Government In Northern Ireland Research Articles

Local government in Northern Ireland: partnerships, minimalism and marginalisation

ABSTRACT In 2015, a reformed local government system was introduced in Northern Ireland following a lengthy period of review. In the new dispensation, great emphasis is placed on the concept of partnership, vertically between the regional institutions and government departments, and horizontally between local councils and statutory organisations, through a process of community planning. Despite the importance placed on partnerships, they have received little attention in the governance of Northern Ireland. This article assesses recent changes in local government in comparison to Great Britain, Ireland or elsewhere. Through a theoretical framework on partnerships within the New Public Governance literature, the article evaluates the significance of local government reforms and possible further enhancement of powers. In illustrating the fundamental imbalance in the regional-local nexus, resulting in continued over-centralisation and a fragmented model of sub-regional governance, the article concludes that the system remains characterised by marginalised local government, with aspirations for partnership unfulfilled.

Interpreting the Northern Ireland protocol: the politics of distrust

ABSTRACT This article explores some of the impacts of Brexit on governance in Northern Ireland. A devolved region administered by a fragile and often fractious consociational system, Brexit, and, in particular, the fundamental legislative mechanism through which Brexit is implemented, the December 2020 Northern Ireland Protocol, have worked to increase division across several levels - the inter-governmental, that of regional party politics, and that of grassroots, inter and intra-communal relations. To complicate matters further, that distrust has also markedly manifested itself in the growth of non-aligned political dynamics. Drawing on the work of Pierre Rosanvallon, I suggest that these developments can be conceptualized with reference to ideas about counter-politics and distrust.

Reinforcing partition through fiscal policy

ABSTRACT On 1 April 1923, a ‘temporary frontier’ on imported goods was placed on the boundary line between Northern Ireland and the Irish Free State. This temporary frontier lasted for over 70 years, only being rescinded due to the introduction of the Single Market throughout the European Union in 1993. It was the Irish Free State government that introduced the measure that in essence created a hard land border on the island, and not the Northern Ireland government, with its prime minister Sir James Craig claiming that ‘Those in the South who proposed to erect that barrier wall, and not the North, would be responsible for partition. There was no such thing as partition if they had not a Customs barrier between the North and the South’ (Irish Times, 10 March 1923). Despite the Free State government’s public utterances opposing partition, its decision to erect customs barriers helped to cement partition. This article looks at why the fledgling Irish Free State government chose to erect customs barriers, why the Northern Ireland government opposed the move, and how it drove a further wedge between both jurisdictions, politically, economically and socially.

An analysis of the codes of college governance in England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales and recommendations for improvement

The further education college sectors in each of the four jurisdictions in the UK have a code of governance that is intended to guide governing practice in the institutions in those countries. The paper reviews the governing codes and the governance arrangements of colleges in the four UK nations. We outline the methodology and literature that are used to underpin an analysis the content of the codes, and then draw out significant interlinked areas that emerged from the analysis. We make several recommendations concerning the purposes and processes of governing a college, relating to clarity, scope, expectations, and links to wider regulatory contexts. The paper concludes by highlighting implications for a wide range of audiences involved in the governing of further education colleges in the UK.

Ulster versus Éire: Border Narratives in Cinema Newsreels

Ulster versus Éire (1938) was an American March of Time newsreel exploring the complexities of Irish politics on both sides of the border. It came hot on the heels of an earlier film made by the same company, misleadingly titled Irish Republic (1937). The first film had sparked an attempt by the Northern Ireland government to present a propagandised film about the north in response to what was seen to be a favourable depiction of the south. Remarkably, the two films utilised much of the same footage to present two starkly contrasting narratives of ‘two Irelands’. This article explores how representations of the border in cinema newsreels failed to fully reflect the complexities of partition, but very clearly established a partitionist mentality in depicting two separate peoples, north and south of the border. The growth of this partitionist mentality is traced through stories covering the Home Rule movement and partition of Ireland in the 1910s and 1920s, the growing divide between north and south during the economically turbulent 1930s and the pressure placed on Ireland to reconsider its neutral status during the Second World War. Against this backdrop, the newsreels function as both a reflective cultural barometer of shifting perspectives on Ireland throughout the early twentieth century and an active Althusserian ‘Ideological State Apparatus’ in embodying and circulating British and American political attitudes to the border in an 'unofficial' capacity.

