Liberal Party Research Articles

Institutions or ideology? Cross-party and cross-country analysis of factors contributing to the election of women to the European Parliament

Abstract The article examines the key factors influencing women’s electoral success in European Parliament (EP) elections. We present a new conceptual approach and a novel model that simultaneously incorporates trends in party characteristics, institutional and socio-economic factors and cross-country trends in women’s representation. The model provides a comprehensive analysis of the relationships between party-level and Member State-level factors and the election of women to the EP. The study is based on an original dataset of 450 observations on national political parties from all Member States, spanning four European elections from 2004 to 2019. Our results show that party characteristics such as incumbency rates, party size and ideological orientations (i.e. the party’s position on the GAL-TAN scale or its attitude towards European integration) play a key role in shaping women’s representation. This article provides novel insights into the unique features of Central and Eastern Europe, elucidating divergent patterns of women’s electoral prospects in conservative and progressive parties in Western democracies and Central and Eastern European post-communist EU Member States.

Saraiva, Cotegipe e a lei dos sexagenários

The present article aims at analyzing the illustrations of the nineteenth century illustrated press from Rio de Janeiro that approached the management of two Presidents of the Council of Ministers of the empire of Brazil. The first one, José Antônio Saraiva, a politician linked to the Liberal Party, ruled between the months of May and August of 1885. The second, his successor, João Maurício Wanderley, the Baron of Cotegipe, of the Conservative Party, holder of the position between August 1885 and March 1888. The research was carried out in two journals: O Mequetrefe and the Revista Illustrada, which approach the presidencies based on the production of humorous images and criticisms, notably about the Law of the Sexagenarians.

Más allá del partido: empresarios, tecnócratas y agentes políticos en los gabinetes ministeriales dominicanos

Objective/context: This study analyzes the partisan connections of individuals who attain ministerial positions in the Dominican Republic, identifying the influence of political parties, economic elites, and technical profiles in the formation of presidential cabinets. Methodology: Following the typology proposed by Camerlo and Castaldo, we categorize the partisan profiles of the governments of the Dominican Liberation Party (PLD) from 2016 to 2020, and the Modern Revolutionary Party (PRM) from 2020 to 2024. This aims to characterize their internal variation in scenarios of low formal institutionalization that are not captured by traditional dichotomous classifications. Conclusions: The heterogeneity in the influence of party leadership illustrates how Dominican parties diverge from the party government model. The predominance of non-partisan profiles in the core planning ministries, along with the presence of politician- businessmen in the rest of the portfolios, highlights the risk of political capture in this country. Originality: These results call into question the influence of the party as the center of power in dominant presidentialism.

Prediction of Canadian Federal Election Results Based on Multilevel Regression and Post-Stratification

In democratic countries like Canada, elections provide eligible citizens (aged 18 or older) the opportunity to vote and elect their leader. Since different political parties have distinct ideologies, election outcomes have significant societal impacts, making election result predictions crucial. This study aims to predict whether the Liberal Party will maintain its victory in the 2025 Canadian federal election using a multilevel regression model combined with post-stratification. The data for this research comes from the 2021 Canadian Election Study (CES) and the General Social Survey (GSS), with the cleaned datasets including variables such as age, gender, education, and province. Through the constructed multilevel logistic regression model and post-stratification adjustments, the results show that approximately 26.63% of Canadian citizens will vote for the Liberal Party in the next Canadian federal election. This prediction aligns with the hypothesis that the Liberal Party will not win the upcoming federal election. However, some variables in the model are not statistically significant, and the data is somewhat outdated. Future research should consider incorporating more variables and updated data.

