Hegemonic Strategies Research Articles

AN EVALUATION OF THE KOSOVO CRISIS AND NATO INTERVENTION USING THE BASIC PRINCIPLES OF REALISM (NEO-CLASSICAL REALISM)

Concerning the inter-ethnic wars and conflicts that occurred in the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), one of the longest and most critical was the inter-ethnic conflict between the Albanians of Kosovo and the Serbs. Particularly, the most prominent humanitarian crisis that this paper will deal with refers to the period of 1998- 1999. Both; The Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and the Armed Forces of the government of Serbia might be classified in the ranks of “defensive realism”. The KLA was struggling to protect the Albanian civilian population from the Milosevic regime, whereas Serbia was committed to preserving and attaining its national security. In addition to this, there stands the principle of the security dilemma, since the KLA was declared a terrorist organization by the state organs at that time. On the other hand, NATO's intervention in Kosovo, even though being missioned for the protection of human values, additionally aimed for its geopolitical and hegemonic strategies in the world of anarchic international political system. Yet, in the theory of international relations, this might be classified as a structure of offensive realism. The main purpose of this article is to investigate the position of realism claiming that; the exclusive monopoly in the use of power belongs to states. In addition, this study aims to unfold the criticisms that realism uses against any foreign interference in domestic affairs. Yet, states are major actors in the anarchic global system that possesses a sole monopoly towards their people and sovereignty. Any kind of domestic disturbances and intervention from abroad is strongly condemned and violates the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other sovereign states.

Contributing to the nation through business: development of hegemonic strategies of South Korean conglomerates

ABSTRACT This paper examines South Korean conglomerates’ strategies used to convey their interests as the interests of all. Their hegemonic strategy was one factor in overcoming the authority crisis triggered by bribery scandals in 2016–2017. They adopted strategies such as social contribution activities and implemented hegemonic strategies, involving (1) social movements and non-governmental organizations, (2) the media and publishing sectors, and (3) academia and the educational community. They funded pro-chaebol social movements and controlled the media through advertising and journalists. Conglomerates also used publishing companies to spread their ideas and developed think tanks. They advocated for owner management rights, tax cuts, deregulation, labour flexibility, and managed academics. They engaged in educating teachers, creating economics textbooks, and building university student networks. Although the strategies have yielded results, the resistance has not vanished. Through this study we can consider the significance of the authority crisis, hegemonic strategies, and capital-civil society relationships.

Who’s Afraid of the Big Bad Wolf? How corporations maintain hegemony by using counterinsurgency tactics to undermine activism

This article contributes to critical theory building in relation to political corporate social responsibility (PCSR) by conceptualizing the underlying processes and practices through which corporations seek to counter threats posed by activist groups. We argue that the problematic nature of PCSR is entangled not only in its state-like aims, but also in its covert deployment of military tactics towards the maintenance of corporate hegemony. We illuminate how corporations use counterinsurgency tactics to undermine the ability of activists to hold them accountable for their wrongdoing. Building on the work of Gramsci, we propose that counterinsurgency tactics combine elements of force and persuasion that enable corporations to maintain hegemony (i.e., secure consent over time). We ask: How are counterinsurgency tactics used by corporations to neutralize activist pressures and maintain corporate hegemony? We draw upon historical sources regarding the Nestlé infant milk boycott case to undertake a genealogical analysis that exposes counterinsurgency tactics enabling corporations to counter activists and sustain their hegemony. We find that Nestlé deployed four key counterinsurgency tactics to nullify activist pressures (suppressing external support, isolating the activist(s), capturing the dialogue, and covert intelligence gathering). From our analysis, we propose the term corporate counterinsurgency and theorize the historic use of corporate counterinsurgency tactics as an example of a hegemonic strategy that enables corporations to covertly undermine activist pressures. We conclude by calling for further reflexivity in organizational studies research on the military origins of PCSR, and by outlining how activist organizations might mobilize against corporate counterinsurgency tactics.

