Hegemonic Power Research Articles

REFLECTIONS OF THE BELT AND ROAD INITATIVE TO THE POST-PANDEMIC NEW WORLD ORDER IN THE CONTEXT OF ANDRE GUNDER FRANK’S “REORIENT”

Andre Gunder Frank tarafından ortaya koyulan “Yeniden Doğu” tezi, 1400-1800 yılları arası dönemde Avrupa-merkezci tarih anlayışıyla yazılan ve Batı’nın Doğu’dan üstün olduğunu ifade eden görüşün aksine; söz konusu dönemde Çin merkezli Asya ekonomisinin Batı’dan üstün olduğu üzerine kuruludur. Frank’a göre Batı’nın 18. yüzyıl sonlarında kurduğu üstünlük geçici olup, 20. yüzyılın ortalarından itibaren Çin merkezli Asya ekonomileri, yeniden canlanarak dünya sisteminde etkin olacaklardır. Çin’in 1970 sonrası dışa açılarak küresel ekonomide yer edinmeye yönelik adımları ve bunun bir sonucu olarak küresel yatırımları teşvik edici politikaları, Çin’in kalkınmasına ve özellikle Soğuk Savaş sonrası oluşan düzende küresel bir ekonomik güç olmasına olanak sağlamıştır. Ayrıca 1970 sonrası ABD hegemonyasının krize girmesi, iki bloklu dünya sisteminin dağılması ve ABD’nin dış politikada uyguladığı sert güç, küresel sermayenin Çin özelinde Asya’da yaygınlaşması ve 21. Yüzyılda Çin’in hegemonik güç olmasını olumlu etkilemiştir. Bu çalışma Frank tarafından ileri sürülen Yeniden Doğu adlı tezin, küresel gelişmeler çerçevesinde yeniden değerlendirilmesini amaçlamaktadır. Çalışma kapsamında Çin’in küresel ekonomideki konumu açıklanacak ve dünyada barışı simgelediğini iddia eden önemli yaklaşımlardan biri olan Tek Kuşak Tek Yol Projesi çalışma kapsamında analiz edilecektir. Covid-19 sonrası yeni dünya sisteminde Frank’ın Yeniden Doğu tezi ile Çin’in dünyaya barış olarak iddia ettiği Tek Kuşak ve Tek Yol Projesi çalışma kapsamında değerlendirilecektir.

CURRÍCULO E CONTEXTO MULTICULTURAL: SIGNIFICAÇÕES A PARTIR DA REALIDADE VIVIDA NA FORMAÇÃO DOCENTE

Este artigo apresenta um estudo sobre currículo e suas políticas na formação docente, tendo como espaço a realidade específica do contexto multicultural do estado de Roraima. Toma como percurso metodológico a modalidade de pesquisa fenomenológica. As interpretações feitas a partir das significações expressas nos relatos de experiências com o fenômeno investigado possibilitaram conhecer como professores e gestores, que atuam na formação do Curso de Pedagogia da Universidade Estadual de Roraima, percebem e significam o currículo e a formação mediante a realidade multicultural local. Os resultados revelaram a necessidade de elaborar e inserir políticas curriculares e educacionais voltadas ao espírito próprio do lugar onde o currículo se desvela e se realiza. Apontam para a importância de uma proposta curricular dinâmica e criativa, capaz de envolver políticas culturais que reafirmem o currículo como lugar do conhecimento e da aprendizagem criativa. Como um espaço de produção simbólica, de sentidos e significações existenciais.

