Hegemonic Strategies Research Articles

Global science and national sovereignty: studies in historical sociology of science

Acknowledgements. Abbreviations. 1. Science and National Sovereignty: A New Terrain for the Historical Sociology of Science Gregoire Mallard and Catherine Paradeise 2. Running in Circles: The Heidelberg Kruzhok and the Nationalization of Russian Chemistry Michael Gordin 3. 'Stem Cells' Two Families: Challenges to the Body and the Body Politic in the US Stem Cell Controversy Vincent-Antonin Lepinay 4. Who Shall Keep Humanity's 'Sacred Trust'? International Liberals, Cosmopolitans, and the Problem of Nuclear Proliferation Gregoire Mallard 5.'Carrying American Ideas to the Unconverted': MIT's Failed Attempt to Export Operations Research to NATO John Krige 6. National Usages for a Global Science: The Dissemination of New Economic Paradigms as a Hegemonic Strategy and a National Strategy for the Reproduction of Governing Elites Yves Dezalay and Bryant Garth 7. Appropriation and Regulation of Biotechnological Innovations: A Transatlantic Comparison Jean-Paul Gaudilliere and Pierre-Benoit Joly 8. Climate change: Scientific Dynamics, Expertise and Geopolitical Challenges Amy Dahan Dalmedico and Helene Guillemot. Contributors. Index.

Misreading in IR theory and ideology critique: Morgenthau, Waltz and neo-realism

AbstractThis article is interested in the hegemony which neo-realism accomplished during the second half of the 20th century in both the academic field and policy making of I/international R/relations. Our examination posits the argument that neo-realism can be seen as an ideology rather than a theory of international politics. While this view can connect to individual voices from the 1960s as well as to an emerging body of critical literature since the 1990s, we propose an ideology critique to explore this argument. To unfold this approach we will elaborate some neo-realist misreadings which we think manipulate intellectual history (among others, the writings of Hans J. Morgenthau) and represent an ideological impact intrinsic in the development of IR. An ideology critical approach – which is inherent in Morgenthau's thoughts on international theory themselves and thus helps to reveal profound discrepancies at the heart of an ostensible ‘realist’-neo-realist ‘unity’ – has, firstly, to problematise those discrepancies and, secondly, to focus on hegemonic strategies applied to ideologise and mainstream the academic field. The first part of such an agenda is what we present here; the second part is what we outline methodologically and suggest for further studies in, and of, IR.

America’s Middle East grand strategy after Iraq: the moment for offshore balancing has arrived

AbstractIn this paper, I argue that there is an emerging consensus among realists that the US should abandon its hegemonic strategy and adopt an offshore balancing strategy. Here, Iraq and the so called war on terrorism (or ‘long war’, or ‘global counter-insurgency’, as some American officials sometimes refer to it) have been the catalysts. Increasingly, it is recognised that US aims in the Persian Gulf/Middle East – and the American military presence in the region – have fuelled terrorism, and caused Iran to self-defensively seek to acquire a nuclear weapons capability. A number of leading realists now argue that the best strategy for the US is to extricate itself from Iraq, reduce its regional footprint, and adopt an offshore balancing strategy.

Thinking with the Sardinian: Antonio Gramsci and social work

Antonio Gramsci (1891–1937), who died over 70 years ago, produced a complex body of theorisation which is mostly ignored within social work. In this paper it is maintained that there are a number of obstacles presented for those reading Gramsci. Nonetheless, these obstacles should not deter us from trying to engage with Gramsci. After briefly outlining his biography, the article focuses on just two of his key thematic preoccupations. First, the related ideas of Americanism, Fordism and Taylorism; second, the concept of hegemony. Although conceding that there are problems with his work, it will be argued that these theoretical formulations continue to be of potential use and might aid our understanding of social work and related forms of activity during a period of neoliberal inspired transformations. Furthermore, thinking with Gramsci, and other social theorists, might enable the social professions to help construct counter hegemonic strategies.

