History Of Chinese Philosophy Research Articles

2 The Current Situation of Chinese Philosophy: Problems and Tasks

Abstract The cause of Chinese philosophy has made significant progress since it began to reform three decades ago. However, Chinese philosophy also faces many problems. Shaken by current market economic forces, it now confronts a huge challenge in taking on its mission of raising questions, both theoretical and practical, and responding to them using the methods of philosophy. This article analyzes developments and problems in the three sub-disciplines of philosophy: Marxist philosophy, the history of Chinese philosophy and foreign philosophies. Using this framework, it will purposefully address the great historical responsibility facing Chinese philosophers.

New discipline as The "History of Chinese Philosophy" and the Western Philosophy Methodology influences

New discipline as The "History of Chinese Philosophy" and the Western Philosophy Methodology influences

Histoire de la pensée chinoise : quels paradigmes ?

The History of Chinese Thought : Which Paradigms ? Anne Cheng’s Histoire de la pensée chinoise (1997) and Fung Yu-lan’s A History of Chinese Philosophy (Derk Bodde, trans., 1952-1953) present two different methodologies in the domain of the history of ideas in China. One approaches Chinese thought from an historical viewpoint, the other from a philosophical perspective. These two approaches continue to co-exist in Western sinology. Recent work undertaken in China reveals new paradigms for research within a common historical and philological orientation. The article aims to account for this through the presentation and analysis of the Zhongguo jingxue sixiangshi 中 國 經 學 思 想 史 (4 juan in 6 vols., Beijing : Zhongguo shehuikexue chubanshe, 2003-2010), edited by Jiang Guanghui 姜 廣 輝 , and the Zhongguo sixiangshi 中 國 思 想 史 (2 vols., Shanghai : Fudan daxue chubanshe, 1998-2000) by Ge Zhaoguang 葛 兆 光 .

王弼《老子注》的詮釋辨證/Interpretative Dialectics of Wang Bi’s Exegesis of Lao-Tzu

王弼是魏晉玄學最重要的思想家，也是中國哲學史上不世出的天才，他以二十四 歲英年早逝，卻無礙於他的哲學成就：《周易注》被收入十三經注疏，《老子注》 則成為通行本，影響後世深遠。歷來詮釋王弼思想的成果豐碩，精彩論點令人目 不暇給，對於王弼思想的關注不限於華人社會，近期在中國出版，德國當代著名 漢學家瓦格納 (Rudolf G. Wagner) 《王弼《老子注》研究》就是海外漢學家長期關 注王弼哲學的成果。本文針對海峽兩岸研究王弼卓然有成的林麗真、余敦康，以 及歐陸的瓦格納等三人的王弼《老子注》的研究成果，歸納其進路、觀點，以及 重大創穫。林麗真聚焦於王弼玄理的闡發，余敦康則提出通貫哲學與政治整體觀， 著重王弼玄學的現實關懷，瓦格納則從語言哲學入手，提出「鍊體風格」的詮釋 策略，豐富文本的內涵。台灣、大陸與歐洲學者對王弼的詮釋有共識，也有殊異， 這樣的參照比較，不僅可以相互攻錯，擴大學術視野，也能進一步深化王弼思想、 魏晉玄學的研究，極富學術意義。Wang Bi, the most prominent scholar of metaphysics of the Wei and Jin Dynasties, was an unprecedented genius throughout the history of Chinese philosophy. In this article, the author examines the brilliant contributions made by Lin Li Zhen, Yu Dun Kang and Rudolf G. Wagner, who are noticed for their research of Exegesis of Lao-Tzu. It is a synthesis of the directions of investigation, approaches, and significant findings they have come up with. Among the three interpretations, Lin focuses on the explanation of Wang’s metaphysic thinking while Yu emphasizes Wang’s secular concerns by proposing the “philosophy of thoroughness” and political holism. As for Wagner, he approaches this work with the views of linguistic philosophy and suggests refined stylistics as interpretative strategy, which functions to enrich the textual contents.