Uma fusão discursivo-espetacular entre política, mídia e religião na campanha presidencial de 2018 no Brasil

The main objective of this article is to correlate the theoretical assumptions of enunciative Discourse Analysis and Guy Debord’s (1997) work on the social spectacle, through the proposal of a discursive-spectacular fusion between the political, the media and the religious, in the 2018 election campaign led by the party coalition “Brazil above everything, God above everyone”, composed of the Social Liberal Party (PSL) and the Brazilian Renewal Labor Party (PRTB). The aim is to demonstrate, from Debord's perspective (1997), the profound relationship between capitalism and social spectacle, understood as relations mediated by images. It also seeks to associate social spectacle and the scene of enunciation, a notion that recovers the process of representation of the very situation of speaking, through the discursive constitution of the enunciative instances: the enunciator/co-enunciator pair and the coordinates of time and space of enunciation. In addition, a proposal for analyzing the corpus is presented, which consists of highlighting, in the verbal-visual materiality, the traits that show the discursive functioning that is presented as the hypothesis of this research: a discursive-spectacular fusion between discourses that circulate in the political, media and religious fields, specifically.

The Role of Political Parties in Making Japanese Public Policy (Liberal Democratic Party as a Model)

Political parties are considered one of the most important political organizations and have a role in making and drawing up public policy. In Japan, they play a role, but there are not enough opportunities to assume governance. The Liberal Democratic Party is the most prominent party in Japan and plays a role in shaping and directing public policies in the country, and seeks to achieve a balance between the economy and the economy.And securityIn social affairs, the party played a vital role in promoting democracy and achieving political stability in the country. The party also seeks to manage the economy effectively and strengthen international relations through diplomacy and international cooperation, relying on its political orientations. The Liberal Democratic Party represents a model for political parties in Japan, which contributes to Effectively in making public policy and shaping the future course of the country, through its effective participation in governments, parliament and other democratic mechanisms, the Liberal Democratic Party remains a fundamental pillar in the Japanese political system, and a major partner in formulating and implementing policies that directly affect the lives of citizens and the future of the country. In its entirety.

제1공화국 후반기 자유당-민주당 갈등과 양원제 실현 논쟁

This paper examines the debate between the Liberal Party and the Democratic Party on bicameralism from 1956 to 1960, explaining why the realization of bicameralism failed. Bicameralism was adopted in 1952, but it was not realized. This gap between the constitution and reality became a major issue after the 1956 presidential election. When Liberals proposed a parliamentary amendment, Democrats opposed it and argued for the reinstatement of bicameralism, accusing Liberals of ‘unconstitutional’ neglect of bicameralism. After dropping the amendment, Liberals and Democrats enacted election laws for both the lower and upper houses. But after their defeat in the general election of 1958, Liberals claimed the futility of bicameralism. Democrats, on the other hand, urged the organization of the upper house, convinced of victory in the election. A massive dispute on bicameralism was violently ended, when Liberals used force to neutralize the enforcement deadline of the election law of the upper house. No further debate on bicameralism ensued in any degree of seriousness, and a bicameral system was not realized in ROK until the collapse of the Syngman Rhee regime.

Hizbut Tahrir's Political and Legal Movement in Indonesia During the Reformation Period

This research tries to explain and describe the political movement of Hizbut Tahrir in Indonesia. By using qualitative methods through literature studies, this research produces the conclusion that Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia is one of the most solid, neat and efficient sharia enforcement movements. has an international network. In fact, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia is also known to be the most radical, in the sense that it does not just fight upholding Islamic law but more than that also establishing an Islamic caliphate because according to Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, the application of Islamic law is absolutely impossible applied except within the framework of the caliphate. One of the strategies used by Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia in spreading ideas, by controlling strategic arenas in the middle public.

As deputadas federais do Partido Liberal (2023-27): um estudo sobre as ameaças ao feminismo e à democracia

This article presentes a study on the performance of federal deputies from the Liberal Party in the 57ª legislature (2023-27) in the current processo of the confrontation against the principles ofthe feminism aiming to understand how the defense of anti-feminism and anti-democratic ideal is carried out by these legislators, vocalized of extremists values. Some academic currents reflect on the links between the advance of the extremism in politics and the defense of neoconservative values with the consolidation of neoliberalismo, with wich this research shares. The methodology adopted was an exhaustive survey at press report about the deputies, based on the profiles drawn, categories were created that inform the singulaties and diferences between them. The results show that the values and actions of these legislators threaten the rights conquered by feminist, movements, even democracy itself, demanding reflection on the need for the progressive movements to develop strategies to resist the advance of extremis and maitain sectors of the center and center-left with them, expanding the field of allies in the fight for rights and, above all, for the continuity of democracy.

