French Revolution Research Articles

Rasowa interpretacja dziejów Alfreda Rosenberga

One of principal aims of Alfred Rosenberg’s theory of political myth was the creation of a racial interpretation of History. It was a very important issue for National Socialism, as the movement presented itself as leading force opposing Marxism and Leninism. The great strength of communist propaganda lies in its overarching teleological vision of the world, especially Marx’s singular interpretation of the aim of history as great process of human emancipation from class society to communism, which is seen as the end point of history. It was Rosenberg’s understanding that National Socialism, as the great adversary of Marxism, must produce an alternative vision of the sense and goals of history. Rosenberg himself authored one such alternative vision. His meaning of history is a great discourse of the chronology of races struggles. It’s a perpetual war between the Nordic and Semitic races, which encompassed the fabled fall of Atlantis, Antiquity, birth of Christianity, the Middle Ages, the Reformation, the French Revolution, and the beginning of the final war between Marxism and Nazism. This article is an attempt at presenting this vision, with a brief analysis and evaluation of his scientific value.

Capitalism and the French Revolution

Abstract The aim of this article is to raise, and begin to answer, a question about the relationship between the French Revolution and capitalism. Discussion of the relationship between the two subjects began somewhat later in the nineteenth century than is usually assumed and owed quite a lot to the thought of one of Jean Jaurès’ contemporaries, the Italian Marxist Antonio Labriola. As will be shown, the connection that Labriola made between capitalism and the French Revolution was based on a number of distinctive concepts of capitalism, the French Revolution and history itself. One of the implications of this article is to suggest that without these concepts the French Revolution could begin to look quite different.

Universalism and Historicism: A Conflicting Inheritance of the Enlightenment

ABSTRACT Enlightenment thought and its contemporary followers usually support two contradictory principles simultaneously. The first is universality. Truth is universal because it is truth for all. Claims to universality are made in logic and science, but also in areas that are culturally or politically controversial. Recently, universalism has become a key term to express a fundamental critique of identity politics. For much of European history, Christianity provided such a universal truth. But with the decline of its cultural hegemony and the rise of particular nation-states, conflicting truth claims became weapons in violent conflicts, leading Hobbes to argue that dangerous truth claims must be neutralized by robust political power. In the eighteenth century, rationalism became more optimistic, interpreting universalism as cosmopolitanism based on universal reason and progress through history. The second principle is historicism, which is the self-reflexive look at the historical origins of universal claims and theories. Historicism emerged in the nineteenth century as a response to the application of rationalism to history. It challenged the universal claims of the French Revolution, emphasizing instead the unique value of each historical entity. This revealed a fundamental paradox: when universalism becomes self-reflexive, it recognizes that it has non-universal historical origins, thereby undermining itself. After the devastation of World War II and the Holocaust, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) represented a significant effort toward a new universalism. It sought to establish human rights as universal principles for the emerging world order. But history repeated itself: Historicism once again weakened confidence in human rights. The enemies of human rights take advantage of this weakness. We therefore have to live with the paradox that universalism is necessary because humanity shares a single world, but that historical self-reflection is also unavoidable. In other words, the Enlightenment principle of universalism must accept historicism as an integral part of itself.

The Connotation and Revolutionary Significance of Marx's Categories of Practice

The concept of "practice" is an important category of Marxist philosophy. In the course of his revolutionary activities and theoretical research, Marx gradually discovered the fundamental role of "practice" in philosophy, and sublimated its connotation by liquidating his previous beliefs and elevating it to a philosophical ontology. By liquidating his former beliefs, he sublimated the connotation of the category of "practice" and elevated it to a philosophical ontology, basing himself on reality, summarizing history, and creating a new worldview, thus completing a great revolution in the history of philosophy.