Privileged underdogs: the heterotopias and anti-political correctness of upper-class men in a Swedish digital space

ABSTRACT In this article, we focus on a Swedish upper class digital space called The Good Society, where texts, videos and discussions are published. In this digital space the elite comes out publicly as underdogs in relation to the supposed hegemony of political correctness and the Swedish welfare ideology. The upper class take the position of protectors against the feminization of society and the crisis of masculinity. We argue that this space can be understood in terms of what Foucault described as a heterotopia, a form of peculiar counter-space. Using multi-sited digital ethnography we discern a playful mimicking of the state, the public, the media and public conversation. The article concludes that it is important to acknowledge and critically examine such playful and peculiar heterotopias as counter hegemonic strategies, in order to understand how digital spaces are political and serve right-wing, masculinist populist mobilization.

Unveiling Otherness: Gendered Memories and Identity in Octavia Butler's Dawn

In recent years, American Studies have shifted their focus towards the political realm. However, despite the undermining of many moral-philosophical dogmas of the Western metaphysical tradition by poststructuralism and deconstruction, a significant portion of the political claims made in this revisionist turn still rely, albeit tacitly, on these moral and ethical assumptions. As these assumptions often clash with the theoretical foundations of revisionist works, some proponents resort to what could be termed as the "pathos of marginality" and rely on vague concepts of "otherness." Furthermore, these political-ideological interpretations often neglect aesthetic aspects, suspecting them of carrying implicit and hegemonic strategies of representation. This abstract delves into the exploration of gendered memories and identity within Octavia Butler's seminal work, Dawn. The narrative unfolds in a world fundamentally transformed by alien intervention, where the protagonist, Lilith, grapples with the complexities of her own identity amidst encounters with enigmatic extraterrestrial beings. Through an analysis of key characters and narrative themes, this study elucidates the nuanced portrayal of otherness and the role of gendered memories in shaping individual and collective identities. Butler's visionary narrative offers a thought-provoking examination of the intersections between memory, gender, and the construction of the self in a post-apocalyptic world. By delving into the philosophical underpinnings and ethical implications of otherness, this research aims to shed light on the intricate dynamics of identity formation and the quest for belonging in speculative fiction.

Foucault and human capital as hegemonic strategy. Reflections for a critique of the educational-formative dimension of neoliberalism.

Objetivo: El artículo presenta resultados teóricos del proyecto de investigación “Experiencia, ética y sujeto en el último Foucault”, que conceptualizó las categorías teórico-metodológicas del último periodo de trabajo del filósofo; en el texto se plantea la dimensión educativa del neoliberalismo contemporáneo ubicada en el capital humano como discurso y práctica que produce escenarios de formación y constitución de subjetividades orientados por las políticas de orden internacional y las prácticas en las instituciones educativas de básica media y superior. Originalidad/aporte: Se circunscribe a los estudios consolidados en el último tiempo como filosofía de la educación, en el sentido de utilizar conceptos y categorías de la filosofía para problematizar y estudiar con efectos producidos por políticas y formas de la economía en el campo de las ciencias de la educación y la pedagogía. Método: La metodología esta cercana al enfoque arqueológico-genealógico-ético de Michel Foucault, materializado en diferentes instrumentos como fichas temáticas y analíticas que permiten reconocer los enunciados y las series conceptuales que reorganizan la manera como se han constituido las formas educativas del neoliberalismo y los efectos sobre sujetos e instituciones contemporáneas; aparte del procedimiento, se acude al ensayo-problematización no como una simple descripción de la situación construida, sino con la intención y el convencimiento de la transformación del sujeto investigador; es decir, no registrar las prácticas sociales producidas en los discursos, sino las formas como el sujeto se inquieta y genera diferentes posibilidades de acción. Estrategias/recolección de información: El artículo recurre a fuentes teóricas y documentales de la filosofía y la economía, privilegiando los cursos de Foucault impartidos en el Collège de France durante los años 1977-1979, al tiempo que se detiene en los análisis de los neoliberales norteamericanos (Schultz, Becker), teóricos del capital humano, quienes postulan el valor económico de la educación. Conclusiones: La educación contemporánea en Colombia y América Latina está cooptada por el neoliberalismo como visión de mundo. Esta comprobación se concreta en el capital humano como escena formativa que incluye volcar a estudiantes y profesores sobre el modelo de competencias y su materialización en planes de estudio y aventuras institucionales como la innovación, el emprenderismo y la gestión de los sujetos como forjadores de su propio destino, ser empresarios de sí mismos para ofertase en los diferentes mercados laborales.