Ideologie językowe w programach wyborczych Nowej Partii Postępowej w Portoryko

The aim of this article is to analyze language ideologies towards Spanish, English and bilingualism articulated in selected political party programs (or party platforms, programa de gobierno) of the New Progressive Party (NPP) in Puerto Rico after 2000. The study examines the beliefs, declarations, and objectives related to the main language ideologies on the island, regarding: (1) Spanish as the national language of Puerto Ricans (monolingualism); (2) English as the language of American citizens and the U.S. federal government (monolingualism); (3) English as a resource for social and economic advancement (linguistic instrumentalism and/or linguistic entrepreneurship); (4) bilingualism as a resource for social and economic advancement (linguistic instrumentalism and/or linguistic entrepreneurship); (5) English as a global language (perceived as a universal means of communication). The article examines the programs presented during the general elections that led to the NPP candidates assuming the positions of governors: Luis Fortuño (2009-2013), Ricardo Rosselló (2017-2019), and Pedro Pierluisi (2021-2024). This analysis is contextualized within the language debates that form part of the island’s long history of the coexistence of Spanish and English since 1898.

From Gender Gap to Gender Gaps: Bringing Nonbinary People into Political Behavior Research

The “gender gap” in voting is one of the most well-documented findings in survey research across democracies. However, gender gap research has traditionally assumed that everyone is either a man or a woman, which does not account for the growing number of people who identify as nonbinary. How do nonbinary people differ from men and women in their party identification and voting behavior? We answer this question using data from the 2021 Canadian Election Study online panel, which has a large enough subsample of nonbinary respondents to identify gaps in party identification and voting behavior. Nonbinary people are much less likely to identify with and vote for the Liberal Party or Conservative Party and much more likely to identify with and vote for the social democratic New Democratic Party (NDP) than both men and women. Many of these gaps persist even when restricting the analysis to LGBTQ respondents, adjusting for demographic variables that predict nonbinary identity, and adjusting for issue attitudes. Nonbinary people’s distinctiveness from men and women suggests that researchers need to add nonbinary response options to gender questions and, wherever possible, incorporate nonbinary people into analyses of gender and politics.

Political Party Affiliation and COVID-19 Vaccination Status in Japan, 2022.

An association has been reported between political affiliations and vaccination worldwide. In Japan, a significant proportion of the population are non-partisans, and major political parties advocate COVID-19 vaccination. The association between supporting political parties and COVID-19 vaccination coverage in Japan remains unclear.This study aims to investigate the relationship between political party affiliation and COVID-19 vaccination status in Japan. Methods: This study utilized data from large-scale nationwide internet surveys conducted in Japan in 2022, with a sample size of 21,162 participants. The surveys collected information on participants' COVID-19 vaccination status and political party affiliation. The political parties included in the analysis were the Liberal Democratic Party, the Constitutional Democratic Party, the Komeito, the Japanese Communist Party, the Japan Innovation Party (Nippon Ishin no Kai), and the Reiwa Shinsengumi, as well as non-partisans. Logistic regression analysis was performed to examine the relationship between political partisanship and COVID-19 vaccine status. The analysis controlled for potential confounding variables such as age, gender, socioeconomic status, and geographic location. The odds of being unvaccinated were lower for supporters of large political groups (e.g. Liberal Democratic Party {OR 0.6; 95% CI, 0.5-0.7}), while higher for small political groups (e.g. Reiwa Shinsengumi {OR 2.6; 95% CI, 1.9-3.6}), in comparison with non-partisan. Political affiliation may be associated with vaccination disparities in Japan. Supporters of minor parties were more likely to be unvaccinated than those of the larger parties.However, this study has several limitations, including self-reporting bias andselection bias due to the Internet survey methodology.