Stendhal and Rousseau Habit, Interiority and Exception


 
 
 Le Rouge et le Noir is taken as an example of a novel in which the hero, and some other characters, experience strong tension between inner consciousness and social habits. Stendhal’s novel is a particularly significant example because it is shaped by the immediate afterlife of the French Revolution and the writings of Rousseau. The revolutionary rupture with habit intersects with the themes of a consciousness looking for inner existence and the role of inner passions. The Revolution was an exception, prolonged by the rise of Bonaparte which appeals to a hero frustrated by the habitual conformity of anti-revolutionary France after the fall of Bonaparte. He seeks a great career, and he seeks grandeur in love, always combining passions with strategy in an unstable mix. He moves from love with a comparative innocent to love with a woman who shares his obsessions though they have different objects. The final crisis of the novel leads to a breakdown of the hero’s habitual self, in an ending in which passions becomes both destructive violence and an idyllic solitary resignation. The journey into an interiority, through exceptional breaks with habit finds a culmination. This achievement rests on Stendhal writing in a world after Rousseau and understanding the full extent of this requires a rounded understanding of Rousseau, along with his context.
 
 

Research on the Evaluation Model of Students' Foreign Language Learning Situation based on Oriented Online Teaching Collaboration Platform

Internet + Education makes online teaching gradually penetrate the education industry, and makes the industry enter a great revolution based on information technology. The traditional student learning evaluation system cannot satisfy the actual demand of current learning evaluation. This paper constructs an evaluation model for the foreign language learning of online students. Firstly, the DBSCAN algorithm with distance optimization is used to conduct cluster analysis on the description indicators of student behavior, and the student groups with different behavior characteristics are obtained. Then the ANOVA F-test was used to extract the features of different student groups. Finally, a novel N-Adaboost algorithm based on multiple classifiers is proposed and a model is constructed to evaluate students’ foreign language learning. The experimental results show that the accuracy of the evaluation model is 74.02% in the pass and fail groups and 73.74% in the excellent and non-excellent groups. Students’ listening, speaking, and reading abilities are in a state of upward development overall through the online teaching collaboration platform, but their writing ability is obviously declining. There is a great improvement in foreign language vocabulary. This study provides a new perspective of thinking for the improvement of the quality of school teaching management, the analysis of students’ behavior, and the evaluation of learning situations, and provides a new solution for the problem of students’ learning situations in modern information teaching.

Randfiguren? The Methodological Usefulness of Marginal Figures: Ernst Brandes and Franz Josias von Hendrich on the French Revolution and the Political Potential of the German Bürgertum

ABSTRACT The article discusses two marginal political writers who were widely read and well respected by their contemporaries but are now either forgotten (Hendrich) or reduced to a historical footnote in the history of conservatism (Brandes). The aim is to illustrate the methodological and historical value of studying such figures for gaining a more horizontal perspective of historical periods. The horizontal perspective lets elided contexts and complexities re-emerge, which may in turn modify canonical views. Considering Brandes’s and Hendrich’s assessments of the French Revolution, published between 1790 and 1796, the investigation shows that in the wake of the revolution both authors hoped and expected that Bürgertum and nobility would eventually merge socially and politically. Such hopes, and their reception, suggest that (later) conceptions of ‘conservative’ and ‘liberal’ are difficult to apply to their 1790s thinking and that middle-class political power was widely discussed. These findings question aspects of the established narrative of German social and political conservatism, including the absence of middle-class ambition.

On Historical Relationship between Parliamentary and Humanitarian Diplomacy

The paper analyzes approaches to defining parliamentary and humanitarian venues of diplomatic cooperation. It is shown that institutionalized inter-parliamentary cooperation began to develop in the last quarter of the 19th century, while examples of the influence of parliamentarians on the foreign policy process in their nation-states can be traced back even earlier, at least since the time of the Great French Revolution. It has been revealed that the early forms of parliamentarian influence on foreign policy were based on humanistic arguments and appealed to a sense of humanity. The humanistic orientation of the emerging parliamentary diplomacy in the last third of the 19th century is explained by focusing on factors such as the development of the media and the growing influence of public opinion on the domestic and foreign policies of European nation-states. The similarity of the initial organizational forms of parliamentary and humanitarian diplomacy illustrates the example of the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Inter-Parliamentary Union. Both types of diplomatic interaction emerged via multilateral conferences. The final section of the paper is devoted to an analysis of the origins of Russian parliamentary and humanitarian diplomacy. It is shown that Russia played an active role in the development of these forms of diplomatic interaction. The paper concludes by arguing that a thorough definition of parliamentary diplomacy is only possible when both the actor and organizational dimensions of parliamentary diplomacy are taken into account. It argues further that the more or less common paths of development of parliamentary and humanitarian diplomacy result in their thematic affinity. The third conclusion is that the parliamentary methods accepted by diplomatic agents profoundly affected the development of cooperation between nation-states during the 20th century.