Impacts of the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement on Inter-Korean Relations

IntroductionThe KORUS FTA has various effects on intra-Korean relations. The KORUS FTA Document Annex 22-B describes effect on intra-Korean as a precondition to be considered in discussing the rules of origin of products from Outward Processing Zones (OPZs). It is a very broad definition, but it is a good example to show that the KORUS FTA is closely linked to intra-Korean relations.There are two perspectives on the KORUS FTA and intra-Korean relations; one is positive and the other negative. Kim, a senior researcher at the Korean Institute for National Unification (KINU), said in favor of the FTA that, KORUS FTA can be a strong ground enough to give two Koreas a win-win game.1 He argued that the relationship between the two Koreas, as well as their economic cooperation, will jump up to a higher level through the FTA. On that level, South Korea will be able to strengthen its industrial competitiveness. North Korea will also have a role in developing the KIC, and may gain recognition from the United States for the regime's legitimacy. These will result in stabilizing the Korean Peninsula and will lead to a peaceful process in solving the Korean problem. In this process, North Korea may expect to restore stability to its economy.However, one precondition is necessary to realize all of these nice processes. This is recognition from the United States that products made in Kaesung can be regarded as products made in Korea. Dong, team director at Samsung Economic Research Institute, also takes a similar perspective. He has a broader viewpoint than Kim's. He sees that the KORUS FTA has an effect not only on the security environment of the Korean Peninsula, but also on intra-Korean relations.In a perception that security has a direct influence on intra-Korean economic cooperation, he summarizes the effects of the FTA in three ways.2 First, the KORUS FTA will improve Korea-U.S. relations from a military basis to a combination of the economic and the military. Second, the KORUS FTA could bring about a fundamental change in intra-Korean relations and in policies on North Korea. Third, the KORUS FTA will stimulate cooperation between North East Asian countries. In this cooperation, North Korea will have a chance to develop its economy.There is a view, however, that the KORUS FTA could have negative effects on intra-Korean relations. Chung, ex-secretary to Roh, said, President Roh is now going to fail his reform and if he goes on naively driving in KORUS FTA, he would face a difficult situation. Chung regards the FTA as a U.S. hegemonic strategy on North East Asia.3What is the KORUS FTA? The KORUS FTA will drive the Korean people into infinite competition in global markets. In the past, the global economy meant competition among nations. Today, however, it means competition among people, competition among enterprises, and competition among states, all mixed up simultaneously.First of all, from the legal perspective, the KORUS FTA is an agreement that makes trade between two countries free. The KORUS FTA is very meaningful if its purpose is to make trade between Korea and the United States free, without any tariff or non-tariff barriers. However, it can only be valuable if the FTA is mutually beneficial. The United States usually tries to maximize its own enterprises' profit. To accomplish this purpose, the United States demands that other countries modify their laws and institutions through FTAs.4 If the United States chooses to attach importance to modifying Korean laws and institutions, this cannot be a mutual benefit.On the political side, the KORUS FTA reinforces Korea-U.S. relations and confirms that Korea is inferior to the United States in terms of national strength. Many people would consent to this view, even though not all Korean people would agree with the criticism5 that the United States has got everything that it wanted, while Korea didn't get anything that it wanted. …

Dis-embedded centers and architecture of power in the fringes of the Inka empire: New perspectives on territorial and hegemonic strategies of domination

Empires were expansive polities based on the extraction of resources and economic surplus from subdued territories and people through a range of strategies of domination. Based on research on Oroncota in the Southeastern Inka region, this article presents evidence from architecture, settlement shifts, storage capacity and artifacts distribution, to illustrate the mechanics of dis-embedded Inka imperial centers. As an alternative form of control in the territorial and hegemonic spectrum, this research focuses on the nature and evolution of Inka dis-embedded centers as an alternative form of provincial control based on the use of architecture of power.

