Guy De Chauliac Research Articles

14세기 기 드 숄리악의 '대외과술'에 나타난 아랍 의학의 영향

This paper aims to examine the influence of Arab medicine as seen in Guy de Chauliac's Chirurgia magna written in the 14th century. Western European medicine in the 14th century focused on internal medicine theories centered on Galenic medicine, and surgery was neglected. On the other hand, practical aspects of daily life and warfare heightened interest in surgery. However, surgeons and barber surgeons in the 14th century had a lot of surgical experience, they often caused problems because they lacked an understanding of the theory. Accordingly, Guy de Chauliac believed that they should also receive theoretical education. At that time, there were no books written specifically on surgery. Therefore, Guy de Chauliac wrote Chirurgia magna which included his own experience and Arabic medical books that described medicine more advanced than those in Western Europe. Through this study, I found that Arab medicine not only had a significant influence on the writing of Chirurgia magna, but also greatly contributed to the development of Western European medicine as Chirurgia magna continued to be compiled until the 18th century.

Ceratum Galeni: An old eponym honoring Galen and his cold cream

Ceratum Galeni is an old eponym honoring the name of Galen of Pergamum (129 to cca 216 CE) and a cold cream he described more than 1,800 years ago. We traced this eponym back to the 14th and 16th centuries in published medical texts by Guy de Chauliac (ca 1300-1368) and Andreas Vesalius (1514-1564). We also found a 4th-century reference in a medical work by Oribasius (ca 320-403 CE) to a mixture of wax and oil of roses based on Galen's cold cream formula. We present the images of a 19th-century apothecary white porcelain jar from Paris, France, on which appears the words Cerat Galeni, as well as a 20th-century oil painting by the American artist Robert Thom (1915-1979), which shows Galen administering his cold cream to a woman. Today, the composition of cold cream is formulated differently from Galen's original version, although the basic concept of cold cream as an oil and water emulsion remains the same. The widespread mention of Ceratum Galeni across the centuries and the popularity of cold creams today are striking examples of Galen's enormous influence on medicine as one of its founding fathers.

H08 The Crimson Chronicles of acne rosacea: a fascinating tale of medicine and culture

Abstract Acne rosacea is a common skin condition that affects people with Fitzpatrick skin types I–III and is characterized by flushing, erythema, telangiectasia, pustules, papules and phyma (Jansen T. Clinical presentations and classification of rosacea. Ann Dermatol Venereol 2011; 138:3). This condition has been around for centuries and is referred to in literature and art throughout history. The earliest reference to acne rosacea can be traced back to the third century Bc, where it was mentioned in the writings of Greek poet Theocritus. It has also been referred to in various forms of literature, including the character of Summoner in Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales and Bardolf in Shakespeare’s Henry VI (Cribier B. Histoires de visages rouges. Ann Dermatol Venereol 2011; 138:2). In art, the condition is famously depicted in Italian Renaissance painter Domenico Ghirlandaio’s ‘The Old Man and His Grandson’, now housed in the Louvre. The colour red, a prominent characteristic of acne rosacea, has had a significant role in literature, symbolizing everything from love and passion to anger and violence. French novelists Balzac and Proust used it as a motif in ‘The Red Face’ or ‘Le Visage Rouge’ to denote violence and as a marker of the working classes. In the 14th century, French surgeon Guy de Chauliac was the first to document clinically the condition, referring to it as goutterose or ‘pink droplet’. It was in the 18th and 19th centuries that significant strides were made in understanding the nature of acne rosacea. Dr Jean Astruc, known as the father of venereal diseases, characterized the condition as ‘erythematous, varicose and scaly’. In 1812, the official term ‘acne rosacea’ first appeared in a medical text by English dermatologist Dr Thomas Bateman. Further references to the condition can be found in the 1817 publication On Cutaneous Diseases by dermatology pioneer Dr Robert Willan. In 1834, physician Robert Macnish explicitly linked acne rosacea to alcohol consumption in his book Anatomy of Drunkenness. The differentiation between acne vulgaris and acne rosacea was firmly established following the work of Austrian dermatologist Hebra and French dermatologist Darier. In the past, treatments for acne rosacea included salves containing mercury, sulfur, bull’s blood, blood-letting and leeches. Today, topical and oral antibiotics are the standard treatments, a far cry from the remedies of yesteryear. In conclusion, the history of acne rosacea, which is so much more than just le visage rouge, is a captivating journey that spans centuries, from its earliest references in literature and art to the contemporary understanding and treatment of the condition.