Finding the American Revolution in France: François-Jean de Chastellux's Private Papers and Beyond

Abstract: With the exception of the renowned Marquis de Lafayette and, to a lesser extent, General Rochambeau and Admiral de Grasse, French soldiers and officers have historically received little attention in the literary of the American War for Independence. This is due to a number of factors, including restricted or closed access to private archival collections in France. This essay will demonstrate that it is possible, under certain conditions, to study personal, unpublished source material of "forgotten" French officers who participated in the American Revolutionary War, thereby providing new opportunities for research into early American history. To demonstrate the historical significance of such materials, this paper will concentrate on the (mainly) unpublished papers of François-Jean de Chastellux (1734-1788), an influential major general who served directly under Rochambeau. The Chastellux family has preserved his private papers for more than 240 years in their Château de Chastellux. This article details the contents of this private archive as well as the history of its creation and preservation. Additionally, the existence of Chastellux's archive raises questions about the possible existence of similar unpublished French archival collections, which may also offer new perspectives on the American Revolutionary War. Furthermore, in the contemporary digital era, families that choose to preserve their records in private archives may now make them digitally accessible to the academic community. This introduces new circumstances and opportunities for the access and translation of previously inaccessible information.

A “Democrat” from the Start: Theobald Wolfe Tone, Emblematic Founder of Irish Republicanism, Anti-Monarchism, and the “Baneful Influence of England”

Theobald Wolfe Tone (1763-98), an Irish radical and revolutionary remembered in collective memory as the founding father of Irish republicanism, left behind more writings than all his radical associates combined. A founder of the Society of United Irishmen in 1791, he helped drive their democratic campaign to end religious discriminations in Ireland through a total reform of electoral representation in the Irish parliament. Tone’s adolescence and national identity had been shaped during the American War of Independence, when Irish patriotic culture began to truly question the connection to Britain. When reform campaigns failed, Tone became a separatist first, and a democrat inspired by the French Revolution and Painite republicanism. He conspired with France for a military invasion of Ireland that would support a revolution and achieve independence. The Irish republic he imagined would be free from the “baneful influence of England”, as would be its national symbols which he reconfigured to subvert British dominion. Yet his political language, only recently analysed by scholars, is not driven nor dominated by anti-monarchism. This essay explores that paradox, and how Tone’s vocabulary, in his private writings included, inspired future generations, particularly during the 1916 Rising.

PHILOSOPHIES OF ADMINISTRATIVE ORGANIZATION THE ADMINISTRATIVE INSTITUTION IN TIMOR-LESTE: PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE (2024)

Introduction : Starting with the foundations of the old Traditional Philosophy of Administration that was in force in a generalized way in the countries, and about the so-called pure modern systems that emerged after the English and French revolutions, it will also be addressed the evolution that has occurred in these philosophiessince their creation, until the present day, and if this evolution tends to separate them more and more or to bring them closer together, evaluating or appreciating how the philosophy of administrative institutionin Timor-Leste has been established and also influenced up to the present time, and what may be its future, of continued development. Objectives: Tofacilitate public or general understanding of the origins and evolution of existing philosophies of administrative institutions and to frame the organizational philosophy in an administrative system of Timor-Leste to aid its assimilation, facilitating communications and discussions related to the process of development and evolution of the present most appropriate system or philosophy in the country. Research of Methodology: It is elaborated or made deductive, and based on literary and legislative research work, whose sources will be cited in the bibliography of the academic study in consistency the theoretic framework in research guide. Conclusion: To be achieved in order to deepen and improve our knowledge of the main philosophies of administrative institutions and their evolution over time. At the same time, analysing the origins of the philosophy of administrative organisation in Timor-Leste, ascertaining the present state of the same and assessing or appreciating where philosophy is heading in the system of administrative organization in Timor-Leste, is grounded in the public and private institution cited by (Corte Real AG & Faria V.S., 2024).