The Mozi: A Complete Translation (review)

Reviewed by: The Mozi: A Complete Translation Hui-chieh Loy The Mozi: A Complete Translation. Translated and annotated by Ian Johnston. New York: Columbia University Press, 2010. Pp. lxxxviii + 944. Hardcover $85.00. As Ian Johnston observes in the introduction to his new The Mozi: A Complete Translation, the Mozi is "unquestionably one of the most important books in the history of Chinese philosophy" (p. xvii). Indeed, the text is our chief source for the intellectual productions of Mozi (fl. late fifth century to early fourth century B.C.E.) and members of the school he founded (the "Mohists"). Apart from its inherent philosophical interest to contemporary scholars of Chinese philosophy, the text is indispensable to the study of the history of Chinese thought, as Mohist ideas exerted significant influence over the broader intellectual scene up to the early days of Empire. Yet, as Johnston points out, it has also been "a sadly neglected work" (p. xviii). Consider, for instance, the metric of available translations in English: until Johnston's attempt, there has not been a single complete edition of the Mozi in English (the last one in a Western language was that by Alfred Forke in German). This state of affairs is perhaps only to be expected considering certain special features of the corpus. The text is notoriously corrupt in places—a consequence of its relative neglect within the Chinese intellectual tradition until later imperial times. There is also the disparate nature of the contents of the corpus: the three main divisions in terms of content are: (1) the ethical and political chapters (chapters 1-39 and 46-51), (2) the dialectical chapters (40-45), and (3) the technical chapters on defense (52-71). Given that the three divisions are rather different in the type of specialist knowledge [End Page 308] required for handling them effectively, it is perhaps only to be expected that few would attempt a complete translation. And so the current commonly used English version of the dialectical chapters is Angus C. Graham's Later Mohist Logic, Ethics and Science (1978), while that for the defense chapters is the unpublished 1980 Ph.D. Dissertation "The City Under Siege" (1980) by Robin Yates. The remaining chapters were last given a complete treatment in Y. P. Mei, The Ethical and Political Work of Motse (1927), though the most widely used English versions today are probably those by Burton Watson (1963) and P. J. Ivanhoe (2001), both of whom offer but parts of the "core" chapters (chapters 8-86). With the preamble above in mind, we can thus appreciate the sheer scope and ambition of what Ian Johnston is aiming to achieve by giving us an English translation of the complete Mozi corpus. But not just the translation: the Chinese text is provided on facing pages, with generous footnotes for both original and translation. In addition, there is also a substantial introduction that discusses the historical sources on Mozi the man, the Mohist school, the nature and divisions of the Mozi corpus, a synoptic overview of the doctrines in the "core" chapters, Mohist responses to other pre-Han thinkers, pre-Han responses to Mohism (especially Mencius, Xunzi, Zhuangzi, and Hanfeizi, and, more briefly, the Lüshi chunqiu and Huainanzi), a complete translation of Han Yu's (C.E. 768-824) essay "On Reading Mozi," and a brief note on the existing translations (both in modern Chinese and Western Languages) and the translator's aim to "attain that elusive balance between accuracy and readability" (p. lxxx). Given the brevity of the introduction relative to the scope of the topics covered, it is only to be expected that there will be points that invite dissent from fellow students of the Mozi. Nonetheless, the introduction should prove useful to readers looking for information on the larger intellectual-historical background and the issues regarding the nature of the text. The translation itself is readable and largely dependable. Most of the passages that are harder to make sense of (due to textual corruption or lack of knowledge about Mohist technical usages) tend to be in the dialectical and defense divisions of the text—and it is to Johnston's credit that he has included...

