Harvard Kennedy School Research Articles

Review: Washington Rules America's Path to Permanent War

WASHINGTON RULES America's Path Permanent War Andrew J. Bacevich New York: Metropolitan Books/Henry Holt, 2010. 286 pp, US$25.00 cloth. ISBN 978-0-8050-9141-0Among leading American foreign policy intellectuals who have emerged during the decade since 9/11, Andrew Bacevich occupies a distinctive niche. Anti-imperialist, anti-militarist, and a trenchant critic of the policies of George W Bush and Barack Obama alike, Bacevich is today a professor of history and international relations at Boston University. position gives him a platform write works of high-level popularization combining scholarship and polemic for a general audience. But what gives Bacevich his peculiar public authority, finally, is his unique background: Colonel Andrew J. Bacevich, United States army (retired), spent his first career in the military service of his country. His son, following in his footsteps, recently gave his life in the line of duty in Iraq. So even the Sunday talk-show warriors in cannot dismiss Bacevich out of hand. Nor could the likes of Sarah Palin in Republican Party ranks dare say, as she famously did in a low blow against Obama, that has no cojones.In his most recent trade book, Bacevich argues that there is a Washington about foreign and military policy akin the Washington undergirding the policies of the international financial institutions based in that city. In the mindset of the plutocracy - and this has been true for most of the period since the late 1940s - there is a set of assumptions about America's proper role in the world, i.e., empire, just as there is a set of assumptions about the right kind of international political economy, i.e., the free market. Not only do these assumptions underlie the ebb and flow of particular policies and the periodic rotation of governing parties in congress and the White House, but any attempt by intellectually honest senior officials question or challenge those assumptions is quickly and if need be ruthlessly suppressed. This book aims take stock of conventional wisdom in its most influential and enduring form, Bacevich writes, namely the package of assumptions, habits, and precepts that have defined the tradition of statecraft which the United States has adhered since the end of World War II (12).These Washington centre on the necessity of a permanent standing army and other military forces held in a permanent state of mobilization, ready be deployed globally, and the inherent right intervene anywhere in the world in order perpetuate American hegemony or advance the righteous cause of the pax Americana. Nor are the rules and their assumptions confined only the blighted imagination and self-serving interests of the grandees of the Capitol beltway. The rules - and the policy consensus they constitute - are accepted as well, formally or informally, among the hangers-on of the governing class: big banks and other financial institutions, defense contractors and major corporations, television networks and elite publications like the New York Times, even quasi-academic entities like the Council on Foreign Relations and Harvard's Kennedy School of Government (15). Bacevich's purpose is shine a little light on those rules and thus to argue for readmitting of disreputable (or 'radical') views our national security debate, in effect legitimating alternatives the status quo (16).With telling invective that rarely misses its mark, Bacevich, who is in private life a prominent liberal Catholic layman, writes with the zeal of a highly informed apostate. In five brisk chapters he dispatches Allen Dulles and the CIA, General Curtis LeMay and the strategic air command, the Kennedy brothers and their assassination plots, the unspeakable Nixon, Reagan and his Contras, Bush the elder and the scandalous Clinton set (Bacevich is notably unforgiving of Madeleine Albright), and finally Bush the younger and his commitment global war without end against radical political Islam. …