Post-Dissident Politics and the “Liberal Consensus” in East-Central Europe after 1989

This article’s central question is how former dissidents and their engagement in post-1989 nascent democratic politics contributed to the emergence of what was later retrospectively labelled the “liberal consensus.” I look at the earliest stages of this consensus before it started to lock in the conditionality of the EU accession process. To this end, I first discuss the “liberal consensus” from a retrospective and past prospective perspective. I define the notions of “post-dissent” and liberal politics emerging after 1989 on the dissident platform. I discuss the theoretical background and historical contours of the notion of dissident “politics of consensus.” The empirical core of the study is an analysis of the birth of post-dissident liberal parties in the process of the disintegration of broad consensual democratization movements of the 1989 revolutions. The study offers a comparison of the Czech, Slovak, Hungarian, and Polish cases, analyzing their similarities and less obvious but significant differences.

Japan: Political Developments and Data in 2023

AbstractJapan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) continued to slide in public opinion polls in 2023, with Prime Minister Fumio Kishida's approval ratings never recovering from the scandal over the party's association with the controversial Unification Church that was exposed in the previous year. Kishida survived an assassination attempt in April, and the LDP's subsequent strong performance in by‐elections helped to temporarily stabilise his leadership. However, the party faced a fresh scandal in November, when a police investigation into the misreporting and mishandling of ‘slush fund’ money by the LDP's major factions led to the removal of four senior Cabinet ministers and an even sharper decline in support for the Kishida administration. Rising consumer prices, due in part to a weakening of the Yen, were also a major concern throughout 2023, with inflation for the full year reaching 3.1 per cent, its highest level since 1981.

Generations of pride? LGBTQ+ rights, sexuality, and voting behaviour in Spain

ABSTRACT This study investigates the enduring presence of a sexuality gap in political behaviour within the unique context of Spain – an early-mover country in the expansion of LGBTQ+ rights. First, analysing supply-side dynamics, we demonstrate that political parties in Spain remain markedly polarised on LGBTQ+ rights. Second, utilising original survey data, we observe a more pronounced sexuality gap among younger generations: the youngest LGB voters demonstrate notably greater support for left-wing parties, particularly emergent progressive parties to the left of the social democrats than their older counterparts, while rejecting right-wing alternatives. These results underscore the enduring significance of sexual identity in shaping political behaviours, even in a nation celebrated for its strides in the advancement LGBTQ+ rights.

Electoral reform and fragmented polarization: New evidence from Taiwan legislative roll calls

AbstractThis paper investigates how legislators respond to an electoral reform by adjusting their positions with respect to co‐partisans and rivals. Using cross‐sectional legislative roll calls over 20 years, we study how the dynamics of blue‐green confrontation are influenced by Taiwan's electoral reform from Single Non‐Transferable Votes (the SNTV) to Single‐Member Districts (SMD). Contrary to existing literature, our empirical evidence shows that the reform significantly fragmented legislator positions within their party and in relation to members from opposing parties, leading to an increase in contentious legislation and higher levels of both inter‐ and intra‐party distance. In the years following the reform, the political confrontation between the Kuomintang and the Democratic Progressive Party gradually diminished, eventually returning to levels seen before the reform. Moreover, our analysis reveals that the 2008 reform had heterogeneous effects on different parties, with each party displaying varying levels of resilience in response. This finding contributes to electoral system literature, providing policy implications for democratic countries contemplating electoral reforms.

Looking at Social Controversial Events from Aristotle’s Three Kinds of Discourse: The Kuomintang and Democratic Progressive Party’s Facebook Posts about Ractopamine Pigs as An Example

<p>社會爭議論述背後總包含說服，其語藝論辯品質正可為社會爭議事件帶來民主的反思與評估。本研究利用Aristotle三種言說種類對國民黨與民進黨臉書的萊豬貼文進行梳理分析，發現兩黨面對社會爭議多著手於究責與定罪，或反指控與自我辯護，容易落入根據過去的事件在評價之法庭性言說，不像審議性言說提出深思熟慮的論辯去影響未來決策，亦非強調共同理解之儀式性言說。當法庭性言說充斥在社群媒體的政治貼文時，不利於政黨之間的公共溝通，這現象值得反思。本研究期許從社會爭議事件過程的語藝拆解與解析，重新找到民主社會中公共論述的核心價值與新判準。</p> <p> </p><p>There is always a persuasive component behind discussions related to social disputes, where rhetoric strategies are used intentionally and unintentionally. The quality of rhetoric debate can bring reflection and evaluation of democratic society. This study uses Aristotle’s three kinds of discourse to analyze the Facebook posts from the Kuomintang and the Democratic Progressive Party regarding the Ractopamine pig’s import controversy. We found that when facing social disputes, the two parties mostly use forensic discourse based on the evaluation of past events, focusing on accountability and conviction or counter-accusation and self-defense. They rarely use deliberative discourse, which proposes thoughtful arguments to influence future decisions, or epideictic discourse, which emphasizes shared understanding. When political posts on social media are flooded with forensic discourse, it is inconducive to public communication, and this phenomenon is worth reflecting on. This study hopes to rediscover the core values and new criteria of public discourse in a democratic society through the dissection of rhetoric and analysis of the process of social disputes.</p> <p> </p>