The Unification of Ancient Chinese Philosophy: Fischer on the Shizi

The Unification of Ancient Chinese Philosophy:Fischer on the Shizi James D. Sellmann (bio) Paul Fischer. Shizi: China’s First Syncretist. New York: Columbia University Press, 2012. 248 pp. Hardcover $45.00, isbn 978-0-231-15906-7. Paul Fischer’s translation and commentary on the remnant fragments of Master Shi’s work are welcome additions to the pre-Qin corpus in translation. Now with the complete English translations of the Shizi 尸子, the Lüshi chunqiu 呂氏春秋, and the Huainanzi 淮南子 available, students can begin to gain a deeper understanding of the leading texts that are classified as syncretic or zajia (雜家) in the Hanshu Yiwenzhi bibliography. Fischer has completed an excellent job of reconstructing the history behind the life and times of Master Shi and the transmission of the extant fragments. His translation is fluid and easy to read. His comments help to illuminate obscurity, and his new arrangement of the sentence fragments helps to tie them together into a more coherent presentation. The book contains an introduction, an explanation about the content of the work, and the transmission [End Page 521] of the fragments, key terms employed, and a brief note on the annotated translation. A complete translation of each of the fifteen fragmented chapters comprises the body of the book. Paul Fischer also provides translations for the 194 brief fragment passages that are attributed to the Shizi that have been extracted by Chinese scholars from various histories, encyclopedias, and other works written over the centuries. The translations are accompanied by the Chinese text punctuated by Fisher. The book concludes with extensive endnotes, a bibliography, and a helpful index. In the introduction, Paul Fisher distinguishes between syncretism, as a conscious choice to borrow from different teaching traditions, and eclecticism, as an unconscious borrowing from different traditions. He provides numerous examples of spontaneous eclecticism in the history of China and other examples of intentional syncretism. His position could be bolstered by pointing out that the dragon as a mascot symbol for China is a syncretic creature constituted from the parts of other creatures, and that even the early Chinese Communist Party syncretically amalgamated Western and Chinese ideas. I note that the ancient Book of Poetry (Shijing 詩經) is also a syncretic text containing opposing views on a moral universe responsive to human needs and a unresponsive natural world, and opposing views on whether human actions influence the course of nature, assuming that the editor of the collection of poems was aware of what he was compiling. Otherwise, it becomes another example of unconscious eclecticism. Fisher reviews some of the various masters throughout the history of Chinese philosophy, especially from the Han and Song dynasties, who consciously and unconsciously borrowed from various traditions. For the continuity of this review, I will discuss the transmission of the text before its content. In the transmission section, Paul Fischer explains the historical background behind the transmission of the original twenty-chapter (juan 卷) text compiled by Master Shi Jiao (尸佼, a. 390–330 b.c.e.) after he fled to the state of Shu 蜀 from the state of Qin 秦 when, his sponsor, Wei Yang 衛鞅, Lord of Shang (aka Shang Yang, d. 338 b.c.e.), was removed from office and executed in battle. The conclusion to the biography of Xunzi in the Shiji (Grand historian’s records, 91 b.c.e.) contains the earliest extant reference to Shizi, claiming that he was from Chu and that his work was so well known that it need not be discussed. Liu Xiang’s Bielu (8 b.c.e.) and his son Liu Xin’s Qilüe (6 b.c.e.) recorded comments about Shi Jiao and his work that are preserved in Pan Gu’s “Literature Records” in the Hanshu (92 c.e.), stating: “Shizi in twenty sections. [sic] (His) given name was Jiao, and (he was) from Lu; the Qin chief minister, the Shang Lord, took him as a teacher (and when Shang) Yang died, Jiao fled to Shu” (p. 35). Some four hundred years later, Pei Yin comments in his Shiji jijie (Collected explanations of the Shiji, c. 438 c.e.): Liu Xiang’s Bielu says: “(The Shiji says ‘Chu had Shizi …’ (but I) suspect (it should have) said...

A reconsideration of the characteristics of Song-Ming Li Xue

By analyzing Zhu Xi and Zhang Zai’s three representative explanatory paradigms—that of Feng Youlan, Mou Zongsan and Zhang Dainian, the paper tries to show that studying Chinese philosophy in a Western way and emphasizing logical consistency will unavoidably lead to the defects of simplicity and partiality. In addition to Buddhism and Daoism, Song-Ming philosophy had also absorbed thoughts from the Pre-Qin, Han, Wei and Jin dynasties. The existence of multiple philosophical thoughts and their new synthesis lead to internal contradictions in Song-Ming philosophy and Li Xue 理学 (Neo-Confucianism in the Song and Ming dynasties). The contradiction between the doctrine of tiandao 天道 (the way in which the world runs) and that of xinxing 心性 (mind and human nature) was even sharper. Li Xue and Xin Xue also overlapped one another. The transition from the doctrine of tiandao to that of xinxing was a long journey. It was begun by Zhu Xi in his later years, and was finally completed by Wang Yangming. Unveiling the complexity and special characteristics of Song-Ming philosophy is a task for scholars on the history of Chinese philosophy.