Guy de Chauliac’s On Bloodletting in Glasgow, University Library, MS Hunter 307 (ff. 165v-166v

This paper presents the edition and analysis of the text housed in Glasgow, University Library, MS Hunter 307, ff. 165v-166v, which contains a version of the treatise On Bloodletting by Guy de Chauliac, an important author of medieval surgery, and which remains unedited, to the best of our knowledge. The objectives are the following: first, to investigate the transmission of the text; second, to explore the main codicological and palaeographical features of the treatise; third, to provide the first edition of the witness and discuss its main tenets; and finally, to examine the language of the text in order to locate it geographically. The assessment of all of the above will offer a complete picture of the treatise and will help to place it in its material and cultural context.

Probability of myopia in children with high refined carbohydrates consumption in France

BackgroundEvaluate risk factors for paediatric myopia in a contemporary French cohort taking into account consumption of refined carbohydrates (starches and sugars).MethodsAn epidemiological cross-sectional study was conducted between May 2017 and May 2018.Two hundred sixty-four children aged 4 to 18 years attending the Centre Hospitalier Universitaire Gui de Chauliac in Montpellier were recruited. Ophthalmologic or optometric cycloplegic refraction were measured. Evaluated risk factors for myopia were collected, including family history of myopia, outdoor time, reading time, screen time, physical activity, and consumption of refined carbohydrates. Association between the probability of at least one eye showing myopia (defined as < 0 D) and frequency of refined carbohydrates consumption adjusted for risk factors and control factors was tested.ResultsOverall, 86/264 (32.6%) children investigated showed myopia in at least one eye. We included 180 children exhibiting refraction < 3 D in both eyes: 88 (48.9%) girls and 92 (51.1%) boys. The consumption of refined carbohydrates significantly increased the probability of myopia for girls (odds ratio [OR] = 1.07; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.02–1.13; P = 0.009) but decreased it for boys (OR = 0.94; 95% CI, 0.89–0.98; P = 0.011). The probability of myopia was marginally increased with increased screen time (OR = 2.32; 95% CI, 0.94–6.47; P = 0.083). Outdoor time seemed marginally protective (OR = 0.74; 95% CI, 0.54–1.01; P = 0.057).ConclusionRefined carbohydrates consumption could be associated with child myopia, with increased probability for girls and unexpected reduced probability for boys, possibly due to the fact that frequency of carbohydrates consumption do not really capture boy’s chronic hyperglycemia, boys being more physically active than girls at all ages. Some known risk/protective factors of myopia were marginally significant: screen time (risk) and outdoor time (protective). This study reinforces the belief that modifiable risk factors for myopia could be targets for future public health actions.

Symptomatic Subjects: Bodies, Medicine, and Causation in the Literature of Late Medieval England by Julie Orlemanski