Contributors

Contributors

A Climate Coalition of the Willing

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. See, for example, Robert Keohane and David Victor, “The Regime Complex for Climate Change,” Discussion Paper 10–33, The Harvard Project on International Climate Agreements, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard Kennedy School, January 2010, http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/publication/19880/regime_complex_for_climate_change.html. Note, however, that their definition of the regime complex excludes private and sub-state actors. 2. See, for example, J. Lawrence Broz and Daniel Maliniak, “Malapportionment, Gasoline Taxes, and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change,” presented at the Third Annual Conference on The Political Economy of International Organizations, Georgetown University, Washington, D.C., January 28–30, 2010, http://dss.ucsd.edu/~jlbroz/pdf_folder/wip/broz_maliniak_PEIO.pdf. 3. Antoaneta Bezlova, “China's Climate Change Plan: The Debate Goes On,” Inter Press Service News Agency, November 6, 2009, http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=49166. 4. National Development and Reform Commission, “China's National Climate Change Programme,” June 2007, http://www.ccchina.gov.cn/WebSite/CCChina/UpFile/File188.pdf. 5. For further information on Chinese climate-change policy, see the government's online informational portal, http://www.ccchina.gov.cn/en/; also see ChinaFAQs, an informational Web site sponsored by the Washington-based World Resources Institute, http://www.chinafaqs.org/. 6. U.S. Energy Information Administration, “International Energy Statistics,” http://tonto.eia.doe.gov/cfapps/ipdbproject/IEDIndex3.cfm?tid=90&pid=44&aid=8. 7. For an overview of the negotiations of the ozone regime from the perspective of the chief U.S. negotiator, see Richard Benedick, Ozone Diplomacy: New Directions in Safeguarding the Planet (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998). 8. For more information, see the organization's Web site, www.c40cities.org; for a detailed study of “urban climate governance,” see Heike Schroeder and Harriet Bulkeley, “Global Cities and the Governance of Climate Change: What is the Role of Law in Cities?,” Fordham Urban Law Journal 36 (2009): p. 313, http://law2.fordham.edu/publications/articles/400flspub17715.pdf. 9. For more information, see the network's Web site, http://www.incr.com/; for an analysis, see Michael MacLeod, “Private Governance and Climate Change: Institutional Investors and Emerging Investor-Driven Governance Mechanisms,” St. Antony's International Review 5, no. 2 (February 2010): pp. 46–65. 10. For a partial list, see Mathew Hoffmann, “Climate Governance Experiments,” http://matthewhoffmann.wordpress.com/climate-governance-experiments/. 11. Nicholas Lutsey and Daniel Sperling, ‘‘America's Bottom-up Climate Change Mitigation Policy’’, Energy Policy 36, no. 2 (February 2008): pp. 673—685. 12. President Barack Obama, “Executive Order 13514—Federal Leadership in Environmental, Energy, and Economic Performance,” October 8, 2009, http://edocket.access.gpo.gov/2009/pdf/E9-24518.pdf. 13. The countries surveyed were Bangladesh, China, Egypt, France, India, Indonesia, Iran, Japan, Kenya, Mexico, Russia, Senegal, Turkey, the United States, and Vietnam; see The World Bank, “Public attitudes toward climate change: findings from a multi-country poll,” December 3, 2009, http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWDR2010/Resources/Background-report.pdf. 14. U.S. Energy Information Agency, “Greenhouse Gases, Climate Change, and Energy,” http://www.eia.doe.gov/oiaf/1605/ggccebro/chapter1.html. 15. See, for example, the EPA's Household Emissions Calculator, http://www.epa.gov/climatechange/emissions/ind_calculator.html; the Nature Conservancy's Carbon Footprint Calculator, http://www.nature.org/initiatives/climatechange/calculator/?gclid=CNyfr4DB4aQCFctL5QodVihNGg; or Carbon Footprint Ltd, http://www.carbonfootprint.com/. 16. The UN Global Compact's registry can be found at http://www.unglobalcompact.org/ParticipantsAndStakeholders/index.html. 17. David Vogel, Trading Up: Consumer and Environmental Regulation in a Global Economy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997). 18. Paul-Erik Veel, “Carbon Tariffs and the WTO: An Evaluation of Feasible Policies,” Journal of International Economic Law 12, no. 3 (2009): pp. 749–800. Additional informationNotes on contributorsThomas HaleThomas Hale is a PhD Candidate in the Department of Politics at Princeton University and a Visiting Fellow at LSE Global Governance, London School of Economics