The Study of the History of Chinese Philosophy in Contemporary China from 1949 to 2009

The Study of the History of Chinese Philosophy in Contemporary China from 1949 to 2009

The Failures of Contemporary Chinese Intellectual History

This article explores the failures of modern approaches to Chinese thought among both Euro-American and Chinese scholars of classical learning in China. What to date has been called Chinese intellectual history usually has been a less technical version of the history of Chinese philosophy, especially Confucianism. Despite important exceptions, there have been many subjective elements in the prioritizing of Confucian philosophy in Chinese intellectual history—at the expense of Daoism, Buddhism, and Islam, not to mention popular culture or women's history, even when rhetorically denied. This essay explores how study of the history of classical learning in China might proceed after the challenge of postmodern theory.

Routledge history of Chinese philosophy

Routledge history of Chinese philosophy

Introduction and Re-writing of Aristotle’s De Anima by Early Jesuits in China

This paper explores the historical and philosophical context and meaning of the introduction of Aristotle’s philosophy, in particular, his theory of soul by way of translation in the manner of rewriting by the early Jesuits in China. By way of introducing Aristotle’s person and rewriting his text, the early Jesuits in China and their Chinese followers have allowed Aristotle and his theory of soul to migrate to China and be absorbed gradually into the Chinese context. This is illustrated in this paper by the rewriting of Aristotle’s De Anima and its adoption by early Chinese Christians. The effort in bringing Aristotle’s De Anima and Chinese theory of human nature into an early form of synthesis in Aleni’s Xingxue Cushu, Sambiasci’s Lingyan Lishao and Xia Dachang’s Xingshuo should not be unfairly neglected in the history of Chinese philosophy. Their contribution to the meeting of western philosophy and Chinese Philosophy is indeed a big event in the history of world philosophy. We will examine also the negative sides of the introduction of Aristotle, in particular his concept of substance, and the Jesuit’ understanding of ethics based on their interpretation of Aristotelian theory of soul, that had given a hindrance to a deeper understanding of some basic ideas in Chinese philosophy and communicate in a better terms with Daoism and Buddhism. Without any intention to accuse any error committed in the past, this paper intends to be a critical self-understanding of the historical process of meeting Asian and Western philosophical traditions, in view of a more fruitful philosophical and religious dialogue between them. However, there is no justifiable pretext of neglecting the historical importance of Jesuits’ introduction of Aristotle’s philosophy, in particular his theory of soul, into China and East Asia. After a brief introduction related to the rehabilitation of Jesuit’s merit in East Asian philosophy, this paper will discuss the Jesuits’introduction of Aristotle to China and its reasons of doing it. Then it will proceed to examine different projects of translation/ rewriting Aristotle’s De Anima in Aleni’ Xingxue Cushu, Sambiasci’s Lingyan Lishao and their impact on an early Chinese Christian Xia Dachang’s Xingshuo, and examine Jesuits Platonic Ethics based on their re-interpreting Aristotle’s Body-Mind relation, and it’s impact on the Chinese Christian thought at that time, before we can come up to some concluding remarks.

An, Yanming, The Idea of Cheng (Sincerity/Reality) in The History of Chinese Philosophy

An, Yanming, The Idea of Cheng (Sincerity/Reality) in The History of Chinese Philosophy

Form, Principle, Pattern, or Coherence? Li in Chinese Philosophy

AbstractThis article provides an overview of controversies in the history of Chinese philosophy concerning the diversity of meanings of the term Li , as well as the comparative issues raised in various attempts by modern Chinese and Western interpreters to come to terms with this diversity of meanings. Revisiting the earliest pre‐philosophical uses of the term, an attempt is then made to synthesize the insights of previous interpreters and open up a new path for investigating its distinctive implications in classical Chinese thought, Chinese Buddhism, and Neo‐Confucianism.

作爲《周易》邏輯基點的“人是生命”命題

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English. “人是生命”判斷是《周易》的邏輯基點，也是具備明確中國哲學史意義的根本命題，因此，深入分析該命題無疑會增進我們對於《周易》哲學的瞭解。本文將以中國哲學史尤其《周易》爲背景，圍繞存有論、宇宙論、人生論及價值論等幾個方面對這個命題展開分析，以期限定出基於該命題的哲學體系在具體開展時的邏輯可能與應該。 The judgment “Man is life”, as the logical base point of The book of Changes, is the fundamental philosophical proposition in terms of its concise significance in the history of Chinese philosophy. Therefore, the profound analysis of this proposition will undoubtedly give rise to the improvement of our understanding about the philosophy of The Book of Changes. Based on the history of Chinese philosophy, especially The Book of Changes, this paper will discuss the proposition by analyzing the related theories of ontology, cosmology, the theory of human life, and ethnics in an effort to prescribe the logical possibilities as well as the necessities of the philosophical system which is based on the above-mentioned proposition “Man is Life” in the course of its development.