Futurepublic

This article advances some considerations on the current production of hegemonic effects, starting with some problems posed by the work of one of the most influential writers in cultural studies – the American Palestinian critic Edward Said. Said's commentary on the coverage of Islam in the US media in the late 1970s allows for some challenging considerations on how hegemonic strategies directed at the formation of publics and public opinion are increasingly integrated within a global noopolitics of communication whose understanding of the public is not derived from the notion of civil society but from the biopolitical element of the population – and the bio-racist segmentation that constitutes it. As outlined in Michel Foucault's analysis of liberal and neoliberal governmentality, such understanding of the public locates the latter straight within a new dispositif of power which is biopolitical and noopolitical at the same time, that is, which addresses itself at the same time to the biological, economic and spiritual life of the population. Such understanding involves a reconsideration of the constitution of publics and public opinion in times of netwars and information warfare as both subjects and objects of power/knowledge. In as much as such noopolitics affects what Maurizio Lazzarato calls a second bios, the life of the brain, it has the potential to give expression to the virtual power of immaterial events of subjectification which materialize in the bodies which actualize them and the possible, shared worlds that they are capable of producing.

Privatizing Collective Public Goods: a Case Study of Street Cleaning in Johannesburg, South Africa

Where Ruckert’s article considers the uneven effects of hegemonic strategies, Melanie Samson examines the partial and fragmented effects of privatization and the spatialization of social policy. Her study “Privatizing Collective Public Goods: A Case Study of Street Cleaning in Johannesburg, South Africa” examines how the privatization of street cleaning in Johannesburg took different and uneven forms, and the ways in which that unevenness served to reinscribe gender, race, and class hierarchies. In exploring and exposing the varied experiences of privatization, Samson’s article also provides insight into how state restructuring can engender new divisions such as, in her context, between workers and citizens.

Institutionally incorporated, symbolically un‐remade: state reform of Chinese schools in postwar Singapore

When Singapore underwent decolonization after World War II, its government—keen on constructing a Singapore‐centered identity—sought to replace Chinese schools, which taught a China‐centered worldview. This attempt provoked tough resistance from the local Chinese. Succumbing to this pressure, the ruling regime accommodated Chinese schools as part of the state education system. Afterward, the authorities, eager to make sure the now‐incorporated Chinese institutions would not unleash symbolic effects detrimental to their position, endeavored to transform the curriculum of Chinese schools into a locally centered one. This attempt, however, failed, because the state was unable to curb influences from non‐local pedagogic agents and, without a strong indigenous intellectual tradition, the Singapore authorities found it difficult to produce a genuinely local curriculum. This historical case suggests that we should consider the incorporation and remaking of subordinated culture as two distinct processes of hegemonic strategies necessitating analytical distinction. It also urges us to differentiate conceptually the institutional and symbolic dimensions of culture when using a theory of hegemony to examine education and power.

Protest against centralisation in Norway: The evolvement of the goal for maintaining a dispersed settlement pattern

Norwegian regional policies emphasise geography and demography more than structural factors such as business development, unemployment or income conditions, which are more important in the rest of Europe. The background for the particular Norwegian case is revealed in this article, through a discourse analysis of selected political and academic texts. During the 1960s a rural movement surfaced, articulating demands on behalf of the rural population. The mismatch between the rural mode of living and the government policy was revealed, mainly through the work of the sociologist Ottar Brox. This new approach to rurality, where an alternative modernisation scenario was introduced, formed the academic and political basis for claiming better protection of rural communities against the hegemonic strategy for modernisation. However, the articulations of this movement triggered other symbolic issues in Norway in the radical 1970s and policies came to be about much more than rural communities and particular rural interests. Working against centralisation became synonymous with working to preserve Norwegian culture and nature. In this article the widespread and continued support for a distributed settlement pattern is explained on the assumption that meaning springs from the representation of rurality to the represented rural condition, more than the other way around.

