Great Tibetan Research Articles

Research on Image Tracing of Four Heavenly Kings in Fahai Temple

Fahai Temple in Beijing is the royal temple of Ming Dynasty. The mural paintings in the temple are relatively complete, and the mural paintings are the representative works of the existing Ming Dynasty mural paintings. This paper chooses this representative artistic content to analyze, and tries to explore and analyze the style source and embodiment of the four heavenly Kings in the frescoes of Fahai Temple. By comparing with the images of the four Heavenly Kings in the Great Tibetan Sutra of Xixia Text in the sixth year of the Yuan Dade and the four Heavenly Kings in the Yuan Guan Zang in the second year of the Yuan Dynasty, it is found that the four Heavenly Kings in the frescoes of Fahai Temple originally came from here. And compared with the style of the Southern Song Dynasty courtyard painting and Tibetan Buddhist art, find out the style source, and finally analyze the image artistic value of the fresco in Fahai Temple. ??According to the research from various aspects, it can be concluded that the fresco powder of the four Heavenly Kings of Fahai Temple originally originated from the Tanguan Sutra and the Yuanguanzang in the Yuan Journal, and the style inherited the style of the Southern Song Dynasty courtyard painting and also had many features of Tibetan Buddhism.

The Great Tibetan Funerary Tradition: Tibetan Deathscapes in the Past, Present, and the Future

The Great Tibetan Funerary Tradition: Tibetan Deathscapes in the Past, Present, and the Future

<i>Sixth Dalai Lama-Tsangyang Gyatso</i>: A Brief Look at His Love Stories and Love Poems

Sixth Dalai Lama-Tsangyang Gyatso is a full-length novel written by Gao Ping that vividly describes the short life of the great Tibetan poet and Sixth Dalai Lama, Tsangyang Gyatso, and his poems. It sets against the political, military and religious background of Tibetan during the Qing Dynasty. This paper briefly analyses Tsangyang Gyatso’s love poems based on his love stories. The study finds that the words used in Tsangyang Gyatso’s love poems are plain, simple, natural and easy to understand, which has a highly empathetic effect to his readers and expresses the poet’s sincere feelings.

Interpretation of the image of the Goddess Tara by Zanabazar compared to that by his predecesors and followers (from Sri Lanka to Siberia)

In continuation of the study of the art heritage of Zanabazar (1635–1723), we have traced the connection between the textual and art systems of the Buddhist cult ofTaragoddess. This goddess was of particular importance for the master Zanabazar. In his turn, Zanabazar was recognized as the incarnation of the great Tibetan scholar Jetsun Taranatha (1575–1634), whose name means “Protected byTara”. Undur-Gegen Zanabazar had deep spiritual relationship with the Savior Goddess both from his previous incarnations as well as directly transmitted by his teachers, especially the IV Panchen Lama Lobsan Choiky Gyaltsen (1570–1662). The article deals with outstanding sculptural images of Tara by Dzanabazar and also by the artists of earlier times and by the followers of his style who came fromSri Lanka,Nepal,Tibet,Mongolia, Buryatia. The actual objects are currently preserved in various collections throughout the world. Among them that of the British Museum in London, the Metropolitan and the Rudin Museums in the United States, the Potala in Lhasa, the State Hermitage and the Russian Ethnographical Museum in St. Petersburg and Mongolian museums of Ulaanbaatar. Specific examples show how the canonical Buddhist standards of iconography were implemented under the influence of different regional ethnic craft traditions. The works by famous Buddhist artists, such as Sonam Gyaltsen (16th cent.), Choiing Dorje (1604–1664) as well as little-known Buryat masters of the late 19th century were used to compare with the masterpieces by Zanabazar.

Rodinian granulites from southern Qiangtang terrane: Implications for tectonic evolution of the Tibetan Plateau