Hu Shi’s Study of Chinese Medieval Intellectual History

Hu Shi frequently gave lectures on the history of Chinese philosophy, especially the history of ancient Chinese philosophy, from the year 1919 to 1937. A large number of papers and dissertations published during this period are related to his research on this topic. In his opinion, there are three characteristics of the history of ancient Chinese philosophy: “ religionalization of thought,” “Indianization of philosophy,” and “conflict between Chinese thought and Indian thought.” In this paper, I explore Hu Shi’s deep insight into the religionalization of Confucianism in Han dynasty and into the thought of Taoism in the medieval times.

Contemporary Chinese studies of Zhuzi in Mainland China

Z{uphu} Xi (1130–1200) was one of the most influential philosophers in the history of Chinese philosophy. From the beginning of the fourteenth century until 1905, when the examination system was abolished, his and C{upheng} Yi’s interpretations of the Confucian Classics were regarded as orthodox and served as the basis of civil service examinations and intellectual standards for the Chinese literati. His influence was not limited to China, as his thoughts became orthodoxy in Korea and in some important schools of thought in Japan (see Chan). Because of his great contribution to culture, Z{uphu} Xi has been honored as Zhuzi or Z{uphu} Fuzi. This paper will review contemporary Chinese studies of Zhuzi, particularly of his philosophy, that have been conducted in mainland China since 1980.

On the Idea of a New History of Chinese Philosophy

On the Idea of a New History of Chinese Philosophy

A Critical Reflection on the Systematics of Traditional Chinese Learning

A Critical Reflection on the Systematics of Traditional Chinese Learning Zhao-hui Fang and David R. Schiller Introduction Since the beginning of the twentieth century, Chinese scholars have tended to take traditional Chinese learning and split it apart and then rearrange it according to the systematics of the modern Western academic disciplines. The purpose of this essay is to examine this tendency from a new standpoint, based on the history of modern Chinese scholarship rather than on what is happening elsewhere in the world. It neither aims at disclosing the problem of the conventional academic disciplinary boundaries of Western learning1 nor merely insists on the importance of classical Chinese learning and its own inner logic independent of that of Western learning. The main points of this essay are as follows. First, while it is true that in some areas Chinese learning and Western learning contain similar subject matter, modern Chinese scholars are often unaware of the essential differences between Chinese and Western learning with regard to their respective inner logics. This has resulted in the great historical error of conferring the various titles of Western academic disciplines upon certain categories of classical Chinese learning. To subsume the latter under Western disciplines often means that the inner logic of Chinese learning is obscured and its independent existence exploited. Second, classical Chinese learning has always had its own systematics (see the section on this below), one that is extremely complex and that has endured within a long tradition and undergone continual improvement over time. For this reason, Chinese learning is well beyond any criticism that may be leveled at it from the standpoint of Western systematics. Even so, modern Chinese intellectuals have become accustomed to understanding classical Chinese learning through the prism of Western learning. One of the sad consequences of this tendency is that the identity of Chinese learning has been distorted almost beyond recognition. To my mind, the process of cutting apart and rearranging classical Chinese learning according to Western systematics is one of the oddest features of Chinese academics in the twentieth century. In the introduction to his Zhongguo lunlixue shi (A history of Chinese ethics), published in 1910, Cai Yuanpei stated that this attempt to "rearrange classical Chinese theories of morals with the principles of Western ethics" had been initiated by two Japanese scholars, Kimura and Kubotoku, and that it was on the basis of their efforts that Cai had written his History.2 Later, this process was continued by Hu Shi , whose book Zhongguo zhexue shi dagang (An outline of the history of Chinese philosophy) (1918) was based on his teachings [End Page 36] at Beijing University.3 Then, volume 1 of Fung Yu-lan's famous Zhongguo zhexue shi (A history of Chinese philosophy) was published in 1930, and this work immediately became influential.4 At most Chinese universities during this time, Western models were being used to establish both academic departments and teaching and research sections. The classical Chinese systems of learning were thus divided up into a series of new sections upon which were imposed titles such as "philosophy," "ethics," "economics," "politics," and "sociology," all according to the systematics of the West. Since then, a movement that favors this rearrangement of Chinese learning has arisen in modern China, and it has still not run its course. This has resulted in a series of books with titles like A History of Chinese Philosophy, A History of Chinese Ethics, A History of Chinese Politics, A History of Chinese Economics, and A History of Chinese Historical Science. In this way, nearly every branch of learning in the modern Western humanities and social sciences has found some kind of "corresponding discipline" within the classical Chinese systems of learning, the only difference between the two, in the modern Chinese academic view, being that the corresponding disciplines in China appear to lack the maturity achieved in the West. Not surprisingly, however, the contents of these "corresponding disciplines" differ considerably. Thus, the typical view held by modern Chinese scholars is that classical Chinese learning has fallen far behind its Western counterpart. This is thought to have occurred because, in the context of Western academic disciplines, traditional Chinese subjects are seen...

