“Whoever moves a while in the circles of students and pupils knows that in the youngest generation the concept of fascism plays a key role. The Vietnam War? Fascist! Relations to the DDR? Bourgeois-fascist. Grand Coalition, emergency laws, press concentration: signs of the oncoming fascist storm! What, however, is the definition of this keyword to the German soul?” Thus wrote theWest German journalist Richard Kaufmann in March 1968. Subsequent commentators have confirmed the ubiquity and vagueness of the designation “fascist” in the sixties. The decade witnessed the emptying of the meaning of the term as it became ever less a historical or theoretical referent, degenerating into a generic insult. As Christoph Cornelisen remarked, “the accusation of fascism was transformed into a joke: even the checking of tickets was labeled as ‘tendentially fascist.’” Already in March 1968, Kaufmann wrote how “today, with the sentence ‘Herr X. is a fascist’ ðor a semicryptoprepostor even left-fascistÞ one can murder a reputation as well as if one said he is homosexual or impotent.” Nor was the label invoked solely by youthful demonstrators. Press, professors, and politicians frequently saw in the student movements the specter of a new fascism. Yet few have precisely traced the way student movements and their opponents mobilized the charge of “fascism” across the revolts of 1967–68. Some interpretations resurrect the accusation, as when in 2008 Gotz Aly controversially and unconvincingly judged the student generation to have “been driven to the greatest extent by the pathologies of the twentieth century and miserably resembled their parents, the 33ers.” However, the struggle over what could legitimately be labeled as fascist forms one aspect of the social conflict of the late 1960s and needs to be analyzed rather than perpetuated.