Sen on Justice and Rights: A Review Essay

Philosophy & Public AffairsVolume 39, Issue 1 p. 82-104 Sen on Justice and Rights: A Review Essay F. M. KAMM, F. M. KAMM Harvard Kennedy School and Harvard UniversitySearch for more papers by this author F. M. KAMM, F. M. KAMM Harvard Kennedy School and Harvard UniversitySearch for more papers by this author First published: 22 March 2011 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1088-4963.2011.01199.xCitations: 5 This article is based on my presentation at the Seminar on Justice and Health, Harvard Global Equity Initiative, Harvard University, December 9 and 10, 2009. I am grateful to Sudhir Anand for inviting me to speak. For comments on the presentation, I am indebted to Amartya Sen and others present at the seminar. I am grateful for comments on earlier written drafts of this article to Thomas Pogge, Jennifer Prah Ruger, and those attending their class at Yale University on February 22, 2010. I received helpful suggestions as well from the Editors of Philosophy & Public Affairs. This article may be considered a companion piece to my discussion of Ronald Dworkin's theory of rights as presented in his Justice for Hedgehogs (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2010). That article, “What Ethical Responsibility Cannot Justify,” appears in the Boston University Law Review 90, no. 2 (April 2010): 691–714. Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume39, Issue1Winter 2011Pages 82-104 RelatedInformation

At the source: the origins of the Massachusetts toxics use reduction program and an overview of this special issue

This special edition of the Journal of Cleaner Production celebrates the twentieth anniversary of a piece of legislation that has special significance to the environmental movement – the Massachusetts Toxics Use Reduction Act of 1989 (TURA). Most of the papers in this issue were presented at a symposium to commemorate the twentieth anniversary that was held on November 4, 2009. Much has been written about the Massachusetts Toxics Use Reduction Program. It has been heralded as a major pollution prevention success story. It has been lauded as a premier American example of the precautionary principle in action. It has been condemned by the American chemical industry trade association as “bad for the chemical industry”. And it has been praised by the Ford Foundation and Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government as an award-receiving example of innovation in government ( Harvard Kennedy School, 2005). Looking back now to some twenty years ago—back to the early origins of the program concept—it can be seen both as a landmark breakthrough in international chemicals policy, and as a fairly conventional next step in the political evolution of Massachusetts environmental policy. Where did this idea come from? How did it develop? How were pieces put together? Why did Massachusetts adopt such an idea into law? And how did the idea change during the early years of implementation? This paper provides a brief history of the development of the concept of toxics use reduction and the process by which it was drafted into law in Massachusetts, followed by an introduction to the articles included in this special edition and their assessment of TURA – past, present, and future.

Handbook of leadership theory and practice: an HBS centennial colloquium on advancing leadership