Contestation and Collaboration for Water Resources: Comparing the Emerging Regional Water Governance of the Aral Sea, Irtysh River, and Mekong River

This paper enquires into how effectively “regional transboundary water governance” functions in resolving ecological problems associated with shared water resources. It compares three cases in Asia—the Irtysh River, Aral Sea, and Mekong River basin. Previous scholarly work on the hydro-politics of these three cases within social science disciplines, especially political science and international relations, focuses heavily on the dimension of “hegemonic power disparity between state actors” (from the weaker parties’ points of view) and/or the “economic or strategic benefits of development either defending or criticizing” (from the more powerful—often the polluters’—point of view). To contribute to existing research, this paper intends to enlarge the analytical scope and use the formation of regional environmental governance to grasp a broader picture of the complexity and interconnectivity of ecological issues, regional history, and politics. For analysis, we investigated the multilevel gaps in environmental communication at three different levels, exploring both the conflictual and cooperative relationships amongst all actors involved, namely (a) state-to-state relations: hydro-hegemonism due to the power disparity in historical and political contexts; (b) society level: authoritarian environmentalism between politics and citizens; and (c) global inter-connectivity or distance from (or the absence of) the application of international norms. We argue that all three cases, albeit at various degrees, equally exhibit the potential to fill the multidimensional gaps to ensure more functional, effective, and equitable regional hydro-governance.

Resistance at the Borders of Power: Reflections on the Zapatista and Palestinian Experiences

Palestinians and Zapatistas exist in the liminal space at the margins of an oppressive state power, which they resist through their very existence as self-defined peoples. Their everyday resistance practices, reflecting prefigurative politics, forge collective identity and social subjectivity through what the Zapatistas call “dignified rage” and Palestinians call sumud (steadfastness). In the tradition of active nonviolence, both movements creatively employ art, ironic humor, and joy in processes of resistance that strengthen the community. Both movements resist the coloniality of power through initiatives that reinforce self-sufficiency while practicing solidarity to offset the hegemonic power that attempts to divide and isolate them and strip them of their identity. Through the exercise of autonomy, de facto rather than negotiated, they refuse to recognize illegitimate authority. Their autonomous actions counterpose what Hardt and Negri call constituent power, built from below, to the state’s offer of a quota of constituted institutional power imposed from above and confined within imposed territorial borders.

Negativity, conflict and resistance: The Portuguese revolutionary process (1974–75) and its international mediations – Spanish newspapers and the Inter Press Service

By considering the Portuguese revolutionary process of 1974–75 as a mediatic event, this article addresses aspects of the internal logic of information flow in the western context, heavily influenced and mediated by the frame of the Cold War. Initiated by a military coup, intended to put an end to 48 years of an authoritarian regime and thirteen years of colonial wars, the revolutionary process lasted about nineteen months and brought about such a change in the country’s social, political and economic structures that the constitution approved in 1976, included the goal of ensuring a transition to socialism. Meanwhile the hegemonic power of the main news agencies was the object of an international debate, with the UNESCO-sponsored MacBride Report (1980) offering proposals for the rebalancing of information. Focusing on this process as a mediatic event highlights the power of news agencies, influential even in contexts of informative restriction (as in the Spanish case) and responsible, to a large extent, for the dominant negativity of the event’s portrayal. This was the origin of increasing tensions between revolutionary political subjects and foreign correspondents, and also of the activation of forms of resistance, such as the agency Inter Press Service (IPS), whose aim to counter the dominant logic inscribes it in the North–South dialogue.

LGBTIQ Roma and queer intersectionalities: the lived experiences of LGBTIQ Roma

Roma of minority sexual and gender identities experience oppression and inequality as Roma and LGBTIQ. Moving past a frame of reference in Romani Studies that has often foregrounded ethnicity, this article utilises the lived experiences of LGBTIQ Roma in order to explore understandings of Romani identities as fluid but nonetheless informed by interlocking axes of inequality. Data were generated through participant observation, focus groups and interviews with LGBTIQ Roma, and were analysed using thematic analysis. Findings reveal that individuals who self-identify as Roma also make multiple identifications on other grounds, including sex/gender, sexuality, gender identity or class. In this article, I argue that reading intersectionality in conjunction with queer assemblages – ‘queer intersectionalities’ – benefits queer (non-normative) intersectional understandings of Romani identities as not anchored in the notion of fixed ‘groupness’ or essentialist difference while allowing us to identify and interrogate the inequitable workings of asymmetrical hegemonic power relations constitutive of binary social norm(ativitie)s.