Unveiling the First French Translation of Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations

The first French translation of Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations was published in 1778-1779 with a false place of printing and an anonymous translator. This article identifies the printing shop as the French ducal press of Deux-Ponts (nowadays Zweibrüken in Germany). The article also identifies the translator, Jean-Louis Carra, better known for his activity during the French Revolution. The article draws on a wide range of evidence, including ornaments used by the printer, the record of a customs confiscation, a very early French review (hitherto unknown) of the original English edition of Smith’s book, aspects of Carra's life and involvement with the Deux-Ponts press, and a peculiarity of the text of his translation.

An Alternative Revolution: Isabelle de Charrière’s Politics of Care

How does patriotism shape societies? What might it look like if patriotism were aligned with care rather than violence? In this article, I analyze Dutch-Swiss author Isabelle de Charrière’s novel Trois femmes (1797) through the lens of care ethics, particularly Sarah Clark Miller’s notion of a “duty to care.” Charrière’s novel examines the limits of Enlightenment theories of moralism (especially Kantian morality and duty) by putting theory into practice with a group of three women: a former French aristocrat, a wealthy mixed-race Creole woman, and an Alsatian servant. The three women live together as immigrants in Germany after fleeing France in the aftermath of the French Revolution, and they are bound together by a shared love of country. I propose that Charrière blends patriotism and care in radical ways that break down hierarchies of gender, race, and class and that belie the fiction of equality promised by the French Revolution.

The French Revolution's Role in Shaping Marxism: Analysing Ideals, Socio-economic Change and Contemporary Relevance in the 21st Century

The French Revolution's Role in Shaping Marxism: Analysing Ideals, Socio-economic Change and Contemporary Relevance in the 21st Century

Sieyès's Constitutional Jury, the Pennsylvania Council of Censors, and the Debate on the Conservative Power in the French Revolution.

Emmanuel-Joseph Sieyès's 1795 proposal for a Constitutional Jury is usually portrayed as the first proposal for an institution to control the constitutionality of laws, and thus the ancestor of the modern constitutional court. Challenging this view, this article resituates the Constitutional Jury in a broader transatlantic tradition concerned with creating a conservative power, a non-judicial and explicitly political constitutional guardian, and demonstrates the influence of the 1776 Pennsylvania Council of Censors on Sieyès's Constitutional Jury. Drawing upon the insights provided by this tradition, it then reevaluates the history of constitutionalism and the contemporary crisis of constitutional guardianship.

Self-Defending Ordre Public and an Over Protecting Laïcité: The Twin Foundations of ‘Legal’ Discrimination in France Victimize the Muslim Minorities

The emanation of the concept of ordre public or public order in France is based on the principle of self-affirmation, and civil law of the republic against alien infringement. There has been a separation of the temporal and spiritual power in Europe that dates back to the concept of laïcité which was a concept established by the French revolution by its Civil Constitution of the Clergy 1791 and later consecrated into law in 1905. The issue of discrimination against Muslims has arisen because of the cultural discrimination in religious formalism, such as the prohibition against the burkini and rejection of religious dress in schools. This has been achieved by superimposing the code of laïcité upon the communities’ expression of their laws and by upholding the concept of ordre public that is vigorous and stringent against the practices of the Muslim community. The concept of ordre public imposes conformity on the Muslims, reinforcing stereotypes and increasing Islamophobia in France. The argument of this article is that by legally enforcing the imposition of majoritarian customs the French state is ignoring the adoption of the comparative legal method and human rights that acknowledges normative pluralism that serves to eradicate the colonial prejudices that are restricting the understanding and application of tolerant approaches to religious expression.