TABLE OF CONTENTS Section I: The Impact of Leadership: Performance and Meaning 1. Advancing Leadership Theory & Practice Rakesh Khurana & Nitin Nohria 2. When Does Leadership Matter? A Contingent Opportunities View of CEO Leadership? Noam Wasserman (Harvard University), Nitin Nohria, and Bharat Anand (Harvard Business School) 3. Revisiting the Meaning of Leadership Joel Podolny (Yale School of Management), Rakesh Khurana (Harvard Business School), and Marya Hill-Popper (Cornell School of Industrial and Labor Relations) 4. What Is This Thing Called Leadership? Richard Hackman (Harvard University) Section II: The Theory of Leadership: Personal Attributes, Functions and Relationships Chapters that take stock of different disciplinary perspectives on leadership and articulate an agenda for future research 5. Leadership through an Organization Behavior Lens: A Look at the Last Half-Century of Research Mary Ann Glynn and Rich DeJordy (Boston College) 6. Psychological Perspectives on Leadership Jennifer A. Chatman and Jessica A. Kennedy (University of California, Berkeley) 7. A Clinical Approach to the Dynamics of Leadership and Executive Transformation, Manfred Kets de Vries and Elisabet Engellau (INSEAD) 8. Classical Sociological Approaches to the Study of Leadership, Mauro F. Guillen (Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania) 9. Economists' Perspective on Leadership Patrick Bolton (Columbia), Markus K. Brunnermeier (Columbia), and Laura Veldkamp (NYU) 10. An Economic Perspective on Leadership Mark. A. Zupan (University of Rochester) 11. Leadership and History, Walter A. Friedman (Harvard Business School) 12. Power and Leadership Joseph S. Nye, Jr. (Harvard Kennedy School of Government) Section III. The Variability of Leadership: What's Core and Contingent Chapters exploring similarities and differences in leadership across task, culture, and identity 13. Leadership and Cultural Context: A Theoretical and Empirical Examination Based on Project GLOBE, Javidan, Mansour (Thunderbird Business School), Peter W. Dorfman (New Mexico State University), Jon Paul Howell (New Mexico State University), and Paul J. Hanges (University of Maryland) 14. Women and Leadership: Defining the Challenges, Robin J. Ely (Harvard Business School) and Deborah L. Rhode (Stanford Law School) 15. A Contingency Theory of Leadership, Jay Lorsch (Harvard Business School) Section IV: The Practice of Leadership: Agency and Constraint Chapters on the multiple facets of leadership practice 16. What is Leadership? The CEO's Role in Large, Complex Organizations, Michael E Porter (Harvard University) and Nitin Nohria (Harvard Business School) 17. What Makes Teams of Leaders Leadable? Ruth Wagerman and Richard Hackman (Harvard University) 18. Decision Making as Leadership Foundation, Michael Useem (Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania) 19. Leading Change: Leadership, Organization, and Social Movements, Marshall Ganz (Harvard Kennedy School of Government) 20. Leadership in a Globalizing World, Rosabeth Moss Kanter (Harvard Business School) 21. Unlocking the Slices of Genius in Your Organization: Leading for Innovation Linda A. Hill (Harvard Business School), Maurizio Travaglini (Architects of Group Genius), Greg Brandeau (Pixar Animation Studios), and Emily Stecker (Harvard Business School) Section V: The Development of Leaders: Knowing, Doing, and Being Chapters on the development of leaders 22. Identity-Based Leader Development, Herminia Ibarra (INSEAD), Scott Snook (Harvard Business School), and Laura Guillen Ramo (INSEAD) 23. The Experience Conundrum, Morgan W. McCall, Jr. (University of Southern California) 24. Leadership Development Interventions: Ensuring a Return on the Investment Jay A Conger (Claremont McKenna College) 25. Pursuing Authentic Leadership Development, Bruce J. Avolio (Gallup Leadership Institute) 26. Adult Development and Organizational Leadership Robert Kegan and Lisa Lahley (Harvard Education School)

From Individual to Institution: On Making the World Different

Some years ago, I watched as Steve Lydenberg, who was one of 23 individuals later profiled in The Dif? ference Makers, began to build a new institution, what is now the Initiative for Responsible Investment (IRI), initially housed in the Boston College Center for Corporate Citizenship and now at the Harvard Kennedy School's Hauser Center. Now one of the leading figures in the social investment arena, Steve had earlier co-founded with Amy Domini and Peter Kinder the social research firm KLD Research and Analytics (acquired by RiskMetrics in the fall 2009, which itself was acquired by MSCI in early 2010), and had by that time begun working full time for Domini Social Investments as chief investment

Letter from the Balkans: Reflections on a peace-building trip to Serbia and Kosovo

This field report describes the author's trip to the Balkans from the Harvard Kennedy School (HKS) on a peace-building mission. The trip occurred six weeks after Kosovo declared its sovereignty from Serbia. Reflecting on the history of the region, the author describes the effort of public officials, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and citizens of both countries to come to terms with trauma and with identity-based conflict.

Mass Atrocity Response Operations: an annotated planning framework

In early 2007 the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government joined the US Army's Peacekeeping and Stability Operations Institute in a partnership dedicated to making a substantial contribution to the anti-genocide community.