Reviewed by: Symptomatic Subjects: Bodies, Medicine, and Causation in the Literature of Late Medieval England by Julie Orlemanski Rebecca Krug Julie Orlemanski. Symptomatic Subjects: Bodies, Medicine, and Causation in the Literature of Late Medieval England. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019. Pp. ix, 333. $69.95. Julie Orlemanski's Symptomatic Subjects demonstrates that representations of physical bodies as "symptomatic"—that is, subject to both decay, death, and sickness and, also, to interpretation—were central to late medieval English imaginative writing. The book ranges with great energy over well-known works such as Chaucer's Knight's Tale and Henryson's Testament of Cresseid; marches through readings of less-familiar texts, including tales from the Gesta Romanorum, Hoccleve's Series, and the Croxton Play of the Sacrament; and runs through excerpts from medical works by Arnau of Vilanova, John Arderne, Guy de Chauliac, and Roger of Parma. The ambitious scope of the project—bodies, medicine, and causation—is somewhat overstated but exciting. Through her dynamic readings of texts that feature descriptions of bodily processes, Orlemanski shows that late medieval literary writers had come to see literary production as a space in which embodiment, textuality, and signification could be explored. Both bodies and written texts had become subject to interpretation and narration in late medieval England. Orlemanski explains that her book "tells the story of how embodied subjectivity was narrated in its entangled relation to the world in the era of medicine's unprecedented textual vitality. In that, it offers one approach to the phenomenology of medieval selfhood, or, what it was [End Page 429] like, within the era's mix of discourses, to reflect on both having and being a body" (2). The book traces patterns of causation and embodiment and draws a picture of late medieval textual etiology as a force that can be observed at work in literary writing. It defines etiology as concerned with "projects of explanatory invention" that explore causation in multiple ways. Like late medieval readers, whom the book's author describes as "bricoleurs of etiology" (3), Orlemanski herself gathers up literary writings representing physical ailments to create a collage of late medieval literature and its relation to medical/literary causality. The etiology that Symptomatic Subjects finds most interesting is generic. Following two synthetic chapters that trace a broad history of medieval medicine, the book is composed of six chapters focused on literary works. These chapters develop a narrative about the representation of bodies and generic expression in the period. As this is the heart of the book, I first outline chapters 3 through 8. The discussion of genre in these chapters is underwritten by recent scholarship on the link between narration and medicine. It is rooted, first, in the appearance in medical discourse of satire. Taking up a point from Douglas Gray's analysis of Henryson's "Sum Practysis of Medecyne" linking jargon and satire, Orlemanski produces readings of Henryson and the Croxton Play of the Sacrament that underscore the difficulty of reconciling the linguistic and the material. From satire she turns to exemplary stories, which she sees as functioning like medicine because both involve judgments concerning relationships between the general and the particular. Such adjudication, she observes, was subject to revision and, in some cases, incoherence. This, then, becomes the subject of a section about romance conventions in Chaucer's Knight's Tale and Henryson's Testament of Cresseid. Both texts focus on dying or diseased bodies and can be seen as doing so in relation to reflections on narrative closure. She turns then to the narration of self in Hoccleve's Series and Margery Kempe's Book. The Hoccleve chapter enacts Orlemanski's claims most effectively as it demonstrates that the Series can be seen to wrestle with "the self's inability to master its own materiality and the signifier's incapacity to guarantee its own meaning" (220). Her discussion of Kempe focuses on the Book's representation of involuntary crying, discussed in all its physicality, and movements between first- and third-person narration. The outline above demonstrates the complexity of the book. Because this is the case, I describe two chapters in detail below to provide a sense [End Page...

One, Two, or Many Sexes: Sex Differentiation in Medieval Islamicate Medical Thought

S i n c e t h e 1990 p u b l i c a t i o n of Thomas Laqueur’s book Making Sex, his proposed “one sex” model has served as the site of many spirited debates and discussions. Joan Cadden was one of the first to criticize Laqueur’s model in her book Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages, in which she explained why her analysis differs from Laqueur’s: “Though there is much evidence in the present study that fits [Laqueur’s] ‘one-sex’ model, medieval views on the status of the uterus and the opinions of medieval physiognomers about male and female traits suggest evidence of . . . models not reducible to Laqueur’s.” More recently, Katharine Park has argued that there is no evidence to support the one-sex model for medieval Europe: “Before 1500 I could find no convincing expressions of the idea of genital homology at all, even as an alternative to be discarded, except for a few brief passages in the works of several late medieval surgeons, including Guy de Chauliac, who seems to have been one of the only medieval scholars to assimilate the full text of Galen’s On the Use of Parts.” While Galen’s views on the similarities between male and female organs may have received little attention in medieval European medical literature, they certainly were evident in Islamicate philosopher and physician Ibn Sinā’s (Avicenna’s) al-Qānūn fi al-.tibb (The canon of medicine), completed in 1025. Ahmad Dallal has argued that “the ancient idea of