China's Economic Reform (review)

396 China Review International: Vol. 4, No. 2, Fall 1997 peared as a plan for political change thought out by some impractical academics was actually realized by political power" (p. 112). 17.Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, trans. H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), pp. 224-228. 18.See A. C. Graham, "The Place of Reason in Ancient Chinese Philosophical Tradition." 19.See Zhang Qiyun, Zhonghua wuqian nian shi. 20.Feng Youlan traces the origin of the "rule of man" before the emergence oflegalism. See Feng, Zhongguo zhexue shi (A history of Chinese philosophy), vol. 2, Sansongtang quanji, pt 1 (Henan People's Press, 1988), pp. 292-295. Liang Qichao discusses the legalist attacks on the Confucian belief of personality as a factor in successful government (History ofChinese Political Thought, p. 119). Finally, Solomon shows very powerfully the Confucian family value system as an origin of China's "rule ofman." See Richard H. Solomon, Mao's Revolution and the Chinese Political Culture (Berkeley: University of California Press), 1971. Shangquan Gao. China's Economic Reform. London and New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996. 251 pp. Hardcover $69.95, isbn 0-312-12034-6. Much has been written about China's economic reform since its inception in 1978. Most of the publications on this subject are by experts outside China. The book under review here, by Shangquan Gao, is one of the few studies contributed by an insider. Gao is Vice Minister of the State Commission for Restructuring the Economic System of the State Council, and the President of China Reform and Development Institute. Recognized in China as the leading expert on China's economic reform, Gao's book can be viewed as an official explanation ofit. The book is preceded by forewords from two prominent British experts, Edward Health, a member of the British Parliament, and Sir Alec Caimcross—both ofwhom have expressed high praise for the work—followed by nine chapters and one appendix. Chapters 1-8 chart the course of China's gradual transformation during the first decade of the reform. Chapter 9 contains several interviews with Chinese and foreign journalists. The 64-page appendix is a detailed chronicle of the major events during the ten years from 1978 to 1988. In general, the book presents a succinct review of the changes during the early phase of the reform. Chapter 1 starts with a historical-background analysis of China's evolution© 1997 by University from a Soviet-type, centrally planned economy to a market economy. The market ojHawai ? Presseconomy in China is different from the general pattern prevailing in other countries ; it is officially labeled a "socialist market economy." According to the author, Reviews 397 one salient feature ofthe Chinese system is that it is based on public ownership, while in other countries the market economy is privately operated. The basic vision ofthe "socialist market economy" involves the establishment of: (1) a modem enterprise system, making state enterprises integral to the market ; (2) an open, unified, and ordered market system such that the entire sphere ofproduction can enter the market; (3) a macroeconomic management system appropriate to the socialist market economy that will precipitate the transformation ofgovernmental functions; (4) a social security system fit for the socialist market economy; and (5) market discipline and a legal framework appropriate for the socialist market system. While the new system may represent a breakthrough from the original centrally planned one, the aufhor fails to explain how a market system based on competition and spontaneous decision making could dovetail with a public-ownership system that is based on bureaucratic control and state monopoly. Chapter 2 reviews both the achievements and the problems of China's economic reform. According to the author, its most significant accomplishment is die transition from a product economy to a system founded on the commodity market . The reform has promoted the development ofproductive forces, improved national economic strength, and enhanced people's living standards. During the ten-year period from 1978 to 1988, the average annual growth rate offhe country's GNP reached 9.6 percent, substantially higher than the 6.1 percent achieved in the preceding twenty...