The Fight to End Global Slavery

Research Article| June 01 2009 The Fight to End Global Slavery E. Benjamin Skinner E. Benjamin Skinner 1E. Benjamin Skinner is a fellow at the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy at Harvard's Kennedy School. His first book, A Crime So Monstrous: Face-to-Face with Modern Slavery (Free Press, 2008) was released in paperback in March, and was recently awarded a citation from the Overseas Press Club for best nonfiction book in international affairs. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google World Policy Journal (2009) 26 (2): 33–41. https://doi.org/10.1162/wopj.2009.26.2.33 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation E. Benjamin Skinner; The Fight to End Global Slavery. World Policy Journal 1 June 2009; 26 (2): 33–41. doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/wopj.2009.26.2.33 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsWorld Policy Journal Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. © 2009 World Policy Institute2009World Policy Institute Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

What Makes Terrorists Tick

April 01 2009 What Makes Terrorists Tick Erica Chenoweth, Erica Chenoweth Erica Chenoweth is Assistant Professor of Government at Wesleyan University. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Nicholas Miller, Nicholas Miller Nicholas Miller is an undergraduate Government major at Wesleyan. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Elizabeth McClellan, Elizabeth McClellan Elizabeth McClellan is an undergraduate Comparative Government and Studio Art double major at Wesleyan. For a longer, more detailed version of this letter, see Erica Chenoweth's website, http://wesfiles.wesleyan.edu/home/echenoweth/web/home.htm. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Hillel Frisch, Hillel Frisch Hillel Frisch is Associate Professor in the Departments of Political Studies and Middle East History at BarIlan University. He thanks Stuart Cohen, Efraim Inbar, and Gordon McCormick for their helpful comments. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Paul Staniland, Paul Staniland Paul Staniland is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Political Science and member of the Security Studies Program at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and a Research Fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs in the Harvard Kennedy School at Harvard University. The author would like to thank Brendan Green, Vipin Narang, Joshua Rovner, and Cyrus Samii for helpful comments. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Max Abrahms Max Abrahms Max Abrahms is a Social Science Predoctoral Fellow in the Center for International Security and Cooperation at Stanford University, and a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Political Science at the University of California, Los Angeles. He would like to thank Mia Bloom, Martha Crenshaw, Matthew Gottfried, Peter Krause, Jessica Stern, Paul Stockton, and Robbie Totten for their helpful comments. He is especially grateful to Richard English for sharing his expertise over the years on the Irish Republican Army. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information Erica Chenoweth Erica Chenoweth is Assistant Professor of Government at Wesleyan University. Nicholas Miller Nicholas Miller is an undergraduate Government major at Wesleyan. Elizabeth McClellan Elizabeth McClellan is an undergraduate Comparative Government and Studio Art double major at Wesleyan. For a longer, more detailed version of this letter, see Erica Chenoweth's website, http://wesfiles.wesleyan.edu/home/echenoweth/web/home.htm. Hillel Frisch Hillel Frisch is Associate Professor in the Departments of Political Studies and Middle East History at BarIlan University. He thanks Stuart Cohen, Efraim Inbar, and Gordon McCormick for their helpful comments. Paul Staniland Paul Staniland is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Political Science and member of the Security Studies Program at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and a Research Fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs in the Harvard Kennedy School at Harvard University. The author would like to thank Brendan Green, Vipin Narang, Joshua Rovner, and Cyrus Samii for helpful comments. Max Abrahms Max Abrahms is a Social Science Predoctoral Fellow in the Center for International Security and Cooperation at Stanford University, and a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Political Science at the University of California, Los Angeles. He would like to thank Mia Bloom, Martha Crenshaw, Matthew Gottfried, Peter Krause, Jessica Stern, Paul Stockton, and Robbie Totten for their helpful comments. He is especially grateful to Richard English for sharing his expertise over the years on the Irish Republican Army. Online ISSN: 1531-4804 Print ISSN: 0162-2889 © 2009 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.2009 International Security (2009) 33 (4): 180–202. https://doi.org/10.1162/isec.2009.33.4.180 Cite Icon Cite Permissions Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Search Site Citation Erica Chenoweth, Nicholas Miller, Elizabeth McClellan, Hillel Frisch, Paul Staniland, Max Abrahms; What Makes Terrorists Tick. International Security 2009; 33 (4): 180–202. doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/isec.2009.33.4.180 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAll JournalsInternational Security Search Advanced Search This content is only available as a PDF. © 2009 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.2009 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Making Sense of Public Value: Concepts, Critiques and Emergent Meanings

It has been two decades since the “public value” framework emerged, articulated initially at the Harvard Kennedy School. In this paper we set out the basics of the original approach, and then consider emerging critiques and meanings. Our aim is firstly to clarify the core concepts of Moore's approach, and secondly to track the new meanings of public value which are developing. This allows us to engage with the growing debate about public value both inside and outside academia, and also to discuss its trajectory as a new idea in public sector management.