Bordered by the Longmu Co-Shuang Hu-Lancangjiang suture zone in the north and east, as well as the Bangong Nujiang suture zone in the south and west, the southern Qiangtang terrane is one of the least-studied blocks in the Tibetan region. The early tectonic evolution of the southern Qiangtang terrane has remained a controversy for a long time. Here we report granulites from the Tongka high-grade metamorphic complexes in the southern Qiangtang terrane. The mafic granulites occur as small lenses in the felsic granulites and leucogranites with peak mineral assemblage including garnet (core) + diopside + low An plagioclase + quartz. The retrograde assemblage is represented by garnet (rim) + pargasite + high An plagioclase + quartz. The fine-grained aggregates of feldspar + garnet + aluminosilicates + rutile around reddish-brown biotite relics in the felsic granulites are interpreted as products of partial melting of biotites. Thermobarometric estimates for the peak assemblages of the mafic rocks are P = 17.5 kbar and T = 811 °C, whereas the retrograde assemblages of the mafic rocks experienced decompression to P = 10.4 kbar, at T = 674 °C. Zircon texture and SIMS U-Pb data reveal that the felsic granulites were derived from Achaean to Proterozoic sedimentary rocks that underwent high-temperature metamorphism and transformation to paragneisses or granitoids at 1100 to 1000 Ma. During 950–900 Ma, the crystalline rocks were further buried deeply to be transformed into the felsic granulites. We therefore interpret the Tongka high-grade metamorphic complexes to be a portion of the Rodinian continental collision belt. Evidently some domains of the Rodinian continental crust were thickened during the Grenville events, similar to the more recent processes in the Himalaya and Tibetan plateau. The Tongka high-grade metamorphic complexes which form the basement of the southern Qiangtang terrane was subsequently disrupted and involved in the formation of the great Tibetan plateau during the Cenozoic times. Our work thus highlights the Precambrian history of the southern Qiangtang terrane.

Compassion in Buddhism and Guanxi: Can There Be a Synergy for Western Companies in China

Compassion is one of the core fundamental elements of Buddhism. The compassionate virtues are the precious qualities essential in the practice of Buddhism. On the other hand, guanxi plays a dominant role in any successful business venture in Chinese market. This paper develops the understanding of the two ancient bodies of knowledge of Buddhism and Confucianism. The attempt will be made in this paper to understand the deeper meaning of compassion in Buddhism in terms of compassionate virtues such as generosity, discipline, patience, diligence, humility, and wisdom. In guanxi, it will delve into different aspects of guanxi in terms of its background, meaning, significance, different types, intermediary, comparison with networking and ethics and success factors. This paper is based on the literature review on compassion—guanxi. The compassion literature focuses on books on Buddhism and commentaries by great Tibetan Buddhist sages. The guanxi literatures are predominately based on business research papers related to guanxi and business culture in China. The paper provides deeper meaning of compassion in Buddhism. The application of compassion to manage guanxi in China is the topic of this paper. This research is about optimizing the art of guanxi through the application of compassion which will help many non-Chinese business managers to effectively manage it. This paper is considered the first of its kind to study compassion in Buddhism and guanxi practice in China and seeks to provide the necessary framework to conduct the further research on applying compassion to build and manage better guanxi in China.

Solitude in Buddhism and in Psychoanalysis: The Case of the Great Tibetan Yogi Milarepa

A consideration of the life of the medieval Tibetan yogi, poet, and saint Milarepa leads to a psychoanalytic understanding of the Buddhist prescription to abandon all attachments in order to achieve genuine happiness. The vicissitudes of attachment, loss, mourning, rage, absolution, and guilt are explored to show how the achievement of the Buddhist ideal of sainthood is won through a fierce inner struggle that leaves someone such as Milarepa, a victim of traumatic childhood loss, best suited for a hermit's life.

THE CONSCIOUSNESS OF THE PAST IN THE CREATIVITY OF THE PRESENT:MODERN TIBETAN LITERATURE AND SOCIAL CHANGE

Thus sings Sangdhor in a metrical poem in praise of Tibetan versification, countering an anti-verse sentiment that is prevalent on the contemporary Tibetan literary scene. Since the flourishing of free verse form in the 1980s, thanks to the pioneering works of Dhondup Gyal, many Tibetan writers have attacked metrical composition for its perceived inflexible, archaic and inadaptable form and uniformity of content. Sangdhor, one of the most iconoclastic and forward-thinking intellectuals writing in Tibetan today, vehemently refutes such a stance on the grounds that the bulk of great Tibetan works, literary or otherwise, are set in verse. To underscore his point he writes the cited poem in a “leaping and flying” style of themgur(‘poem-songs’) genre. In fact, most of his many innovative poems are written in an eclectic style drawing on Tibet's rich literary tradition, Buddhist texts, oral sources and contemporary writings. Their content is equally diverse yet most of all current. It is infused with social and religious criticism, themes of romance and eroticism, critical literary commentary and current Tibetan affairs. His poems, like those of many other writers, show that metered poetry is very much a part of modern Tibetan literature. As he draws on classical literature and indigenous oral traditions for his own literary innovation, to borrow a concept from Northrop Frye, in Sangdhor's work we can “see an enormous number of converging patterns of significance” that is a complication of Tibetan literary formulas stretching to the narratives of the distant past.2Therefore, it must be borne in mind that modern Tibetan literature transcends a theory of rupture which many scholars overstress to the point of overlooking its deep, outspread roots. Some parts of these roots predate both the 1980s, which saw a flourishing of new Tibetan writing, and the Chinese takeover of Tibet in the 1950s that has had a profound impact on Tibetan cultural production.