US–China policy amid a persistent strategy: is conflict over Taiwan inevitable?

PurposeThis research aims to examine the US–China policy shift from Obama to Biden emphasizing the centrality of Taiwan question in the geostrategic competition with Beijing and its prospect if the US strategy remains unchanged.Design/methodology/approachA conceptual framework is outlined, illustrating how the US grand strategy is driven by the ideological foundation of Exceptionalism. The paper highlights the associated US policy changes that evolved from Obama to Trump and then Biden to advance Washington's strategic interests in its rivalry with China over Taiwan.FindingsBiden's policy led to an escalating geopolitical competition with Beijing over Taiwan to maintain US supremacy. The Biden administration is more stringent than the previous administrations on the Taiwan question and there is the conviction that the USA must not back down on Taiwan because the alternative will be a retraction of US world primacy to Beijing. With Washington's persistent hegemonic strategy, the US–China confrontation over Taiwan seems inevitable.Originality/valueThe research highlights how the Biden administration managed a perpetuated Ukraine crisis and forged unprecedented high-level ties with Taiwan, indicating the administration's determination to exacerbate contentions with Beijing over Taiwan rather than de-escalate.

Geopolitics of the Central America and USA: An Economic Perspective

The geopolitics of the United States and Central America have been intricately linked for centuries, driven by historical, economic, and strategic factors. Central America, consisting of seven countries, has long been considered the United States' "backyard," with the U.S. exerting substantial influence in the region. Historically, this influence has often been characterized by interventions, both overt and covert, in the internal affairs of Central American nations, which has left a legacy of political instability and regional tensions. Economically, Central America is a vital trade partner for the United States. The region's geographic proximity has made it a valuable destination for U.S. exports and a source of agricultural products and manufactured goods. Trade agreements like CAFTA-DR have further solidified this economic relationship, benefiting both sides. However, the region also faces challenges such as income inequality, poverty, and crime, which can have a direct impact on the United States, particularly concerning immigration and security concerns. While the cultures of the Central America and America, in many cases are diametric in relation to each other, the geographical proximity of the two has forged a relationship that can best be described in terms of hegemonic strategy. More importantly, for policymakers and scholars, to understand and to influence the future liaison between the US and Central America, they must reach across time and space into the past to learn the lessons of previous events. This study examines the US in Central America in the 20thcentury to determine possible future U.S. actions in the region.

Role of the China South–South cooperation hegemonic strategy as an “early emulation” in a context of systemic chaos

This study seeks to contribute to the thesis that China is directing its efforts toward the construction of a set of institutions that are presented as an alternative interstate subsystem to the one that emerged in the second postwar period. In this research, we made progress in locating the main elements from which we prefigure one of the features of that project. This is the strategy that, based on the cooperation scheme implemented by China through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the Global Development Initiative (GDI)1 and the Global Security Initiative (GSI),2 manifests itself in a kind of “early emulation” of the North American hegemonic strategy of the second postwar period. “Emulation” of the United States (US) is synthesized in a double process: first, in the way in which China is currently articulating an institutional framework under the intensification of the present systemic chaos, that is, in a previous or “early” moment with respect to that in which we could consider the clear rise of a new hegemonic power. This framework operates under the logic of a political dialog that allows trade agreements and promotes a development strategy based on structural change. Second, in a similar way to the multilateral consensus that underpinned the US project based on the promotion of “development” from the north to the south and with a fundamental role for cooperation and aid, China today deploys a similar argument promoting the scope of “a community of shared future”3 with its strategic partners and to which more and more states look to join, where the GDI and the GSI are fundamental axes.