Toledo School of Translators and their influence on anatomical terminology

Translation facilitates transmission of knowledge between cultures. The fundamental transfer of anatomic terminology from the Ancient Greek and Islamic Golden Age cultures, to medieval Latin Christendom took place in the so-called Toledo School of Translators in the 12th–13th centuries. Translations made in Toledo circulated widely across Europe. They were the foundation of scientific thinking that was born in the boards of first universities. In Toledo, Gerard of Cremona translated Avicenna's Canon of Medicine, the key work of Islamic Golden Age of medicine. Albertus Magnus, Mondino de Luzzi and Guy de Chauliac, the leading authors of anatomical Latin words in the Middle Ages, founded their books on Gerard's translations. The anatomical terms of the Canon retain auctoritas up to the Renaissance. Thus, terms coined by Gerard such as diaphragm, orbit, pupil or sagittal remain relevant in the current official anatomical terminology. The aim of the present paper is to bring new attention to the highly significant influence that the Toledo School of Translators had in anatomical terminology. For this, we shall review here the onomastic origins of a number of anatomical terms (additamentum; coracoid process; coxal; false ribs; femur; panniculus; spondylus; squamous sutures; thorax; xiphoid process, etc.) which are still used today.

Guy de Chauliac: pre‐eminent surgeon of the Middle Ages

Guy de Chauliac (c1300-1368) trained in Toulouse and the University of Montpellier from where he achieved the highest possible degree of Master of medicine. He undertook fellowships in Bologna (anatomical dissection) and Paris (surgery) and was qualified as a physician not a Barber Surgeon. He took Holy Orders and was appointed as physician to three Avignon-based Popes. He survived an epidemic of the Black Death (1348-1350), suffering an axillary bubo. His book Chirugia Magna was written in medieval Latin in 1363, then circulated in manuscript form before its first printing in 1478. There were 70 editions as it became the most influential surgical text for over 200 years, particularly in France, spanning the period from the late 14th century until Paré (1510-1590). He divided surgery into swellings, wounds, ulcers, fractures and dislocations, and special diseases. Well researched and referenced, based on evidence and experience, he succeeded in incorporating antiquarian and contemporary thinking from French, Arabian, Italian (Bologna), Egyptian and Greek scholars about anatomy, surgical disease and treatment. He was a strong advocate for evaluating outcomes, knowing when not to operate, professionalism and the non-technical competencies. His framework of professionalism was based on four domains: being learned, expert, ingenious and adaptable. The surgical aspirants and leaders of the following two centuries recognized the academic, professional and practical value of his teaching through their reference to and use of Chirugia Magna. The Cowlishaw collection in the Royal Australasian College of Surgeons' library contains four French copies, under the title La Grande Chirugie.

End-to-side venous anastomosis with an anastomotic coupling device coupler: The flower petal stenting technique