Newar Scholars and Tibetan Buddhists

Nepal’s role in the expansion of Mahayana Buddhism beyond the Himalaya is very significant. Nepal became the center of Mahayana Buddhism after the Muslim invasion of Nalanda Mahavihara in the 1199 A.D., which she maintained almost for 300 years. During this period, Nepal had produced a large number of profound Buddhist scholars. Most of them were the teachers of eminent Tibetan Buddhists. Some of the Nepalese Gurus also has continued lineage in Tibet until now. During that time, every Tibetan had desire to go to Nepal for higher Buddhist learning. As a matter of fact, many Tibetans made arduous journey across the Himalaya to fulfill the dream. Tibetan studied various forms of tantra, precepts, logic, doctrine, Sutra, Sadhana, Doha, Charyagiti, meditation etc. under direct supervision of Nepalese teachers. Great Tibetan scholars such as Marpa, Rwa Lo, Chag Lo, Khon phu ba, Klog Lo, Gos Lo, and others were the product of Nepal’s scholarly tradition. They have significant place in the history of Tibet. Nepalese scholars also frequently visited Tibet where they taught Buddhism in various monasteries. They also had major role in propagating tantra in Tibet. Tibetans firmly believe that it is not possible to attain enlightenment without practicing tantra. The contribution of Nepalese scholars was so profound that Tibet produced many eminent scholars who developed scholastic tradition in Tibet. But after 14th century, Nepal’s scholarly tradition ceased to continue. Then after, Tibetans started to call them ‘the dull’.

A treatise on Buddhist epistemology and logic attributed to Klong chen rab 'byams pa (1308-1364) and its place in Indo-Tibetan intellectual history

an . av ¯ arttika [hereafter PV] 2 by the great Tibetan scholar and visionary Klong chen Rab ’byams pa of the Rnying ma pa school of Tibetan Buddhism had been sighted. This set the imagination on fire. The prospect of the existence of such a work was all the more intriguing because no treatise of this kind, or any work like it, was listed in the then already published catalogue to his voluminous oeuvre Klong chen pa himself had written towards the end of his relatively short life while in exile in what is now Bhutan. Reproduced by Chos grags bzang po in his biography of his master, this incomplete catalogue registers some two hundred and seventy separate items plus an uncounted number of spiritual songs and an assortment of ephemeral compositions. 3 What is more, none of the early indigenous bibliographies list a work by him on Dharmak¯ orti’s thought, let alone on the PV. But this absence should nor induce us to wring our hands, for these bibliographies are as a rule far from comprehensive. 4 That said, if Klong chen pa were indeed responsible for the Tshad ma’i de kho na nyid bsdus pa, as only the colophons of its two extant manuscripts would have us believe, and if it were his sole contribution to Buddhist logic and epistemology (pram ¯ an . a,

Foreign Devils

This paper explores the intimate and yet extimate relations between Tibet, China and Britain in the first half of the twentieth century, and then the rather more fraught relationship between Tibet and China following the Chinese invasion of Tibet in 1950. In the first half of the twentieth century, Tibet was a pawn in the quasi-imperial struggle between China and Britain. It was this imperial power-play between Britain and China that rendered ambiguous Tibet’s legal status in the emerging body of modern international law. It was the British use of the term ‘suzerain’ when defining China’s role in Tibet that was at the centre of this ambiguity. This had far-reaching consequences that in part legitimated the Chinese invasion of Tibet as well as the effacement of Tibet’s indigenous legal tradition. Although Tibet is known primarily as a centre of religious monasticism, it has a long and culturally distinct legal tradition dating back to the time of the great Tibetan Empire (the seventh to the thirteenth centuries). Over the following centuries, the Tibetan legal system underwent significant changes, the most notable of which was the assimilation of a Buddhist jurisprudence. This jurisprudence was also to inform Tibet’s relations with its neighbours, including China, but was to be shattered following the Chinese invasion. By utilising postmodern theory, I show that what characterises both Chinese (Nationalist and Communist) and Western legal narratives vis-à-vis their relation to ‘traditional’ Tibet is the claim to universal rationality. This relation is fundamentally incommensurable and reveals itself in the temporal disjuncture that these competing legal systems inhabit. On the one hand, we have modernity and the privileging of the temporal order of the present, and on the other hand we have the Buddhist legal system of Tibet and the double time that it inhabits — the temporal order of the cosmos and the temporal order of legal enunciation. In its universalising move, Chinese rule can never be universal enough, as it must constantly constitute itself against the mark of Tibetan difference, a difference which Chinese rule in Tibet can never quite consign to the past.