ALGORITHMIC JUSTICE FROM BELOW

Tracking has become an integral part of users’ social media experience and the political economy of platforms. Creator studios are part of a larger assemblage of machine-readable metrics and data analytics on the back end of a digital platform. While it has become common practice for creators to make use of this feature to grow their business, creators have also appropriated it to engage collectively in “algorithmic gossip” around social issues. We observe how algorithmic gossip can become instrumental in the hands of minoritized groups. Particularly, following the Black Lives Matter protests in 2020, creators noticed that their posts were less visible after using platforms to report on the movement. As more and more creators took screenshots of their analytics and posted them, they were able to force a response out of the company. In response, Tik Tok launched an incubator to boost talent from the black community. Thereby, the company made a commitment “to elevate and amplify their voices”. In this paper we ask: Does algorithmic gossip about tracking provide a basis for overcoming algorithmic oppression or is it incorporated for hegemonic strategies of platform governance and silencing? We argue that end users gather insights from the analytics on the creator studio to reveal patterns of algorithmic injustice and bias. In the second part, we argue that platform companies undermine the collective struggle of minoritized groups through self-governance. As a result, we contend that this case study legitimizes arguments in the discourse against the self-governance of platform companies.

ABD Hegemonik Paradigmasının Dönüşümünün Tarihsel Süreçteki İzini Sürmek: Gömülü Liberalizmden Parçalanmış Finansal Liberalizme

The emergence of the United States (US) as the worldwide dominant power is an affair that needs to be investigated in light of some historical experiences. Afterward the Second World War, the US reestablished the world’s deteriorating international monetary and financial system. Embedded liberalism reinforced and stabilized the US hegemony (as the form of economic, political, and institutional organization) by generating the requirements for consolidating the global economy in which the US takes a leading role. From the mid-1970s, after integrating the world economy into an accumulation regime characterized by finance capital-as, a natural consequence of the transition to neoliberal policies-it was understood that fragmented financial liberalism began to show its effect as a new strategy that would ensure the continuity of the US hegemony. The study has departed from the problematic of elucidating the change in the hegemonic strategy of the US from its birth to the present day. In this problematic context, the shift of the US hegemonic strategy from embedded liberalism to disembedded financial liberalism and the central dynamics determining this shift is examined in the axis of historical perspective.

International Relations in the Middle East: Hegemonic Strategies and Regional Order by Ewan Stein

In this ambitious work, international relations scholar and Middle East politics specialist Ewan Stein takes on nothing less than the causes of order and disorder in the international politics of the Middle East. In doing so, he succeeds by producing a theoretically informed, analytical, and rich historical overview of Middle East regional politics from the end of the First World War to the early 2020s. Unlike works that deal with the region only as a kind of strategic arena, this book takes domestic politics very seriously and shows how internal politics affect external affairs and vice versa. Stein focuses on two key themes in state behavior in the Middle East: competitive support-seeking and ideological externalization. Given the broad historical scope of the book, the author starts with state formation and the creation of the modern Middle East as a regional system. Regime consolidation, he notes, is a continuous process, and hence, one continuing even today, as regimes attempt to shore themselves up and generate domestic support for their own longevity and survival. These domestic drivers lead regimes to compete with one another for external support, from economic aid to military support and alliances. But Stein is also deeply mindful of nonmaterial factors in the domestic and international politics of the region, emphasizing ideological and ideational factors as well, as regimes seek external ideological validation and support to enhance their domestic credentials and legitimacy.