Ucheniye o simvolakh i chislakh v kitaiskoi klassicheskoi filosofii (The teaching of symbols and numbers in classical Chinese philosophy) (review)

332 China Review International: Vol. 3, No. 2, Fall 1996 Artyom I. Kobzev. Ucheniye 0 simvolakh i chislakh ? kitaiskoi klassicheskoi filosofii (The teaching of symbols and numbers in classical Chinese philosophy ). Moscow: Nauka [Science], Vostochnaya Literatura [Eastern Literature ] Publishers, 1993. 432 pp. Because Russian is not commonly understood by Occidental scholars, it may prove difficult to try to introduce a good sinological book written in this language . But even under the present difficult conditions, Russian sinologists have continued to produce some truly important works, and I hope that this review will contribute to the process ofreestablishing communication and understanding between Russian and Western sinological circles. Artyom I. Kobzev (b. 1953) now holds the position ofLeading Research Fellow at the Institute of Orientology in the Russian Academy of Science. His new book offers a comprehensive study of the logical and methodological foundations for philosophical and scholarly knowledge as they developed in the Chinese spiritual tradition. The publication of this comprehensive study of ancient Chinese logic and methodology (or, to use the author's terms, protologic and numerology ) may be said to constitute an essential logical stage in the development of Russian studies in the history of Chinese philosophy. During the postwar period, Russian scholars have concentrated primarily on studying individual thinkers and examining classical texts, thus creating a sort of critical mass of translations and descriptive research monographs. Kobzev's previous book on Neo-Confucianism also contributed to this body ofresearch (Ucheniye Van Yanmina i klassicheskaya kitaiskayafilosofiya [The teaching ofWang Yangming and classical Chinese philosophy ] [Moscow: Nauka Publishers, 1983]). Recently, Russian scholars of Chinese thought have become more interested in analyzing philosophical categories and terms and their interpretations, and this has resulted in a turn toward studies in methodology and metatheory. As a theoretical prerequisite for Kobzev's book, we should mention the first high-quality text published on this topic, by V. Spirin of the St. Petersburg Division of the Institute of Orientology of the Russian Academy of Science (see his Postroyeniye drevnekitaiskih tehtov [Construction of ancient Chinese texts] [Moscow, 1976]). His development of a unique structural-textological method used to analyze Chinese texts has since been further developed by other scholars (Kobzev, A. Karapetyants, and S. Zinin). 6 by UniversityKobzev describes this method ofresearch in Chinese methodology as "basically a way of singling out and analyzing the nonlinear (two-dimensional, as a rule, but possibly also three-dimensional) structure of a canonical, or canon-congruous , text with a theory-pertinent semantics of its own that constitutes an inofHawai 'i Press Features 333 alienable component ofthe given work's general contents" (p. u). The book focuses on the study of the conceptual and methodological basis ofthis kind of structure treated within the framework ofthe numerological "Teaching ofSymbols and Numbers." The author dedicates his work to the "reconstruction of the complete system ofthe 'symbols and numbers teaching' (xiangshu zhi xue IMS.^-^), the widelyaccepted formal methodology ofphilosophical and scholarly knowledge in traditional China—that is, an original conception of Chinese numerology as a specific methodological theory ofsymbolizational spatial-numerical patterns; the explication ofthe standard content interpretation ofnumerological theory; the elucidation ofits origin and the main stages ofits historical evolution; the analysis ofthe interaction of the theory with the alternative and defeated methodological system —protologic; the comparison with analogous phenomena in European philosophy , that is, the contradiction ofAristotelian-Stoic formal logic and the Pythagorean-Platonic numerology of structurology (arithmology)" (p. 425). The book examines three types ofobjects that make up the foundations of Chinese numerology. They are geometric shapes or "symbols" represented by the trigrams and hexagrams of the Book ofChanges; "numbers" found in the numerical diagrams he tu ?»G? and luo shu &?; and the "ontological hypostases" ofthe "symbols" and "numbers" expressed in ideographic forms of the "yin-yang" binary and the "five elements" (wu xing i-fr) (see pp. 1, 339-340). Kobzev regards these "symbols" and "numbers" as the result of a formal combinatorial thinking. They can function as variables allowing for different interpretations of content, and combine to form complete linear sequences and spatial patterns, that is, graphic schemes ofa higher order, with the help ofrigidly formalized procedures (PP· 339-340), whereas the numerological methodology that relied on them used...