«В Коауиле провозглашается коммунизм». Эпизод из истории Мексиканской революции (1912 г.)

The article deals with a little-known and little-studied episode from the history of the Mexican Revolution of 1910-1917, the proclamation of communism by anarchist guerrillas in the state of Coahuila in 1912. A brief but vivid history of the guerrillas, organized by the Magonists from the Mexican Lib-eral Party (PLM) at one of the key moments of the revolution, is considered in the context of the general role of the anar-chist movement at various stages of the revolution in Mexico, of evolution of its ideology, strategy and tactics. An attempt has been made to assess the significance of the events under consideration for the development of the anarchist movement in the world. PLM, led by brothers Riсardo and Enrique Flo-res Magon, was in 1906-1908 the first political force that launched a rebel movement against the dictatorship of Porfirio Diaz, and in 1910-1911 made a significant contribu-tion to the overthrow of the regime. However, after this, the leadership of the Mexican Liberal Party officially switched to the position of anarchism, and its supporters tried to organize a guerrilla movement with the aim of carrying out a social revolution in Mexico. Although the PLM rebel forces were crushed by superior government forces in 1912, and many of their members were killed, the proclamation of anarchist communism by a group of guerrillas on February 9, 1912 in the Mexican state of Coahuila, one of the traditional areas of influence of the Magonists, was the first act of this kind in the history of world anarchist movement and served as an example for anarchists in other countries.

Framing Nonviolent Islamism: Hizb ut-Tahrir al-Islami, the Ukrainian State and the 2014 Annexation of Crimea

Abstract The article offers an analysis of the paradoxes and dilemmas in the relations between Hizb ut-Tahrir al-Islami (hti) and the Ukrainian state prior to and after the 2014 annexation of Crimea. In the first place, it traces the representations of hti by Ukrainian officials in the 2000s and early 2010s, as well as various measures adopted by the government for dealing with the group’s proliferation among Crimean Muslims. On the basis of this, the article reviews the responses of various Ukrainian government bodies and law enforcement agencies to the criminal prosecution of hti as a terrorist organisation by the Russian authorities in Crimea in the post-annexation period. In this respect, it demonstrates how hti cases were used as an important element in Ukraine’s strategy of returning control over the peninsula by rallying extensive international support against Russia’s violations of human rights. At the same time, it is an argument of this paper that, despite vocal protests against arrests and long prison sentences for the Crimean hizbis, the Ukrainian state and law enforcement remained deeply ambivalent vis-à-vis hti as a transnational Islamist organisation – a state of affairs which became particularly evident in the treatment of Russian and Central Asian hti members who sought political asylum in Ukraine.

The (non)-religious voter in Canadian elections

Religious and regional cleavages have been key for understanding Canadian elections, and particularly the domination of the Liberal Party of Canada. While the conventional wisdom has been that these two cleavages are the most important sociodemographic factors in explaining citizens' vote choice, scholars have not paid a lot of attention to religious voting in recent elections. In this research note, we provide the first systematic post-2011 analysis of religious voting in Canada. We do so by leveraging recent Canadian Election Studies. We examine the relationship between voters’ religious affiliation and level of religiosity and vote choice. We show that both facets of religious voting matter, but that their impacts vary across parties and regions. The findings inform scholarship on Canadian politics as well as comparative analyses of sociodemographic cleavages in electoral democracies.