What can cities do to prevent serious youth violence?

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationNotes on contributorsAnthony A Bragais Adjunct Lecturer in Public Policy and Senior Research Associate, Program in Criminal Justice Policy and Management, Harvard Kennedy School, Harvard UniversityChristopher Winshipis the Edmund Tishman and Charles M Diker Professor of Sociology in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Harvard Kennedy School, Harvard University

The Future of Corporate Accountability for Violations of Human Rights

This panel was convened at 10:45 a.m., Friday, March 27, by its moderator, Penelope Simons of the University of Ottawa, who introduced the panelists: John G. Ruggie of Harvard's Kennedy School of Government and Special Representative of the United Nations' Secretary-General for Business and Human Rights; Robert McCorquodale, Director of the British Institute of International and Comparative Law; Christiana Ochoa of the Indiana University Maurer School of Law; Adam Greene of the United States Council for International Business; and Lisa Misol of Human Rights Watch. INTRODUCTION It is my pleasure to welcome you to this panel on the Future of Corporate Accountability for Violations of Human Rights. The global concern for the human rights implications of corporate activity and corporate impunity for violations of human rights is not new. The issue was most recently propelled to the forefront of global debate in 2003. The catalyst was the drafting of the UN Norms on the Responsibility of Transnational Corporations and other Business Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights (1) (the UN Norms) by a UN working group of independent experts, their subsequent unanimous adoption by (what was then) the Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights, and finally their submission to the Human Rights Commission (now the Human Rights Council). One of the results of the controversy provoked by the UN Norms was the creation of a new UN special procedure, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the Issue of Human Rights and Transnational Corporations and other Business Entities, and the appointment to that position of Professor John Ruggie. In April last year, Professor Ruggie submitted his much anticipated final report to the Human Rights Council. His Report sets out a comprehensive policy framework aimed at reducing the governance gaps in relation to the negative human rights impacts of corporate activity. (2) It is based on three principles: the further development of the state's international human rights law duty to protect individuals from violations of their human rights by corporate actors; the concept of the responsibility of business to respect human rights--to do no harm; and the development of remedies for victims of corporate human rights abuses. Professor Ruggie's proposals are thoughtful, comprehensive, and strategic. The Report was well received by the Human Rights Council, business, (3) and a number of NGOs. It has also been criticized by others who would have liked to have seen his recommendations go further and include some reference to the role of binding legal human fights obligations for corporate actors. (4) In June 2008, the Human Rights Council extended Professor Ruggie's mandate for another three years, requesting him to, among other things, develop the three principles of his policy framework; integrate a gender perspective throughout his work and give attention to those belonging to vulnerable groups, in particular children; identify, exchange, and promote best practices for business in this area; and advance the policy framework, continuing to consult with a wide variety of stakeholders. Professor Ruggie released his preliminary work plan for his new mandate in October 2008. (5) In this panel we will be discussing the work of the Special Representative and the operationalization of his policy framework. In particular, panelists will consider where we should go from here in the effort to develop norms to regulate corporate activity effectively and address corporate impunity for human fights abuses. (1) UNECOSOC, Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights, UN Doc E/CN.4/Sub.2/2003/12/Rev.2 (2003) and Commentary on the Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights, UN Doc E/CN. …