Foreign Devils: Law's Imperial Discourse and the Status of Tibet

This paper explores the intimate and yet extimate relations between Tibet, China and Britain in the first half of the twentieth century, and then the rather more fraught relationship between Tibet and China following the Chinese invasion of Tibet in 1950. In the first half of the twentieth century, Tibet was a pawn in the quasi-imperial struggle between China and Britain. It was this imperial power-play between Britain and China that rendered ambiguous Tibet's legal status in the emerging body of modern international law. It was the British use of the term 'suzerain' when defining China's role in Tibet that was at the centre of this ambiguity. This had far-reaching consequences that in part legitimated the Chinese invasion of Tibet as well as the effacement of Tibet's indigenous legal tradition. Although Tibet is known primarily as a centre of religious monasticism, it has a long and culturally distinct legal tradition dating back to the time of the great Tibetan Empire (the seventh to the thirteenth centuries). Over the following centuries, the Tibetan legal system underwent significant changes, the most notable of which was the assimilation of a Buddhist jurisprudence. This jurisprudence was also to inform Tibet's relations with its neighbours, including China, but was to be shattered following the Chinese invasion. By utilising postmodern theory, I show that what characterises both Chinese (Nationalist and Communist) and Western legal narratives vis-a--vis their relation to 'traditional' Tibet is the claim to universal rationality. This relation is fundamentally incommensurable and reveals itself in the temporal disjuncture that these competing legal systems inhabit. On the one hand, we have modernity and the privileging of the temporal order of the present, and on the other hand we have the Buddhist legal system of Tibet and the double time that it inhabits - the temporal order of the cosmos and the temporal order of legal enunciation. In its universalising move, Chinese rule can never be universal enough, as it must constantly constitute itself against the mark of Tibetan difference, a difference which Chinese rule in Tibet can never quite consign to the past.

Bodhisattva in Berea: John Stephenson and the Tibetans

Bodhisattva in Berea: John Stephenson and the Tibetans_______________________ David Sawyer I was present when John Stephenson began his love affair with the Tibetan people. His spirit resonated instantly with a group ofTibetan professionals touring America finding ways to preserve their culture in exile. The Tibetans were impressed with Berea. In the President's office that morning there was a sparkle in John's eye when the Dalai Lama's niece asked if Berea College might educate Tibetan students. With a bright, quick smile John simply said yes, surprising all of us. Thus began a remarkable era of cooperation and intimacy between Berea College and the Tibetan Government -in-exile headed by Tenzin Gyatso, the fourteenth Dalai Lama. Berea's Tibetan Refugee Education Program is unique in American higher education and is straightforward: top Tibetans graduating from high schools in India are offered full scholarships and transportation to and from Berea. Ten Tibetan students have attended Berea College since the program began, and now the first students chosen are graduating, having done very well indeed. Working out the details of this unusual program began with a remarkable trip to Dharamsala, India, seat of the government -in-exile, in March 1990. On this trip John Stephenson was accompanied by the dean of the college, Al Perkins; Dr. Patrick Kelleher (John's physician); and me. As official guests of the government we spent days visiting schools, talking to educators, and attending meetings. There were many things to consider: How would the selections be made? Would Tibetan students from both Indian and Tibetan schools be eligible? Were current evaluation procedures adequate to determine future academic success? How well did students speak English? Would American culture affect Tibetan youth? Could we expect them to return home and serve their own communities ? These and other questions were pondered and resolved in long meetings with government officials. As the head of our delegation, John Stephenson the educator was brilliant, and in his element. One afternoon we had the opportunity to meet with the Dalai Lama himself. I do not know a great deal about John's relationship with the David Sawyer is the director ofStudentsfor Appalachia program at Berea College. 16 Dalai Lama, but I do know that they hit it off rather well from the start. The Dalai Lama engaged John in a number oftopics, among which, unexpectedly , was the overspecialization ofacademic education! The Dalai Lama recognized greatness of spirit immediately in John Stephenson, and John was charmed and quite impressed by His Holiness. These two high-minded men deeply respected each other and had, I think, many things in common . During the lengthy negotiations, John Stephenson was often head to head with Juchen Namgyal, the powerful leader of the Tibetan cabinet. He was a large man and a former freedom fighter, responsible for the deaths of many Chinese. One night we were treated to an evening oftraditional Tibetan dance followed by a huge formal feast. At the high point of the affair, in front ofa large crowd, Juchen, who had risked his life helping the sixteen-year-old Dalai Lama escape from Tibet, stood to thank John Stephenson and Berea College. Showing his respect, he placed a special white silk scarf around John's neck. Suddenly John, face beaming, removed his Berea tie and to everyone's astonishment and delight ceremonially placed it around the neck ofthis great Tibetan figure. Al Perkins and I exchanged a glance of pure appreciation at this act expressing such humility , creativity, and daring. During this trip John Stephenson the leader was positively masterful ... a man with true gifts, to be sure. One day we were taken to a small town called Bir, which could only be reached by dirt roads that were impassable during the monsoons. In Bir, Tibetans who have recently escaped from Tibet gather to learn English and adapt to life in India. The situation was grim, and contrasted sharply with the happy faces and beautiful buildings we saw in Dharamsala. New arrivals lived in the ugly metal buildings of an abandoned carpet factory. Faces were dirty and sullen. Amenities were scarce. Few people spoke English. John, however, would not be deterred and was out in front...