MicrosurgeryVolume 34, Issue 1 p. 80-81 Letter to the Editor End-to-side venous anastomosis with an anastomotic coupling device coupler: The flower petal stenting technique Julian Vitse M.D., Julian Vitse M.D. Oral and maxillo-facial and plastic surgery department, Gui de Chauliac hospital, Montpellier, FranceSearch for more papers by this authorMakram Ziade M.D., Makram Ziade M.D. Oral and maxillo-facial and plastic surgery department, Gui de Chauliac hospital, Montpellier, FranceSearch for more papers by this authorJacques Yachouh M.D., Ph.D., Jacques Yachouh M.D., Ph.D. Oral and maxillo-facial and plastic surgery department, Gui de Chauliac hospital, Montpellier, FranceSearch for more papers by this authorLaure Frison M.D., Laure Frison M.D. Oral and maxillo-facial and plastic surgery department, Gui de Chauliac hospital, Montpellier, FranceSearch for more papers by this authorSophie Domergue M.D., Corresponding Author Sophie Domergue M.D. Oral and maxillo-facial and plastic surgery department, Gui de Chauliac hospital, Montpellier, FranceCorrespondence to: Sophie Domergue, Oral and maxillo-facial and plastic surgery department, Gui de Chauliac hospital, Avenue Augustin Fiche, 34090 Montpellier France. E-mail: s-domergue@chu-montpellier.frSearch for more papers by this author Julian Vitse M.D., Julian Vitse M.D. Oral and maxillo-facial and plastic surgery department, Gui de Chauliac hospital, Montpellier, FranceSearch for more papers by this authorMakram Ziade M.D., Makram Ziade M.D. Oral and maxillo-facial and plastic surgery department, Gui de Chauliac hospital, Montpellier, FranceSearch for more papers by this authorJacques Yachouh M.D., Ph.D., Jacques Yachouh M.D., Ph.D. Oral and maxillo-facial and plastic surgery department, Gui de Chauliac hospital, Montpellier, FranceSearch for more papers by this authorLaure Frison M.D., Laure Frison M.D. Oral and maxillo-facial and plastic surgery department, Gui de Chauliac hospital, Montpellier, FranceSearch for more papers by this authorSophie Domergue M.D., Corresponding Author Sophie Domergue M.D. Oral and maxillo-facial and plastic surgery department, Gui de Chauliac hospital, Montpellier, FranceCorrespondence to: Sophie Domergue, Oral and maxillo-facial and plastic surgery department, Gui de Chauliac hospital, Avenue Augustin Fiche, 34090 Montpellier France. E-mail: s-domergue@chu-montpellier.frSearch for more papers by this author First published: 14 August 2013 https://doi.org/10.1002/micr.22152Citations: 4Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article.Citing Literature Volume34, Issue1January 2014Pages 80-81 RelatedInformation

The reliability of asleep-awake-asleep protocol for intraoperative functional mapping and cognitive monitoring in glioma surgery

In this issue of Acta Neurochirurgica, Hansen et al. [9] proposed a new anaesthesiologic protocol for intrasurgical mapping “Awake craniotomies without any sedation: the awake-awake-awake technique”. They reported a series of 50 patients who underwent such “awake-awake-awake” craniotomy for resection of 49 tumors (46 gliomas, three metastasis) and one cavernoma in eloquent areas. Patients did not require any sedation and no or only low-dose opioid treatment. The authors have therefore to be congratulated for their results. Indeed, beyond the methodological aspect, the main message is that intraoperative electrical mapping should be universally implemented as standard of care for glioma surgery. This was demonstrated in a meta-analysis with 8091 adult patients who underwent resective surgery for supratentorial infiltrative glioma. It was shown that glioma resections using intrasurgical stimulation mapping were associated with fewer late severe neurologic deficits (less than 3.5 %) and more extensive resection, while they involved eloquent locations more frequently [3]. In this state of mind, awake surgery allows mapping of sensory-motor, visual, language and other cognitive functions, with a low rate of permanent neurologic worsening—less than 2 % in the recent series [4, 7, 10]. This is the reason why the awake period should be optimal, with a perfect collaboration of the patient. As a consequence, several issues may be discussed regarding the technical procedure advocated by Hansen et al. First of all, according to the authors, it seems that the classical “asleep-awake-asleep” technique has many drawbacks, side effects and risks. However, our team has recently published a prospective series with 140 patients who were operated on for a glioma involving eloquent area using “asleepawake-asleep” procedure, and demonstrated that no seizures, no swelling, no severe permanent neurological deficit and no mortality occurred (only one case of aspiration of gastric contents with a favorable outcome) [2]. These data confirmed the results we have already published in a previous retrospective study [4], demonstrating the reliability of “awake-asleep-awake” protocol. Nonetheless, in their experience, Hansen et al. [9] have reported a high rate of 16 % of seizures using their technique, with 16 % of new neurological deficits—which is a high rate in comparison with the recent literature (see above). In addition, they have also claimed that patients undergoing awake craniotomies had “anxiety and fears”, due to “terrifying noises and surroundings, immobility, loss of control, and the feeling of helplessness and being left alone”. Yet, in a recent prospective European Low Grade Glioma Network multicenter study with 105 patients, awake-asleepawake surgery was used in the vast majority of cases (eight operations were performed according to an asleep-awake protocol, but never using awake-awake-awake technique) [1]. We demonstrated that awake surgery was well tolerated, as neither intraoperative nor postoperative assessment revealed major disadvantages. Especially, pain levels on a 10-cm visual analogue scale were between 1.3 cm and 2.1 cm, while levels of anxiety were between 2.2 cm and 2.6 cm. In the same vein, Deras et al. observed only 0.7 of cooperation problem [2]. Thus, these findings demonstrate that asleep-awake-asleep protocol is also reproducible among institutions. H. Duffau (*) Department of Neurosurgery, Hopital Gui de Chauliac, Montpellier University Medical Center, 80 Av Augustin Fliche, 34295 Montpellier, France e-mail: h-duffau@chu-montpellier.fr

