Grassroots Party Organizations Research Articles

The Multi-Linkage of Training Platform for Rural Labor Force Transfer in Cybertimes

Transfer of the rural labor force training is an important topic of resolving the issue of agriculture, countryside, and peasants in new period, and the research of rural labor transfer training times is an urgent issue in Cyber time. Through the coordination of tripartite relationship: managers, trainers and labor force, Rational using and optimization tripartite resources: rural distance training resources, resources for training rural grassroots party organizations and social network of training resources, to form efficient and flexible mechanism for training of rural labor transfer and Construction the training model of integrating "Government-Base-Business-Labor-Employment" into one.

The Multi-Linkage of Training Platform for Rural Labor Force Transfer in Cybertimes

Transfer of the rural labor force training is an important topic of resolving the issue of agriculture, countryside, and peasants in new period, and the research of rural labor transfer training times is an urgent issue in Cyber time. Through the coordination of tripartite relationship: managers, trainers and labor force, Rational using and optimization tripartite resources: rural distance training resources, resources for training rural grassroots party organizations and social network of training resources, to form efficient and flexible mechanism for training of rural labor transfer and Construction the training model of integrating "Government-Base-Business-Labor-Employment" into one.

Study on Plight of Grassroots Party Organizations Developing New Party Members in Western Countryside and Countermeasures

The key for western countryside achieving the goals of economic development and social harmony is to strengthen the building of grassroots Party organizations and the development of new Party members. At present, the development of New Party members in western countryside has encountered a series of problems, such as the unclear orientation of goals and the weak initiatives, the poor ways for the development of new Party members and the imbalanced structure, the weakening function of grassroots Party organizations, and the lack of attractiveness. Therefore, the grassroots Party organizations in western countryside should change their minds actively and achieve the growth of backup candidates for new Party members by innovative means. Take the construction projects as carriers to cultivate new farmers and improve the quality of Party members. Modify the grassroots democratic system and enhance the cohesion of grassroots Party organizations. Strengthen the sense of being a Party member and increase the attractiveness of the grassroots Party organizations.

The Obstacle Factors of the Service Rural Grassroots Party Organization and the Measures Analysis - Based on the Angle of the Mass View of Marxism

The mass view is the core and the soul of the Marxist historical materialism, which is also the basic point of Marxism sinicization. From the perspective of the mass view of Marxism, anglicising the barrier factors such as service environment problems, service consciousness, and service system obstacles during our construction of service-oriented grass-roots party. What’s more?through enhancing service consciousness, raising the service ability?constructing the service platform, and establishing long-term service mechanism,etc to solve the obstacles?which have great theoretical significance and practical significance in insisting on and developing mass views and building the socialist harmonious society.

Spearhead role of grassroots party organizations in "hospital volunteer service" campaign

Grassroots organizations of the party function as the center to advocate voluntary services.The hospital volunteer campaign is considered part of the party's work at the grassroots level and as an indicator of its branch appraisal.volunteer ambassadors are employed to serve as role model for volunteer services.Party branch guides volunteer service teams to carry out voluntary services.And students,retiree party members actively participate in the campaigr.Outstanding ones are awarded and the management is improved.All these measures enable these organizations to play a spearhead role,encouraging volunteers and party members to promote each other,promoting healthy development of the campaign,and making volunteer services sustainable. Key words: Volunteer's service; Hospital; Party organizations at the grassroots level

A Primary Exploration on the Building of Rural Grassroots Party Organization in Perspective of Harmonious Society

For the building of a harmonious society in China, the key point is from the rural area, and so do the difficult point. Starting from the leadership, team building, organization building, sense of democracy, clean Government, and other related aspects, to strengthen the building of rural grassroots Party organizations is an inevitable requirement for the consolidation of the governing position of Communist Party of China (CPC), and also an objective requirement for the building of a harmonious society and the realization of a comprehensive well-off society.

An Analysis of the Evaluation Function Realization of Rural Grassroots Party Organizations in Times of Transition

The evaluation and the feedback of function realization of rural grassroots Party organizations is one of important approaches to improve the implementation of functions. The key for effective evaluation of function realization of rural grassroots Party organizations in times of transition is the combination of three aspects: establish reasonable evaluation indicators by types, insist on the subjective position of public evaluation, and use feedback to reflect the effectiveness of evaluation.

Mass, Cadre or Franchise Parties? Assessing Scotland’s Local Party Organizations

This article assesses Scotland’s constituency party organizations. In particular, it examines the level of membership and societal penetration evident in Scotland’s party organizations, and aims to place this in comparative perspective. It also examines Scottish local parties in relation to party organizational models that have the grassroots as their focus, and suggests that Scottish local party organizations demonstrate a broad convergence around the “modern cadre” party model of Koole (1994). The first section outlines a number of important themes within the party organization literature and provides an overview of the data utilized, primarily an extensive survey of Scottish constituency parties carried out in the aftermath of the 2003 Scottish parliament election. Part two examines the development of party membership and societal penetration in Scottish constituencies and places Scotland comparatively. The third part examines intra‐party politics, while the fourth moves on to discuss candidate selection. The fifth section outlines the resources and organizational coverage of local parties. The concluding discussion assesses the quantitative and qualitative aspects of party organizational models and their applicability in relation to grassroots party organization in Scotland.