The Weaver Street bombing in Belfast 1922: violence, politics and memory

AbstractOn 13 February 1922, an unidentified person threw a bomb into Weaver Street, which was full of Catholic children at play, killing four children and two women. The bombing became a locus of political controversy between the British government, the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State and the government of Northern Ireland, and became the archetypal story of innocent Catholic lives taken by the intercommunal conflict in the six counties which became Northern Ireland in 1920‒22. This article seeks to contribute to the understanding of the role of this intercommunal conflict in Irish and British politics, using the Weaver Street bombing as a case study. This article analyses nationalist representation of the conflict as an orchestrated campaign against Catholics, ‘a pogrom’; unionist representation of the conflict as loyalist self-defence against the I.R.A.; and the British government's effort to publicly maintain neutrality in the conflict.

Legacy of the Troubles: crisis of power in Northern Ireland

The political crisis in Northern Ireland, which has been continuing since 2022, threatens its stable development. It undermines the Belfast Agreement, which ended the bloody conflict between Catholics and Protestants and allowed devolution in the region. The catalyst for inter-party disagreements was the Northern Ireland Protocol – it introduced a special customs regulation regime that did not suit the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). The actions of London (the approval of the Windsor Framework and The Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act), as well as the Sinn Féin’s winning Northern Ireland Assembly and local elections, only intensified the contradictions that had previously arisen. DUP has promised to restore devolved government in Northern Ireland if key provisions of the Windsor Framework are changed. London has no plans to renegotiate the new deal with the EU, but it will be impossible to overcome the political crisis without the cooperation of the unionists. In this article, the author examined the reasons for the ineffectiveness of the consociational democracy in Northern Ireland, the features of different mechanisms of customs regulation in the region, and the key differences between the DUP and Sinn Féin on issues of its further development. According to the author, the new crisis of power-sharing executive in Northern Ireland is associated with the prevalence of narrow interests of unionists over the collective task of the political establishment to achieve inter-party consensus and compliance with the Belfast Agreement, which remains the legal basis for maintaining civil peace in the region.

After Mobuoy: co-designing environmental governance in Northern Ireland?

ABSTRACT After the discovery of the Mobuoy illegal dump in Derry, known to the public as one of the largest illegal dumpsites in Europe, the Northern Ireland Environment Agency adopted a so-called ‘co-design’ approach to the remediation of the contaminated site. As part of it, the Mobuoy Stakeholder Group was established so that local communities could represent their concerns and give feedback to the government’s remediation project. Based on semi-structured interviews and policy analysis, this article examined the level of inclusiveness and representativeness of the Mobuoy Stakeholder Group by looking into the decision-making processes over two divisive agendas on the remediation project. This article concluded that a so-called ‘co-design’ approach to remediating the Mobuoy site was significantly misleading. The Mobuoy illegal dumpsite is an alarming case of environmental unsustainability in Northern Ireland, not only because of its massive scale, but also because of the government’s closed and siloed approach to environmental governance. Through a lens of agonistic participation, this article argued that for co-design approaches to environmental governance to function as intended, power inequalities among participants, particularly the government and ordinary citizens, in environmental governance should be taken into consideration seriously.

Transformation or Truce? Tracing the Decline of “Reconciliation” and Its Consequences for Northern Ireland Since 1998

Abstract Reconciliation and consociation were at the core of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (BGFA) in 1998. Analysis of the politics of the last 25 years in Northern Ireland (NI), however, reveals that many presumed aspects of reconciliation – integrated education, desegregated living, the disbandment of armed groups, cultural rapprochement, linguistic and cultural diversity, safe and secure shared public space, an approach to the past which puts the suffering of victims at its core – remain unaddressed or are deeply disputed. The article explores how consociational government in Northern Ireland has gradually decayed under pressure from this weakness. Since 2016, reconciliation has been a second-order consideration for the shaping partnership between the United Kingdom (U.K.) and Ireland which made the Agreement possible, leaving the Agreement at risk from the repeated exercise of the veto and dependent on the absence of any alternative, rather than proactive commitment.

Contextualising further education governance in Northern Ireland: history, policy and practice

ABSTRACT This paper examines how governance in the further education (FE) sector in Northern Ireland (NI) has been shaped by policy frameworks implemented at local, regional, national and UK levels. Despite the unique ways in which FE policy has developed alongside the other devolved nations, very little research has considered the NI context and its complexity. In this paper we first examine the history of FE provision in NI, and the development of FE in NI in relation to the rest of the United Kingdom (UK). Following this, we examine the impact of recent FE policy on governance structures and governing practices across the six regionalised colleges operating in NI today by presenting some insights gained from ethnographic observations of governing boards in action and interviews with key policy actors. Our analysis of the empirical data reveals key challenges facing FE governing bodies in NI in relation to financial and budgetary concerns, the multiple relationships between colleges and the various government departments, and the uncertainty presented by the suspension and subsequent reinstatement of Stormont and the EU Exit (Brexit). We conclude by offering reflection on these analyses in relation to FE governance in NI going forward.

Monitoring populations at increased risk for SARS-CoV-2 infection in the community using population-level demographic and behavioural surveillance.

