1950s. It was intended to examine the relationship between the organization and activities of the Progressive Party's special organization, especially the Yeomoung association, with the student movement developed in the 1960s. In order to secure popular organizations and expand the party's power, the Progressive Party attempted to organize a special party centered on activities by region and region. the Yeomoung association of the Progressive Party sought to bring students from each university gradually to the Progressive Party through a 'human network'. The secret members of the progressive party were those who would join the progressive party in political resistance to the Rhee Syng-man regime. The Rhee Syng-man regime's dissolution of the Progressive Party in a month after the “Progressive Party Incident” was intended to induce withdrawal of support from the Progressive Party through psychological fear as well as wary of secret members, or “people who act as party members.” After the Progressive Party case, the Progressive Party's influence was thought to have ended, but it was leading to the student movement in the 1960s due to the horizontal link, the “human network.”

Kadın Siyasetçilerin Seçim Kampanyalarındaki Mitler Üzerine Göstergebilimsel Bir İnceleme: İran’daki Yerel Seçimler Örneği

This paper explores gender issues through a mythical lens, studying myths from a semiotic standpoint and their impact on gender roles in politics. The legendary elements included in campaign posters for Iranian female candidates during municipal elections are investigated in this study. It specifically explores the importance, worth, and impact of these visuals in political advertising. The research findings indicate that although women have achieved notable progress in the realm of politics, their advancements and entitlements are frequently obscured by gender biases. Although women have made significant strides in addressing gender inequality in areas such as education, posters still prominently feature aesthetics and femininity. Women with scientific credentials continue to prioritize face appearance, influenced by the societal norms and regulations of a conservative society. Ancient Iranian political propaganda continues to harness the potency of age-old mystical symbols, serving as a testament to the significant value and influence of women in that era. Political myths, such as nationalism, assert that nationalism is not influenced by gender and that gender equality is a central focus in national movements, regardless of whether they are led by radical or liberal parties.