Ask the experts: Maintaining neurological function in brain tumor resection.

Hugues Duffau is professor and chairman at the Department of Neurosurgery, Gui de Chauliac Hospital, Montpellier University Medical Center (Montpellier, France). He trained at the Pitié-Salpêtrière Hospital in Paris, France, and has won multiple awards, including being honored with the Grand Prix of Surgical Oncology by the French National Academy of Medicine in 2012. Duffau is a prominent member of multiple editorial boards and has authored over 200 articles within the field of neuro-oncology. He is currently director of a team researching plasticity of the CNS, human stem cells and glial tumors at INSERM U1051, Montpellier, France.

Plague: History and contemporary analysis

Plague has caused ravaging outbreaks, including the Justinian plague and the "black death" in the Middle Ages. The causative agents of these outbreaks have been confirmed using modern molecular tests. The vector of plague during pandemics remains the subject of controversy. Nowadays, plague must be suspected in all areas where plague is endemic in rodents when patients present with adenitis or with pneumonia with a bloody expectorate. Diagnosis is more difficult in the situation of the reemergence of plague, as in Algeria for example, told by the first physician involved in that outbreak (NM). When in doubt, it is preferable to prescribe treatment with doxycycline while waiting for the test results because of the risk of fatality in individuals with plague. The typical bubo is a type of adenitis that is painful, red and nonfluctuating. The diagnosis is simple when microbiological analysis is conducted. Plague is a likely diagnosis when one sees gram-negative bacilli in lymph node aspirate or biopsy samples. Yersinia pestis grows very easily in blood cultures and is easy to identify by biochemical tests and MALDI-TOF mass spectrometry. Pneumonic plague and septicemic plague without adenitis are difficult to diagnose, and these diagnoses are often made by chance or retrospectively when cases are not part of an epidemic or related to another specific epidemiologic context. The treatment of plague must be based on gentamicin or doxycycline. Treatment with one of these antibiotics must be started as soon as plague is suspected. Analysis of past plague epidemics by using modern laboratory tools illustrated the value of epidemic buboes for the clinical diagnosis of plague; and brought new concepts regarding its transmission by human ectoparasites.

O-002 Solitaire FR revascularization device: a European retrospective study as a first line device for acute ischemic stroke

Retrospective data collection from European sites experienced with the use of the Solitaire FR, when used as 1st choice device to treat patients with ischemic stroke and restore blood flow....

The Evolution of Mastoidectomy and Tympanoplasty

A.D. 150 Galen describes incising “caries of the auditory meatus” 1363 Guy de Chauliac’s device to inspect ear by direct sunlight 1640 – Banzer uses pig bladder as artificial tympanic membrane 1646 Aural speculum by Hildanus 1653 Light microscope by Antony van Leeuwenhoek 1791 Death of Baron von Berger after mastoid trephination for tinnitus and deafness 1832 “Inspector Auris” by Thomas Buchanan 1846 Ether anesthesia by William Morton 1847Chloroform general anesthesia