Recognition as a counter hegemonic strategy

Building on the analyses of cultural hegemony in the works of Nancy Fraser and Wendy Brown, I argue in the paper that the historic bloc (order of cultural hegemony) of post-Fordist capitalism is characterized by a particular dynamic between several ?axes? of hegemony that gives rise to the ?paradox of engagement/disengagement?. The ?progressive-expertocratic? axis of hegemony creates a subject-position of the ?engaged self?, a figure embodying a certain promise of political agency that is simultaneously obstructed by other, depoliticizing axes of hegemony. This dynamic is conducive to the rise of contemporary right-wing authoritarianism, which purports to fulfill this promise of political agency through a series of displacements - the counterhegemonic left, I argue, has so far not formulated an effective alternative to this strategy. In the second part, I explore the potential of Axel Honneth?s theory of recognition, in particular his concept of ?interpersonal respect?, for grounding a left strategy of connecting (mutually articulating) the hegemonic figure of the ?engaged self? with a progressive politics of social transformation. To that end, I elaborate Honneth?s perspective by means of an argument about the role of trust in the context of societal crises that Igor Cvejic, Srdjan Prodanovic and I have recently formulated.

Whose climate intervention? Solar geoengineering, fractions of capital, and hegemonic strategy

Proposals for slowing climate change by reflecting sunlight back to space, known as solar geoengineering (SG), are gaining traction in climate policy. Given SG’s capacity to slow warming without reducing carbon emissions, prominent criticism suggests that it will enable fossil fueled business-as-usual. This assessment is not without merit, yet the primary funders of SG research do not emanate from fossil capital. We analyze sources of funding for SG research globally, finding close ties to mostly US financial and technological capital as well as a number of billionaire philanthropists. These corporate sectors and associated philanthropies comprise part of ‘climate capital’ – the fraction of the capitalist class nominally aligned with climate action. We argue that SG is being positioned as a tactic for enabling incremental, market-driven decarbonization, explore key institutions advocating this approach in US climate policy, and conclude that SG is poised to serve as a tool for class compromise between fossil and climate capital.

Dams, Development, and Racialised Internal Peripheries: Hydraulic Imaginaries as Hegemonic Strategy in Pakistan

AbstractDams and other large water infrastructures are more than mere technical projects in Pakistan. They carry a special symbolic burden and are understood by the state as vectors of modernisation. This paper interrogates the making of a statist hydraulic imaginary in Pakistan in the 1960s and its continued relevance today. This imaginary posits a technocratic state as the protagonist in a national narrative of hydro‐modernisation. I argue that the production and dissemination of an imaginary of racialised internal peripheries as places of developmental backwardness is central to the Pakistani state’s infrastructural interventions. I analyse images and narratives from state produced magazines and videos by contextualising them with respect to the cultural politics of hegemony. The paper advances debates in critical infrastructure studies via a critical reading of Antonio Gramsci’s incomplete essay on the “Southern Question”. It develops a tradition of cultural historical materialism—largely neglected by critical water geographers—attuned to the articulation of geographic unevenness, hegemony, and racial difference.

Economia política internacional e finanças sustentáveis: avaliando o acordo verde da UE e o “New Deal verde” da UNCTAD

Abstract Sustainable green finance is often promoted as an innovative tool to deal with environmental problems. This paper assesses policy proposals at the level of the EU and UNCTAD’s Green New Deal, specifically regarding its suggestions in the field of sustainable finance. It provides a theoretical framework in the tradition of critical political economy and combines a global perspective with regulation theory in order to assess different strategies in the area of sustainable finance. The respective proposals and initiatives can be considered as possible blueprints for hegemonic strategies within different contexts. However, the analysis suggests both proposals, although substantially different and representing different entities in the international political economy, fail to provide a systematic answer to the problems of a highly unequal over-use of natural and environmental resources at a global level.