Health curricular training with a focus on gender diversity in selected countries

Abstract Background The discussion on the inclusion of sexuality in the school curriculum is old, but the same cannot be said of the proposition of this theme as a guide of national public policies in the area of education. We discussed in this article, how the absence of the biopsychosocial dimension of sexuality in the training of health professionals compromises the recognition of people's diversity, assistance and the guarantee of human rights. Methods Review of the literature in the scientific databases Science Direct, Web of Science and BVS. 16 articles constituted the corpus. This review followed the recommendations of PRISMA. The instrument proposed by CASP was used to evaluate the methodological quality of the selected studies. Results The publications on health training highlighted several aspects, from the need for training for the team of health professionals, regarding the reception and clinical care of LGBT people until the creation of teaching materials to fill the curriculum gaps on this subject. Several studies discuss the near absence of LGBT teaching hours in the medical and nursing curricula. The low permeability of LGBT discussions in academia reinforces a sexist, heterocisnormative training that has repercussions on the low quality of care provided to these individuals. Conclusions It makes it necessary to understand the uniqueness of the LGBT community for health support for different sexual genders. The inclusion of these themes in the training path can make possible a professional practice that overcomes the prejudices, violence and binarism present in a sexist and heteronormative society and implies breaking with hegemonic power relations. The construction of a pedagogy that values the diversities and a curriculum that does not standardize the subjects from standards, whatever they are, and that even meet those who are on the borders, is necessary for a true democratization. Key messages We cannot deny the constant setbacks in the scope of these policies guided in a conservative society in a kind of political and social game with confrontations sometimes aggressive. Promote the longitudinal improvement and insertion along the training, in the interface with other determinants that go through the health care of the integral being.

High-stakes examination policies and transformation of the Turkish education system

This article discusses the rapid changes that have taken place in high-stakes examination policy in Turkey by situating the policy change in the larger debate around the transformation of the education system. A large body of literature has discussed ways in which policy changes in national examinations have interacted with the neoliberal and raced structures in education, thus contributing to the creation and reproduction of educational inequalities. This article contributes to this body of literature by discussing how changes in high-stakes examination systems have interacted with the neoliberal Islamization of education in Turkey and have contributed to the creation of new forms of inequalities. The article also demonstrates how the characteristics of policy change to high-stakes examinations can differ depending on the hegemonic power relations at play.

The hegemonic influence of the United States in the Middle East Case study: Israel's security

At the foreign policy level of hegemonic power in the post-Cold War international system, ideas play a pivotal role in justifying the goals of U.S. foreign policy as hegemonic power in the international system and, consequently, guide the country's performance on the universal stage. In this respect, US foreign policy during recent decades has been based on comprehensive support and absolute alignment with Israel's interests in the Middle East and at the level of the international system. This article aims at examining the hegemonic influence of the United States in the Middle East with a focus targeted at Israel's security. The most important legacy of US foreign policy over the Middle East has been Israel's strategic shift toward building security of Israel in the Middle East. On the other hand, unilateralism based on Israel's security has been at odds with security in the Middle East.

Currency and settler colonialism: the Palestinian case

This paper aims to shed new light on the international dimension of monetary power by exploring currency policy as a systematic tool of settler colonialism. The latter is defined as a mode of domination whereby an exogenous hegemonic power aims to displace and dispossess the native society in order to establish a new permanent homeland. These arguments are developed by exploring the case of Israeli currency circulation in the occupied Palestinian territories. To this purpose, the heterodox critique of the classical theory of money is employed to provide a fresh geopolitical reading of the origins, evolution, implications, and continued viability of a so-called ‘settler currency.’ It is found that Israel’s settler colonial project has been expedited by the enforced shekelization of the oPt, in that the latter not only acts as a barrier to industrialization and economic liberation in line with other hegemonic institutions, but also offers a sophisticated tool for coercion that directly assists the hegemon’s political ends. It follows that a settler colonial currency represents a multifaceted vehicle that facilitates the settler state’s reproduction.