Hegemonic order, September 11, and the consequences of the Bush revolution

The striking feature of contemporary world politics continues to be the disproportionate power position of the United States. U.S. officials consider stability in East Asia to be of vital importance, and they have adopted a hegemonic strategy to promote regional order and serve U.S. interests. U.S. officials are likely to find the management and completion of hegemony more problematic in the years ahead. U.S. power, particularly military, will remain unchallenged. But changes in U.S. foreign policy after September 11, developments in the world economy, and developments in East Asia suggest that the exercise of U.S. power and U.S. relations with states in this all-important region will become increasingly complex and will demand more creative diplomatic efforts.

Hegemony and the politics of culture and identity in Thailand

This article argues that the establishment of the Ministry of Culture in Thailand needs to be understood in a broadly historical perspective that relates to the role of culture in hegemonic strategies of the state. It presents an overview of broadly defined culture policy in Thailand from the 1930s before moving to a more detailed discussion of the period from the 1980s to the present. The principle contention, developed in the second half of the article, is that the current policies of Thailand's Ministry of Culture, and its role in hegemonic identity production, can only be understood by taking account of the variety of factors that shaped the Ministry's emergence. These factors include the influence of international development agencies, strategies of appropriation by the Thai state, and the role of progressive forces within Thailand that seek political and cultural reform. The circumstances under which the Ministry was formed have made it a site of contestation between conservative royalist-nationalist perspectives on Thai national identity and progressive localist and international understandings of Thai national identity.

The African Stakes of the Congo War

John F. Clark, ed. The African Stakes of the Congo War. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. xv + 249 pp. Maps. Index. $55.00. Cloth. Long awaited to fill the gap in our knowledge of the ongoing conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and provide a clear examination of the implications of what has been dubbed first continental The African Stakes of the Congo War offers a collection of well-balanced and meticulously wrought essays. The four-part volume goes well beyond the urgent necessity of documenting the havoc wreaked in the Congo since Mobutu's demise. Suggestive and pertinent as these thirteen essays are, however, they obviously cannot pretend to embrace the totality of the Congolese tragedy. Clark's introductory chapter skillfully provides the common threads that run through the book by defining the conflict in terms of several premises: the dominant historical pattern of the scramble for Congo's resources; the collapse and Mobutu's extractive state legacy; the larger trend of warlordism (spurred by Western corporations' greed for Africa's resources) that has swept across the continent since the 1990s; and the political vacuum left by the end of the cold war. In the first part, Crawford Young (chapter 2) provides a useful postcolonial taxonomy of Africa's conflicts that rests on the old-fashioned, yet pertinent, Weberian model of stateness. Next, Jermaine McCalpin traces the origins of the Congo war from the Leopoldian red rubber terror to the tumultuous botched independence and to Mobutu's protracted and kleptocratic dictatorship. Nevertheless, attributing the inevitability of the Congo war to these historical developments tends to put unreasonably high premium on the past while neglecting both the timing and the recent events that have unfolded in the Great Lakes area in the aftermath of the Rwandan genocide. The second and third parts look at the external belligerents of the Congo war, those who intervened to support the Kabila regimes as well as those who sided with the rebel factions to challenge Mobutu's successors. Kevin Dunn (chapter 4) sets the tone by outlining the strategies employed by Laurent Kabila to keep his regime in power, strategies that could be categorized in complementary terms of reliance on foreign alliances and distrust of local and internal constituencies. Thomas Turner (chapter 5) rightfully ties Angola's military intervention in the not only to Luanda's decades-old fight against Savimbi's UNITA rebel movement but also to a broader hegemonic strategy that first unfolded in neighboring CongoBrazzaville when Angolan troops helped Sassou's beleaguered forces crush government militias. Zimbabwe's intervention, in contrast, is lauded by Martin Rupiya (chapter 6) as a selfless, legal, pan-Africanist and SADC-sanctioned mission that saved the from falling into the hands of Rwandan and Ugandan troops even as it burdened Zimbabwe's cash-strapped economy. Although evidence suggests that Zimbabwe's motivations might have been less benevolent, Rupiya lambastes such conspiracy theories as an unrelenting campaign depicting Zimbabwe's involvement as illegitimate, ill-advised, and based on personal quests for enrichment from the gold and diamonds in the DRC (100). …