Images as Afro-positivist narratives and counter hegemonic strategy: A study of #TheAfricaTheMediaNeverShowsYou

To arrest the negative stereotypes of Africa in and outside the African continent, a number of civil society organizations and activists have launched various social media-assisted initiatives aimed at showcasing the positive facets of African cultures as well as the beautiful touristic attractions existing on the continent. One of such initiatives is the #TheAfricaTheMediaNeverShowsYou movement launched in 2015 to combat the negative and colonial stereotypes of Africa through the sharing of beautiful images and videos of Africa on Twitter. The movement encouraged Africans of all horizons to share attractive images of Africa, particularly the ones that are rarely or never shown on mainstream media. Six years after the project was launched, it is high time to evaluate its strength and know some of its merits and implications. In line with this aphorism, this paper uses secondary sources and a qualitative analysis of images and videos shared on Twitter to examine the contribution of the #TheAfricaTheMediaNeverShowsYou movement to the imperative of challenging colonial representations of Africa. It specifically discusses the genesis, trans-nationalization and promises of the project; and assesses the movement in the light of two philosophico-cultural currents/theories namely Afro-positivism and counter hegemony. The paper argues that the #TheAfricaTheMediaNeverShowsYou movement put to question the popular but problematic belief that Africa is all about negativisms. It started a visual-assisted conversation not only about the wonders found on African soil but also about some of the cultures which non-Africans have often viewed as problematic or controversial. Such a conversation is a proof that Afro-optimism is still much alive on the continent and that; Africans are conscious that the fight against colonial stereotypes is a perpetual battle which must be fought even with the help of new digital cultures such as digitalized image-based activism.

Policing the (migrant) crisis: Stuart Hall and the defence of whiteness

Over the last two decades, the European border regime has become the subject of a growing body of scholarship in critical security studies. In this article, I draw on Stuart Hall’s work on racialized policing, authoritarian populism and conjunctural analysis to argue that this literature has paid insufficient attention to the close relationship between racism, capitalism and state violence. Writing at the dawn of Thatcherism and neoliberal globalization, Hall theorized the growth in repressive state structures as a revanchist response to breakdowns in racial hegemony. Revisiting these insights, the article argues that the ongoing expansion of the European border regime is a hegemonic strategy of racialized crisis management. The imposition of ever more restrictive immigration policies, increased surveillance and heightened forms of deportability are attempts to defend white bourgeois order and to police a (neoliberal) racial formation in crisis. The migrant ‘crisis’ is ultimately the result of one racialized world order collapsing, and another struggling to be born.

A Theory of Hegemonic Stability in South American Regionalism? Evidence from the Case of Brazil in UNASUR and Venezuela in ALBA

Abstract Both Brazil and Venezuela structured their foreign policy agendas in the early 21st century on the projection of their respective leadership in regional schemes such as UNASUR and ALBA, respectively, following an intermediate hegemonic strategy. The loss of dynamism of these post-hegemonic initiatives problematizes the relationship between regional governance and the role of regional powers. ALBA is a scheme contingent on the political cycle and political voluntarism intrinsic in Venezuela’s leadership. The bloc has lost members and relevance in recent years. As for UNASUR, most of its member states have withdrawn from the bloc and it is currently not operating. In short, post-hegemonic proposals lose dynamism and support once the leadership that promoted them weakens. A certain ‘hegemonic stability theory’ contextualized to South America with regard to the leadership of Brazil and Venezuela in recent years seems to be fulfilled: the decline in power of these countries helps to account for political reversals and changes in regional governance.

Crisis, Authoritarian Neoliberalism, and the Return of “New Democracy” to power in Greece

This article focuses on New Democracy (ND), Greece’s main conservative party, and its return to power in 2019. The study enquires into ND’s hegemonic strategy and governance. ND’s hegemonic strategy is grounded in both neoliberal and Far-Right premises. This enabled ND to create a hegemonic block that ranges from centrist liberals to far-rightists, while advancing an anti-leftist ideological project, connected to progressing upper- class interests. The ND administration unfolds an autocratic form of executive governance that is based on legislating class-related reforms, propaganda and effective control of the mainstream media, and coercive force. These features reflect the development of neoliberal authoritarianism in Greece, like elsewhere. They represent “the new form of bourgeois republic in the current phase of capitalism,” bearing the traits of autocracy, illiberalism, and Far-Right mainstreaming. The study deploys examples from ND’s political discourse and from policies that the ND administration has launched.