David M. Malone

David M. Malone' s appointment in February as president of the International Development Research Centre seems a natural step for a man whose career embodies the worldview of the crown corporation. Both Malone and IDRC, which aims to assist developing countries in nurturing local research groups to tackle social, economic, and political issues, are familiar with the problems facing such countries and the potential the global research community has to address them. Most recently, Malone was Canada's high commissioner in Delhi, where IDRC has a regional office, and his selection has been met with praise in the two worlds that he has known best - diplomacy and research.Malone was born in 1954 in Ottawa, the son of an Australian mother and Canadian father who was recruited by the then- Department of External Affairs. Thus began a childhood spent in the Netherlands, France, and Iran, a country he returned to in 2004 for the first time in 25 years. The early exposure to a cosmopolitan lifestyle appealed to the young Malone, who says his parents' frequent travels encouraged him to seek a job that would enable him to do the same.Kids often default into the sort of professional lives of their parents and think did that very much, having grown up internationally, says Malone. I think simply having moved around as a kid and lived in different societies, all of which I'd liked and had liked learning from, it was something wanted to continue to do during my life.He studied business at Montreal's Ecole des Hautes Etudes Commerciales before following his father's footsteps by joining the Department of External Affairs for a career that would lead him to postings in Egypt, Jordan, and Kuwait, among other countries. After completing a master's degree in public administration at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government, Malone returned to External Affairs to assist Ostry, then deputy minister of international trade and one of Canada's key players in international economic diplomacy.He credits Ostry with teaching him a thing or two about the delicate art of diplomatic negotiation. I learned a tremendous amount from working with her, both on the substance ofthe issues, but also on how much personal style can matter, says Malone. Sylvia had a tremendous personal style that was a major force in international economic relations.He would put those lessons to use while working for two of Canada's permanent representatives at the United Nations in the early 1990s, Yves Fortier and Louise Frechette, before becoming deputy permanent representative from 1992-94. He also took charge ofthe working group ofthe UN's special committee on peacekeeping during Canada's ill-fated deployment to Somalia, which partially contributed to the country's reluctance to participate directly in future missions. But there are other reasons for a decreased Canadian presence in UN peacekeeping operations in recent times, according to Malone. He points to Canada's participation in NATO operations in Kosovo and Afghanistan as part of a trend seen in many western countries, whereby increasing numbers of governments are bypassing the UN in favour of more practical and efficient regional organizations and coalitions ofthe willing. But a reduced ground presence in conflict- ridden countries hasn't stopped western nations from being the primary funders ofthe UN budget, including most of its peacekeeping expenses.Malone says that because Canada was actively involved in peacekeeping missions in Haiti and Somalia while he was at the the views of Canadian ambassadors were always sought out and held in high regard, allowing the country to speak authoritatively on those and other conflicts.Canada had the capacity to punch above its weight at the UN, says Malone. This was due in no small part to the influence of Fortier and Frechette. I concluded that personal engagement by Canadian ambassadors, their capacity to add value to UN processes, often by being rather critical of the way business was done, made Canada matter more than simply going with the flow. …

Thinking outside the cube

To my colleagues in economics and political sciences at the Harvard Kennedy School, I am the guy who makes pretty pictures. Although trained as a physicist, I build and design beautiful maps that depict the internal architecture of complex systems in nature and society. These maps, called network visualizations, enable us to transform an amorphous mass of data into colourful and inhomogeneous structures of patterns and connections that are relatively easy for people to recognize and remember. Their complex structure appeals to our pattern-recognizing brains, in sharp contrast to the same data appearing in a spreadsheet or scatter plot.

Introduction

Negotiation JournalVolume 24, Issue 4 p. 389-392 Introduction Iris Bohnet, Corresponding Author Iris Bohnet Harvard Kennedy School Iris Bohnet is a professor of public policy and director of the Women and Public Policy Program at Harvard Kennedy School. Her e-mail address is [email protected]. Hannah Riley Bowles is an associate professor of public policy at Harvard Kennedy School. Her e-mail address is [email protected]. Search for more papers by this authorHannah Riley Bowles, Corresponding Author Hannah Riley Bowles Harvard Kennedy School Iris Bohnet is a professor of public policy and director of the Women and Public Policy Program at Harvard Kennedy School. Her e-mail address is [email protected]. Hannah Riley Bowles is an associate professor of public policy at Harvard Kennedy School. Her e-mail address is [email protected]. Search for more papers by this author Iris Bohnet, Corresponding Author Iris Bohnet Harvard Kennedy School Iris Bohnet is a professor of public policy and director of the Women and Public Policy Program at Harvard Kennedy School. Her e-mail address is [email protected]. Hannah Riley Bowles is an associate professor of public policy at Harvard Kennedy School. Her e-mail address is [email protected]. Search for more papers by this authorHannah Riley Bowles, Corresponding Author Hannah Riley Bowles Harvard Kennedy School Iris Bohnet is a professor of public policy and director of the Women and Public Policy Program at Harvard Kennedy School. Her e-mail address is [email protected]. Hannah Riley Bowles is an associate professor of public policy at Harvard Kennedy School. Her e-mail address is [email protected]. Search for more papers by this author First published: 07 October 2008 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1571-9979.2008.00193.xCitations: 6Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Citing Literature Volume24, Issue4October 2008Pages 389-392 RelatedInformation