Interest group influence on the ideological orientations of local party activists

This paper uses a national survey of local Democratic and Republican Party officials to determine the extent to which interest group attempts to develop a formal organizational presence within the grassroots Democratic and Republican parties might push the parties towards taking more ideologically extreme positions. It is hypothesized that members of predominantly Democratic and Republican groups will be more ideologically extreme than other local party officials. The survey results provide support for the hypothesis. Group-influenced party activists tend to be more ideologically extreme than other party officials. However, while a large percentage of Democratic and Republican local party officials are members of interest groups, only a relatively small percentage reported being recruited to party activism through their group involvement. The survey provides little support for the thesis that interest groups have systematically tried to “take over” grassroots party organizations.

The Gendered Politics of Woman-work

This article explores discursive tensions in Party organizations prior to and after the founding of the People's Republic of China. Specifically, it explains radicalism among grassroots women leaders during the Great Leap Forward. The author argues that some of these leaders neglected the health of women and children and even sought to dismantle grassroots women's organizations because of how they were recruited and trained in grassroots Party organizations. Whereas the Chinese Communist Party and the All China Women's Federation (ACWF) leadership sought to implement a Marxist maternalist conception of sexual equality that stressed physiological difference, grass-roots Party organizations operated on the basis of a revolutionary Maoist ethic according to which all were expected to struggle equally. Trained by local Party organizations, a number of rural women leaders identified with interpretations of sexual equality put forth by the local Party, not by the Party and ACWF leadership, and consequently transformed important aspects of woman-work during the late 1950s.

Money and the Party Vote in State House Elections

The research presented here is designed to answer some of the questions that remain regarding the impact of campaign expenditures on state legislative elections. Analysis of data from 12 states indicates that there is a significant relationship between campaign expenditures and the party vote in state house elections. The effect of expenditures conforms to the principle of diminishing marginal returns. The relationship, in several states, attains a level that make expenditures among the most important factors in state house races. Finally, the analysis uncovers both interstate and partisan differences in the importance of expenditures, a finding that opens up a whole new set of research questions. Because of low levels of voter information and interest, the lack of grassroots party organizations, the increased use of new and expensive campaign technology, and the increasing amount of money being spent to win legislative seats, it is reasonable to assume that campaign expenditures are an integral part of state legislative elections. Money buys access to voters. State legislative candidates who have money to spend are better able to affect the vote choice than are candidates for more visible offices (i.e., those that attract greater media attention) because they are not competing with conflicting information sources other than their opponent. The probable absence of free media time means that a candidate will get only the exposure that he or she pays for. Because voters are relatively poorly informed, they are unlikely to have as many predispositions in state legislative races as in more salient races, making it easier for candidates with money to influence their vote. The erosion of the political party as a voting cue and as an organization means that candidates have a better opportunity to reach more voters, but only if they have the finances to build

Machine Politics in Transition: Party and Community in Chicago.

Since 1932 elections and decision making in Chicago have been dominated by the Regular Democratic Organization of Cook County, led for a quarter of a century by the late Mayor Richard J. Daley. The extraordinary longevity of this Democratic machine provides the basis for this penetrating investigation into the nature of machine politics and grassroots party organization. For three years, Thomas M. Guterbock participated in the daily activities of the Regular Democratic Organization in one North Side Chicago ward in order to discover how political machines win the support of the urban electorate. Guterbock's participant observation data, supplemented by a sample survey of ward residents' attitudes toward, and contacts with the machine, provide convincing evidence that the most widely accepted notions of how political machines work are no longer correct. Contrary to conventional wisdom about the machine, Guterbock finds that the party does not secure votes by doing favors for people, nor do services rendered determine actual voting behavior. Instead, party loyalty is governed by such factors as social status, educational achievement, and bureaucratic competence. Guterbock finds that Democratic loyalists are drawn disproportionately from the ward's lowest strata. Ironically, the characteristics of these loyal Democrats contrast sharpely with the characteristics of those most likely to use party services. What keeps the machine going, then? To answer this question, Guterbock takes us behind the scenes for a unique look inside the ward club. He shows how members develop loyalty and motivation beyond concern for their own pocketbooks. And he analyzes the public involvement of machine politicians in neighborhood affairs, describing the skillful sometimes devious ways in which they appeal to their constituents' sense of community. By focusing on the interplay of party loyalty and community attachments, Guterbock is able to explain the continued hegemony of Chicago's political machine and its enduring image of legitimacy.

Effects of Telephone Canvassing on Turnout and Preferences: A Field Experiment

IN DECIDING how to allocate campaign resources, strategists have remarkably little scholarly research available on the effects of particular kinds of campaign activities. The large volume of electionrelated research includes few attempts to isolate and examine the impact of specific tactics. As grass-roots party organizations atrophy, efforts to get out the vote are increasingly conducted over the telephone, rather than house-to-house, and are often run by paid workers rather than by volunteers. Despite the large sums of money invested in these telephone operations, clear tests of their effectiveness have not been published. Instead, most research in this area concerns the effects of party activity, broadly construed, on elections in the 1950s (Eldersveld, 1956; Wolfinger, 1963; Crotty, 1971). Aside from Eldersveld's finding that personal contact was somewhat more effective than letters in increasing turnout, the effects of particular tactics were not examined. One study that did specifically address the impact of door-to-door canvassing was that of Gerald Kramer (1970-71). Using 1952 through 1964 SRC election surveys and controlling for a variety of sociodemographic characteristics, Kramer used maximum-likelihood methods to estimate the consequences of such canvassing.' Aside

Turnout and Representation: Caucuses Versus Primaries

Since the work of V. 0. Key, several surveys have tested representation in primary elections. In many states, however, open-precinct caucuses and conventions supplement or replace primaries as a basis for grass roots party organization and in presidential delegate selection. Contrary to most assumptions, one state party's open-precinct caucuses were found to perform as well as equivalent primaries in representing policy, candidate or party-related attitudes, although performing somewhat worse in demographic representation.