Ziya Gökalp and folklore studies in Turkey

The following research is devoted to the study of the similarity between Gökalp and the romantics, as well as to the question of whether or not he left some influence on Turkish folklore studies, which continue to be based on the application of various European and American folklore theories and lack a clearly defined character. The aim of the research is to examine Ziya Gökalp’s views about folklore by looking at his works, as well as what has been written about him, and thus try to determine how the relation between folklore and nationalism, which was brought into force by European thinkers of the romantic period found its reflection in the views of Ziya Gökalp. The author attempted to determine how and to what end Gökalp evaluated this relation, and, in general, how subsequent folklore studies in Turkey were affected by his works. As a result of the failure of the attempted reforms, at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries, the new ideas emerged in the empire such as Westernism, Ottomanism, Islamism and Pan-Turkism. Each of these ideas claimed that the empire could be saved and developed if their respective ideas were accepted. However, none of them managed to halt the nationalist movements that emerged first in Europe and then in the European lands of the Ottoman Empire after the French Revolution. In a short period of time the nationalist feelings among the ethnic groups in the Balkans increased considerably and played a major role in, first, diminishing the territory of the empire, and later in its collapse. Ziya Gökalp had written a number of essays and books where he had espoused nationalist views before the Republic of Turkey was founded, and he put folklore at the center of this nationalist ideas. As a scholar, researcher, ideologist, writer and poet, he in started the work in the field of folklore, also contributed to it with his works. Folklore studies longer history than the history of contemporary Turkey. Folklore studies in Turkey continue in present time under the influence, in various degrees, from the folklore studies conducted throughout the world. Most of the folklore studies in Turkey concentrate on folk literature, traditions and lately in folklore theories and UNESCO Conventions.

Carl Schmitt, Rousseau, and the French Revolution

Carl Schmitt, Rousseau, and the French Revolution

Shaped by the pantheistic ideology of the founders, Türkiye has used its national education curriculum as an instrument of social engineering

Despite centuries of conservative ideology inspired by Islam, the rapid economic development and consecutive millitary victories of the West had caused within the ranks of the Ottoman elite an inferiority complex generating a wave of admiration resulting in the emulation of European values. Emerging with reinforced positivist doctrines after being deeply influenced by the French revolution, this admiration turned into an irreligious political ideology creating a decentralizing effect on the ruling sultanate of the Ottoman state. After the Republic was founded in 1923, the Kemalist state ideology was imposed onto Turkish society in the form of an aggregation of materialism, social Darwinism, positivism, secularism, and Turkish nationalism. To socially engineer a modern, secular, temporal and materially prosperous nation, this ideology would in most ways carry manifestations of the very character and lifestyles of the Republic’s founders. To maintain this ideology, assertive secularism was adopted as a security measure to prevent both the re-emergence of Islamic conservatism and any other nationalist or political ideology. While the visual aspects of Islamic society were transformed into a uniform Western society through mandatory reforms, the intellectual shift from East to West was realised by means of social engineering and religious inculturation through the education curriculum. This article will portray how the founders’ belligerent belief towards Eastern-Islamic tradition motivated them towards a new Western looking secular order and how these ideas have been imposed through school textbooks.

Gouverneur Morris, France, and Republicanism in the Atlantic Space

Abstract: Exemplifying par excellence the American and exotic figure Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson had epitomized before him, Gouverneur Morris worked in France as the herald of enlightened republican principles. In 1789, when he arrived in Paris, Morris was thrilled to see that the French had begun their own revolution in the name of liberty. Moreover, as he lived among the nobility, the New Yorker criticized what represented to him the decaying monarchy's corrupt values and frivolity, which he contrasted with the morals and the aesthetics of simplicity of the United States. He thus appeared as the standard-bearer of an idyllic and idealized American identity and tried to translate these virtuous republican principles to the French. However, Morris is now remembered as an enemy of the French Revolution, a traitor to the republican cause, and an ally of the French monarchy. Unraveling why this former Patriot became the foe of the Revolution that claimed to be the heir of the American War for Independence could help us to see the variety of republican sentiments making the revolutionary Atlantic world.