Human security discourse at the United Nations

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationNotes on contributorsKristen Timothy Kristen Timothy, a senior research scholar at the National Council for Research on Women, was formerly deputy director of the UN Division for the Advancement of Women. She holds a masters' degree in public administration from Harvard's Kennedy School and an M.A. in African studies from Makerere University in Uganda. Timothy served as board president of the Association for Women in Development. Correspondence: National Council for Research on Women, 11 Hanover Square, 24th Floor, New York, New York, 10005, USA. Kristen Timothy, a senior research scholar at the National Council for Research on Women, was formerly deputy director of the UN Division for the Advancement of Women. She holds a masters' degree in public administration from Harvard's Kennedy School and an M.A. in African studies from Makerere University in Uganda. Timothy served as board president of the Association for Women in Development. Correspondence: National Council for Research on Women, 11 Hanover Square, 24th Floor, New York, New York, 10005, USA.

ARMS PACT REACHED

AN ARMS PACT EXPECTED TO be formally signed late last week by President George W. Bush and Russian President Vladimir Putin will cut both countries' strategic nuclear weapons by two-thirds over the next 10 years. A chorus of arms control experts applauds the deal but warns that it is unlikely to diminish the threat of nuclear terrorism and may even increase it. Under the agreement, Russia and the U.S. will reduce strategic nuclear weapons to around 1,700 to 2,200 each by 2012. However, at Bush's insistence and over Putin's objections, the warheads need not be dismanded; the US. intends to put 2,400 into ready storage, available if future needs dictate. A study by experts at Harvard's Kennedy School and the Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI) says the pact, by not requiring dismantling or at least close monitoring and controls, has missed an opportunity to reduce proliferation of nuclear weapons and material. ...

Lucian Leape and Healthcare Errors

Lucian L. Leape, MD, is a health policy analyst whose research has focused on error prevention and appropriateness of care. He is currently adjunct professor of health policy at the Harvard School of Public Health. Prior to joining the faculty at Harvard, he was professor of surgery at Tufts University School of Medicine and chief of pediatric surgery at the New England Medical Center. He has been a leading advocate of the nonpunitive systems approach to the prevention of medical error and has led several studies of adverse drug events and their underlying systems failures. In addition, he has directed research into overuse and underuse of cardiovascular procedures. Dr. Leape was a founding director of the National Patient Safety Foundation, the Massachusetts Coalition for the Prevention of Medical Error, and the Harvard Kennedy School Executive Session. He led the Institute for Healthcare Improvement's first Breakthrough Collaborative on Prevention of Adverse Drug Events. He was a member of the Institute of Medicine (IOM) Quality of Health Care in America Committee, which recently released its reports, To Err Is Human: Building a Safer Health System and Crossing the Quality Chasm: A New Health System for the 21st Century. Recent awards include the Distinguished Service Award of the American Pediatric Surgical Association (1997), the Robert Wood Johnson Investigator Award (1998), the Donabedian Award from the Medical Care Section of the American Public Health Association (1999), the Cheers Award from the Institute for Safe Medication Practices (1999), and the Pinnacle Award from the American Pharmaceutical Association (2001). Dr. Leape is a graduate of Cornell University and Harvard Medical School and trained in surgery at Massachusetts General Hospital and at Boston Children's Hospital.