SH18 BARBER‐SURGEONS: A DOOMED GUILD OF MASTERS AND MISTERS IN THE MIDDLE AGES

In the Middle Ages, a Papal edict by Innocent III (1215) forbade physicians, mostly clerics, from performing surgical procedures considered ‘contaminating’. The clerics handed over their surgical responsibilities to the barbers, hence the advent of Barber‐Surgeons. Surgery was relegated to the status of a manual trade, acquired by apprenticeship, designed to maintain a monopoly on services provided, but also to ensure standards.This paper reviews the reasons for the eventual separation of barbers and surgeons across Europe during the thirteenth to eighteenth centuries. The guilds advanced their professions and grew in reputation and influence forming Companies. James VI granted a royal charter for a Barber‐Surgeons Company in Edinburgh (1505) and Henry VIII approved an act of parliament to establish a Barber‐Surgeons’ Company in London (1540).However, within the guilds of Barber‐surgeons existed a pervasive dichotomy, fueled by the surgeons’ growing knowledge of anatomy and development of practical skills. Outside the guilds, Lanfranc of Milan (died 1315), Henri de Mondeville (France 1260–1320), Guy de Chauliac (France 1300–1368) and Vesalius (Padua 1514–1564) held discriminatory views towards Barber‐surgeons, but produced great surgical advances. Ambrois Paré (1510–1590), a French military surgeon, revolutionised the surgery of wounds based on observation, results and practical experience. During the 18th century most guilds dissolved under pressure imposed by their own surgical graduates, including William Cheselden in London.The Middle Ages was a crucial period in which surgical knowledge evolved far beyond the teachings of Galen. There was no longer any place for Barbers in the Companies of Surgeons.

Endoscopic treatment of sinonasal papilloma: a 12 year review

Conclusion: Endoscopic surgical management is recommended as a viable treatment option for sinonasal papilloma, with comparable results to those treated by an external approach. An external approach is still indicated in cases where the papilloma is not accessible endoscopically, or where there is extrasinus invasion. Long-term follow-up is essential for recurrence detection. Objectives: The goal of this study was to highlight our experience with endoscopic surgery for the management of sinonasal papilloma. Patients and methods: A retrospective study of all patients who underwent endoscopic surgery for the treatment of sinonasal papilloma over a 12 year period at the Gui de Chauliac Hospital, Montpellier, France. Results: A total of 55 patients were included in this study; 32 patients (58%) were treated exclusively by an endoscopic approach and 23 (42%) were treated by a combined approach. Minimal follow-up was 3 years. The overall recurrence rate was 7%. All recurrences occurred at the initial site and the average delay between surgery and recurrence was 30 months (14 months to 4 years).

Niccolò da Reggio's Translations of Galen and their Reception in France

In the first half of the fourteenth century, Niccolò da Reggio translated more than fifty works by Galen from Greek into Latin, and by mid-century most if not all of them had reached the papal court at Avignon, where Guy de Chauliac praised their accuracy and cited them regularly in his Great Surgery of 1363. Yet contemporary physicians at nearby Montpellier almost never referred to them, ordinarily preferring to quote from the older Arabic-Latin translations. Examining a particular context, the ways in which urological conditions were described in the old and new versions of Galen, suggests that medical teachers and commentators may have found it difficult to give up the familiarity of the traditional language in favor of Niccolò's new terminology.

Vivian Nutton (ed.), The unknown Galen, Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies, Supplement No. 77, London, Institute of Classical Studies, 2002, pp. viii, 179, £45.00 (paperback 0-900587-88-1).

Vivian Nutton (ed.), The unknown Galen, Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies, Supplement No. 77, London, Institute of Classical Studies, 2002, pp. viii, 179, £45.00 (paperback 0-900587-88-1). - Volume 48 Issue 1

Sprachkontakt und Übersetzungsliteratur in spätmittelenglischer Zeit

This article deals with language contact resulting from the translation of utilitarian and scientific prose during the late Middle English period. Focussing on translational techniques and lexicological problems in the Wycliffite Bible, Trevisa's translation of the encyclopedia of Bartholomaeus Anglicus, and the versions of Guy de Chauliac's Chirurgia magna, it stresses the importance of textual history and the history of science for an adequate understanding of these texts in the vernacular.