All-In or All-Out: Why Insularity Pushes and Pulls American Grand Strategy to Extremes

Critics of the expansive US grand strategy of deep engagement argue that the United States should pursue strategies of retrenchment to avoid provoking conflicts with major powers and allied freeriding. Retrenchers believe the United States can rely on the inherent security its insularity and distance from other major powers provides and delay its possible interventions until strictly necessary. Should a hegemonic power emerge in Eurasia, its command of the maritime commons will allow US reentry into the region. This paper argues that such strategies are not likely to succeed for the US in Asia, but neither is the US likely to avoid escalation with China if it continues deep engagement. The balance of interests between the United States and its allies and adversaries is inherently asymmetric because the United States is a distant, offshore power. This in turn makes it difficult to convince adversaries and allies that it is willing to spend blood and treasure and to convince the domestic audience of the need to do so. Entanglement abroad and overselling at home are thus endemic in the US grand strategy. The history of US engagement in Cold War Europe illustrates how US commitments swung between the extremes of the pendulum. This paper shows how this dynamic applies to the Sino-American competition in the Western Pacific, where China seeks to raise the costs for the United States, and the United States seeks to maintain military-technological superiority to maintain access. If the United States is committed to upholding the balance of power, it must be willing to court disaster and treat China as an existential threat. In Asia, the former thus faces a stark choice between dangerous escalation and retreat.

Cultural Hegemony and Victimisation of Bedia Women in Central India

Italian philosopher Antonio Gramsci first coined the term “hegemony” and also elaborated on cultural hegemony. It is a common perception that cultural powers and organisations are hegemonic-centred, resulting in a network of invisible powers. Hegemonic power processes are an integral part of daily social and cultural practices that help to perpetuate power relations. The repercussions of hegemony can be seen in various aspects of society, such as caste, class, ethnicity, occupation, gender, tradition, etc. This paper enlightens on the gendered hegemonic cultural practice of prostitution (sex work) as a traditional institution in the Bedia community. The intensive fieldwork in Habla hamlet, a sub-village of Luhari village (village assembly) of the Bedia community in Sagar district in Madhya Pradesh, India, was conducted to reveal the hegemonic practices in the community. Forty people aged between 50 to 60 years have been interviewed for this study. Twenty females and twenty males were selected for data collection, and observations had been made in the hamlet to understand hegemony through social institutions.
 Moreover, we have found that the male members are alert to the preservation of the purity and chastity of their wives but compelled their sisters and daughters, with the support of social institutions, to remain unmarried and take up prostitution (sex work). In particular, Bedias' hegemonic traditional cultural behaviour plays an essential role in the continuation of discrimination against Bedia women. Additionally, we explore the mechanism of this hegemonic power through the role of gender, patriarchy, false consciousness, emotions, power of common sense, ideology, and history, which have been responsible for the victimisation of Bedia women for a long time.

Visions of the Urban Green

The article investigates urban gardening in Turin with ethnography, historical analysis and photography, using both the authors’ photography and sources from social media and private archives. The authors collaborate to analyse ‘community’ gardening through a critical anthropological perspective which centres on the hegemonic power of aesthetic assumptions about the urban green. As a post-industrial, multicultural city, Turin illuminates the dialectic of gentrification vis-à-vis socioeconomic and cultural diversity, which is a crucial dynamic of many urban renewal trends towards ‘green cities’. We highlight the homogeneity of an aesthetic regime vis-à-vis the diversity of ‘skilled visions’ of social actors and its restraining effects on participatory governance. We contribute to ongoing debates in urban anthropology and visual studies, concerned with urban regeneration agendas in the de-industrializing cities of the Global North.