Folklore concerning Tsong-kha-pa

The article is a selective translation of tales centering around Tson-kha-pa (1357-1419), the great Tibetan Buddhist reformer, and Taer Temple, the monastery near Xining, Qinghai, located on the spot where Tsong-kha-pa is believed to have been born and where his remains are kept and venerated. The tales, from the regions surrounding Taer Temple, relate the circumstances of Tsong-kha-pa's birth, his youth and development, and some of the miracles he performed. They also recount the origin of the highest offices of Tibetan Buddhism - those of the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama - and of some of the main rituals heald annually at Taer Temple. The tales present a picture of how the common people view the great Tibetan saint. A brief introduction describes the ethnic and geographical setting of the tales.

Peintures tibétaines de la vie de Mi-la-ras-pa

This paper gives a description of a complete set of three paintings illustrating the life of Milarepa, the famous saint and poet who lived in XIth century in Tibet. These thangka are kept in the Musée de l'Homme in Paris. They were acquired by Jacques Bacot in the eastern province of Khams around 1910. All three of them follow the same organisational lines: a central picture of the yogin surrounded by many clearly-defined registers relating episodes of his life. Most of them have legends handwritten in printing characters identifying people and places. Indeed these painted scrolls were used most likely to accompany the narrative of the mani-pa story-tellers who used to travel from village to village telling legends about great Tibetan saints and heros for the edification of the people. Life of this most famous among Tibetan hermits is well-known to us through his biography, rnam-thar, as well as the collection of his songs, mgur 'bum, the work of a XVIth century yogin of which exist several translations in western languages. Those very popular texts have guided us in analysing and interpreting the various scenes depicted in each painting.

The Tibetan Empire in Central Asia: A History of the Struggle for Great Power among Tibetans, Turks, Arabs, and Chinese during the Early Middle Ages

This narrative history of the Tibetan Empire in Central Asia from about A.D. 600 to 866 depicts the struggles of the great Tibetan, Turkic, Arab, and Chinese powers for dominance over the Silk Road lands that connected Europe and East Asia. It shows the importance of overland contacts between East and West in the Early Middle Ages and elucidates Tibet's role in the conflict over Central Asia.

Exploration in Tibet and Neighbouring Regions 1

COL. LENOX CONYNGHAM has done right good service to the science of geography by compiling in one comprehensive volume the complete story of the early exploration of the great Tibetan uplands before that land of mystery and romance became attractive to European geographers, who evolved the map of Tibet as we now know it on a more scientific basis. It would indetd have been useful if the brief preface to the volume had included a somewhat more detailed explanation of the means and the methods employed by these early native surveyors in those amazing journeys which gave us the first (and sometimes the last) outlines of Ti-betan geography, and laid the foundations for subsequent map superstructure. The narratives of the individual explorers are given in chronological order, commencing with the journey of Fandit Nain Singh, in 1865, from Nepal to Lhasa, and terminating with that of Atma Ram, who accompanied our first adventurer, Capt. (now Sir Hamilton) Bower, when he traversed Tibet from Kashmir to China in 1891–2, following- a route which was not very far removed from that of Nain Singh in earlier days. Then for the first time were the eyes, not only of geographers, but also of archæologists, opened to the immense wealth of scientific and historical knowledge which was to be gathered in that remote part of Asia.