Neo-Orientalism and the new barbarism thesis: Aspects of symbolic violence in the Middle East conflict(s)

Imaginaries of 'terrorism' and 'Arab mind' backwardness can be seen as closely connected: the latter explains the former as irrational--violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures. I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence: new barbarism. The 'new barbarism' thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence, and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures. New barbarism and neo-Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to legitimise continuous colonial economic or political projects, as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

State ideology and the legitimation of authoritarianism: The case of post-Soviet Uzbekistan 1

This article analyses the rhetorical legitimation strategy of post-Soviet Uzbekistan under Islam Karimov as an authoritarian state. I show that the most important mode of legitimation in this case is neither the consequentialist appeal to stability, order or welfare, nor a direct appeal to guardianship, i.e., special knowledge. Rather, Karimov and his court intellectuals seek to advance a conception of 'ideology' as the comprehensive pre-political consensus of the political community. Their concept of 'ideology' is used to advance a political logic whereby the nature of the political community, the purpose of the state, the unifying political telos and the present regime are fused into a single entity. This ontological fusion is presented as a hegemonic reality and occurs at the pre-political level, resulting in the vanishingly small space left over for politics that characterizes authoritarian systems. I then suggest that such analysis of the hegemonic strategy of authoritarian regimes, and above all the teleological conception of politics it advances, is a superior approach to authoritarian legitimation than the search for explicit 'consequentualist' versus 'principled' arguments.

Education and State Formation Reconsidered: Chinese School Identity in Postwar Singapore

Abstract After WWII, Singapore launched decolonization and the state elites were under strong compulsion to blend the Chinese and other racial communities into a national whole. Chinese schools, equipping students with worldview and cultural‐linguistic abilities very different from those at other schools, hindered the completion of this task. The state elites sought to resolve this problem by replacing Chinese schools, but this policy antagonized the Chinese and undermined the legitimacy of the ruling regime. To pacify the Chinese, they switched to uphold Chinese schools as an integral and distinct category in the education system. This strategy, nevertheless, kept Chinese schools culturally compartmentalized and sacrificed the objective of promoting interracial integration. To rectify this situation, the ruling authorities sought to blunt the cultural distinctiveness of Chinese schools by strengthening Chinese teaching in English schools. However, this policy was not very successful, because the Malays – the adversary of the Chinese – resented it. This study demonstrates that state formation is a complicated project containing conflicting tasks, it reminds us state hegemonic strategies always bring about contradictory results and the connection between education and state formation is always dialectical.

Strategic Alliance or Hegemonic Strategy? Conservatism Among the Dispossessed

This article examines a growing phenomenon—the growth of seemingly conservative sentiments among disenfranchised groups. I take as a prime example of such growth the strategic support of neo-liberal and neo-conservative policies by an African American activist group, the Black Alliance for Educational Options (BAEO). At the core of my analysis is a concern about what is at stake for all of us if rightist multiculturalism succeeds in redefining what and whose knowledge is of most worth and what our social and educational policies are meant to do. I argue that no matter what one's position is on the wisdom of BAEO's strategic actions, the entire case provides a crucial example of the politics of disarticulation and re-articulation, on the ways in which social movements and alliances are formed and re-formed out of the material and ideological conditions of daily life, and of the politics of discursive re-appropriation. Thus, an analysis of such movements is important both in terms of the balance of forces and power involved in specific educational reforms, but also in terms of more general issues concerning the processes of social transformation and agency. A critical but sympathetic understanding of groups such as BAEO may enable us to avoid the essentialism and reductionism that enters into critical sociological work on the role of struggles over state policies. Further, it can provide a more nuanced sense of social actors and the possibilities and limits of strategic alliances in a time of conservative modernization.