From Denial to Delay: Defending Fossil Fuel Hegemony Against Critique

The rise of new social movements, as well as the experience of unprecedented weather events, appears to represent a renewed and reinvigorated momentum for action on climate change. In Australia, however, even as public concern grows and business organisations recognise the climate emergency, there remains a reticence to implement any kind of climate change policy. It is well-documented that this is a result of the ongoing hegemonic position of the fossil fuel industry. In this paper, we develop current understandings of the ways this hegemony has been maintained and extended. We elaborate previous theorisations of moral and intellectual leadership by showing how the fossil fuel industry embeds particular technical claims into the climate change discourse. Second, we expand knowledge of political strategy to show how corporate discourses aimed at maintaining hegemony are extended through the state as an ideological promoter. Finally, we recall the contingent nature of hegemony, and argue that recent manoeuvres by the state to intervene represent a new level of antagonism which may well indicate the hegemonic power of the industry is weakened. In this regard, the paper offers perhaps one of the few more positive means of looking at the current state of climate politics.

VIVÊNCIAS DE NEGRITUDE FEMININA EM TRAJETÓRIAS DE MULHERES MIGRANTES HAITIANAS EM SANTIAGO DO CHILE

Este artigo tem por objetivo entender como se constituem as identidades das mulheres migrantes haitianas no espaço urbano de Santiago do Chile. Para tanto, leva em consideração que a identidade é um processo e construção geográfica, construindo-se em relação com o gênero, a raça e a classe social. Dessa forma, articulamos as contribuições de Davis (2004), bem como a construção de negritude e os processos de escravidão (FANON, 2009), verificando como se justapõem numa inter-relação dentro da comunidade haitiana, e também com a comunidade chilena. Com isso, tenta-se vincular a vivência teórica com a vivência tangível, por meio de entrevistas realizadas com cinco mulheres haitianas que migraram para o Chile entre o ano 2017 e 2018. A metodologia desta investigação foi elaborada com Snow Ball, a síntese das entrevistas deu-se pelo método de análise de conteúdo de Bardin (1977). A composição das vivencias como estrangeiras, migrantes, haitianas, negras e mulheres é fundamental, pois abre portas ao entendimento intercultural e interseccional, quanto ao simbolismo de discriminação presente em nosso país. É, portanto, uma forma de compreender como estes símbolos estão traduzidos em vivências tangíveis nas corporeidades femininas negras migrantes, em relação com a estrutura de poder hegemônica chilena.

Experimentalist interactions: Joining up the transnational timber legality regime

AbstractThis paper analyzes the interactions between the separate components of the emerging transnational timber legality regime, both public and private. It examines how far, and through what institutional mechanisms, these interactions are producing a joined‐up transnational regime, based on a shared normative commitment to combat illegal logging and cooperative efforts to implement and enforce it. The paper argues that the experimentalist architecture of the EU FLEGT initiative has fostered productive, mutually reinforcing interactions both with public timber legality regulation in other consumer countries and with private certification schemes. But this emerging regime remains highly polyarchic, with broad scope for autonomous initiatives by NGOs and private service providers, along with national governments, international organizations, and multi‐donor partnerships. Hence horizontal integration and coordination within it depend on a series of institutional mechanisms, some of which are distinctively experimentalist, while others can also be found in more conventional regimes. These mechanisms include cross‐referencing and reciprocal endorsement of rules and standards; recursive learning through information pooling and peer review of implementation experience; public oversight and joint assessment of private certification and legality verification schemes; and the “penalty default” effect of public legality regulation in consumer countries, which have pushed both exporting countries and transnational firms to comply with the norms and procedures of the emerging transnational regime. The paper's findings thus provide robust new evidence for the claim advanced in previous work that a joined‐up transnational regime can be assembled piece by piece under polyarchic conditions through coordinated learning from decentralized experimentation, without a hegemonic power to impose common global rules.