Strategic Alliance or Hegemonic Strategy? Conservatism Among the Dispossessed

Strategic Alliance or Hegemonic Strategy? Conservatism Among the Dispossessed

Rethinking the Education/State Formation Connection: Pedagogic Reform in Singapore, 1945–1965

Previous articleNext article No AccessRethinking the Education/State Formation Connection: Pedagogic Reform in Singapore, 1945–1965Ting‐Hong Wong and Michael AppleTing‐Hong Wong Search for more articles by this author and Michael Apple Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Comparative Education Review Volume 46, Number 2May 2002 Sponsored by the Comparative and International Education Society Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/340476 Views: 156Total views on this site Citations: 14Citations are reported from Crossref © 2002 by the Comparative and International Education Society. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Tien-Hui Chiang, Allen Thurston Designing enhanced pedagogy based on Basil Bernstein's code theory, International Journal of Educational Research 111 (Jan 2022): 101914.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijer.2021.101914 References, (Nov 2021): 89–97.https://doi.org/10.1108/978-1-78769-401-920211011Jessica Trisko Darden Policing young minds: Education and security policy in British Southeast Asia, Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 4, no.33 (Nov 2018): 273–288.https://doi.org/10.1177/2057891118811687Pamela Costes-Onishi Introduction: Finding Evidences of Artistic Thinking in the Schools, (Jul 2019): 3–17.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8993-1_1Leonel Lim Regulating the unthinkable: Bernstein’s pedagogic device and the paradox of control, International Studies in Sociology of Education 26, no.44 (May 2017): 353–374.https://doi.org/10.1080/09620214.2017.1317605Tony Loughland, Arathi Sriprakash Bernstein revisited: the recontextualisation of equity in contemporary Australian school education, British Journal of Sociology of Education 37, no.22 (Jun 2014): 230–247.https://doi.org/10.1080/01425692.2014.916604Ross Collin A Bernsteinian Analysis of Content Area Literacy, Journal of Literacy Research 46, no.33 (Sep 2014): 306–329.https://doi.org/10.1177/1086296X14552178K. C. Ho, Yun Ge Education and human capital management in a world city: the case of Singapore, Asia Pacific Journal of Education 31, no.33 (Sep 2011): 263–276.https://doi.org/10.1080/02188791.2011.595058Keita Takayama, Nadine Dolby Book Reviews, Asia Pacific Journal of Education 30, no.22 (Jun 2010): 243–247.https://doi.org/10.1080/02188790903570550Charlene Tan Contesting reform: Bernstein’s pedagogic device and madrasah education in Singapore, Journal of Curriculum Studies 42, no.22 (Apr 2010): 165–182.https://doi.org/10.1080/00220270903494311Marcus B. Weaver-Hightower Inventing the “All-American Boy”, Men and Masculinities 10, no.33 (May 2007): 267–295.https://doi.org/10.1177/1097184X06287759Karmo Kroos The Bologna Process, (Jan 2007): 117–140.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-4616-2_6Michael Apple Strategic Alliance or Hegemonic Strategy? Conservatism Among the Dispossessed, London Review of Education 1, no.11 (Jan 2003): 47–60.https://doi.org/10.1080/14748460306694Jill Bourne Official Pedagogic Discourses and the Construction of Learners’ Identities, (): 798–809.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-30424-3_60

Civilizing the Popular?

In the context of the Bolivian state’s strategy to construct a strong ‘civil society’, the ‘Popular Participation Law’ (LPP) appears as a response to long term popular demands. Situating this law within the context of hegemonic processes which have aimed at incorporating Andean peasants/‘Indians’ into the Bolivian nation state, this article discusses the effects that this highly regulated construction of a modern participatory citizenry has on rural areas. The case of a rural province in the highlands of Cochabamba suggests that while the establishment of a framework for the emergence of a rural civil society does entail a potentially significant reconfiguration of rural power and ethnic relations, the subtle works of these hegemonic strategies also predefine the limits to what can name=be achieved in the space opened for participatory citizens.