China and The Power of A New Economic Hegemony

The result of the break up of the Soviet Union empire in 1990 saw the emergence of China as the sole super power which still clings to the Communist ideology. China thus has the potential of taking over the previously held role of the Soviet Union. The re-emergence of China in the international arena after a long period of isolation may create a great impact on other super powers. China's intention and aspiration to be a new economic hegemonic power not only at regional but also at global levels makes China a country to be reckoned with. The writer will seek to discuss in this article three factors that contribute to China's economic success; firstly, the developments that have taken place in the transformation of China's economic policy from centrally controlled economy to that of the open and free economy as implemented by the Chinese leadership as part of their efforts to generate economic activities and increased competitiveness; secondly, the efforts in safeguarding China's interests in the WTO; and lastly, the role of Hong Kong's and Macau's participation in China's economic development.

China and The Power of A New Economic Hegemony

The result of the break up of the Soviet Union empire in 1990 saw the emergence of China as the sole super power which still clings to the Communist ideology. China thus has the potential of taking over the previously held role of the Soviet Union. The re-emergence of China in the international arena after a long period of isolation may create a great impact on other super powers. China's intention and aspiration to be a new economic hegemonic power not only at regional but also at global levels makes China a country to be reckoned with. The writer will seek to discuss in this article three factors that contribute to China's economic success; firstly, the developments that have taken place in the transformation of China's economic policy from centrally controlled economy to that of the open and free economy as implemented by the Chinese leadership as part of their efforts to generate economic activities and increased competitiveness; secondly, the efforts in safeguarding China's interests in the WTO; and lastly, the role of Hong Kong's and Macau's participation in China's economic development.

Kontestasi Kuasa Kepemimpinan Formal dengan Informal dalam Kebijakan Publik dan Politik Keseharian

Artikel ini membedah tentang dinamika kontestasi kuasa kepala desa sebagai pemimpin formal dengan Abah Olot yang merupakan kepala adat sebagai aktor informal dalam kebijakan publik dan politik keseharian di Desa Adat Guradog, Kecamatan Curugbitung, Kabupaten Lebak, Provinsi Banten. Persoalan tersebut menunjukkan adanya persilangan kontestasi kuasa antara aktor. Interseksi ini memunculkan pertarungan kuasa dominatif di antara kedua aktor tersebut. Oleh karena itu, tim penulis menelusuri praktik relasi kuasa yang terjadi agar mampu dijadikan sebagai refleksi untuk membenahi problematika itu. Dalam menyelisik fenomena tersebut, tim penulis menggunakan kerangka teori Kepemimpinan dan Shadow State yang dimanfaatkan sebagai pisau analisa. Adapun metode penelitiannya memakai metode kualitatif deskriptif. Metode jenis ini mampu mengejawantahkan data deskriptif terkait dengan pokok persoalan dalam artikel ini. Alhasil, tulisan ini membuktikan manifestasi kuasa hegemonik pemimpin informal terhadap kepemimpinan formal. Praktik shadow state atas kuasa aktor informal yang mampu “menyetir” aktor struktural formal pemerintahan terejawantahkan pada kasus aktualisasi kebijakan publik dan politik kesehariannya di desa adat Guradog.

The political economy of peace processes and the Women, Peace and Security agenda

ABSTRACT This article examines why the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda has been so challenging to implement and argues that the political economy of war and peace, driven by a complex network of power, is a deterrent to sustainable and gender-just peace. However, peace initiatives are not a zero-sum game. They are dialectical, offering possibilities for both regressive and transformative change. Although inclusion of women and gender concerns in current peace processes lags behind expectations, the WPS agenda has been instrumental in changing the negotiation landscape and empowering women beyond the peace table. It has also exposed the need for a paradigm shift in the understanding of peace and security that effectively responds to power asymmetries and the neo-liberal environment that shapes policy and practice. Given their marginalised positioning vis-à-vis hegemonic power structures, women stand to contribute towards this end.