SummaryBackgroundThe COVID-19 pandemic is rapidly evolving, with emerging variants and fluctuating control policies. Real-time population screening and identification of groups in whom positivity is highest could help monitor spread and inform public health messaging and strategy.MethodsTo develop a real-time screening process, we included results from nose and throat swabs and questionnaires taken 19 July 2020-17 July 2021 in the UK's national COVID-19 Infection Survey. Fortnightly, associations between SARS-CoV-2 positivity and 60 demographic and behavioural characteristics were estimated using logistic regression models adjusted for potential confounders, considering multiple testing, collinearity, and reverse causality.FindingsOf 4,091,537 RT-PCR results from 482,677 individuals, 29,903 (0·73%) were positive. As positivity rose September-November 2020, rates were independently higher in younger ages, and those living in Northern England, major urban conurbations, more deprived areas, and larger households. Rates were also higher in those returning from abroad, and working in healthcare or outside of home. When positivity peaked December 2020-January 2021 (Alpha), high positivity shifted to southern geographical regions. With national vaccine roll-out from December 2020, positivity reduced in vaccinated individuals. Associations attenuated as rates decreased between February-May 2021. Rising positivity rates in June-July 2021 (Delta) were independently higher in younger, male, and unvaccinated groups. Few factors were consistently associated with positivity. 25/45 (56%) confirmed associations would have been detected later using 28-day rather than 14-day periods.InterpretationPopulation-level demographic and behavioural surveillance can be a valuable tool in identifying the varying characteristics driving current SARS-CoV-2 positivity, allowing monitoring to inform public health policy.FundingDepartment of Health and Social Care (UK), Welsh Government, Department of Health (on behalf of the Northern Ireland Government), Scottish Government, National Institute for Health Research.

Are Refugees Really Welcome? Understanding Northern Ireland Attitudes Towards Syrian Refugees

Abstract In 2018, Northern Ireland (NI) government officials, journalists, and preliminary research declared that NI citizens had provided a ‘welcoming society’ to Syrian refugees settling in local communities across the country. However, this claim starkly contrasted with other reports of growing violence towards foreign-born groups, particularly Muslims, which lead to NI being identified as the ‘Race Hate Capital of Europe.’ Using the 2015 Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey (NILT), we problematize and empirically-test these initial conclusions about NI attitudes towards Syrian refugees by testing four prominent social theories. We first examine whether economic self-interest and social exposure (i.e., contact hypothesis) predict NI attitudes towards Syrian refugees. We also recognize NI's unique conflictual ethnic history by testing whether cultural marginality and ethnic competition theories further explain attitudes. The findings suggest that multiple theories explain NI citizen views towards Syrians. Results provide partial support for economic self-interests and direct and preferential social exposure as predictors. However, when considering racism and sectarianism measures, the results require a nuanced understanding of the context of NI people’s attitudes. We found that identity politics related to NI's citizens' religious and nationalist identity encouraged racist and sectarian disapproval of Syrian refugee resettlement. These findings provide a promising avenue of study in understanding how ethno-identities shape attitudes towards Syrian refugees and other foreign-born groups living in NI. However, we contend more granular research will be needed to highlight these nuances.

Governance and leadership in education policy making and school development in a divided society

ABSTRACT The Good Friday Agreement (1997) brought political violence in Northern Ireland to an end and provided the basis for shared government. A consociational political structure was adopted which institutionalised community differences while encouraging coalition government. The goal was that a requirement for consensus decisions would encourage cooperation between political leaders and promote effective decision-making. This paper examines the period of devolved government in Northern Ireland from 1998 to 2017 through the lens of education policy to explore leadership on these issues. The paper will examine three policy issues: a review of the effects of academic selection in post primary education; a proposal to rationalise the administrative arrangements in education; and an initiative to promote collaborative networks between separate denominational schools through ‘shared education’. The paper will conclude that, far from providing a superordinate goal around which the different political parties could coalesce, there was a lack of systemic leadership on educational debates. Inability in most cases to establish consensus resulted in policy paralysis. The one area where this did not occur was the adoption of ‘shared education’ which may have been because this initiative was a bottom-up process based on the empowerment of teachers.

Brokering the Good Friday Agreement: the Untold Story by Mary E Daly (review)

Book Reviews Mary E Daly (ed.), Brokering the Good Friday Agreement: the Untold Story (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 2019), 208 pages. For those who’ve been infected with the virus of the Northern Ireland peace process, perhaps as a result of insufficient social distancing, there has as yet been no vaccine developed which is capable of quelling their enthusiasm for more testimony of the kind brought together in this book. It is a series of personal accounts by some of the most distinguished Irish public servants to have contributed to the search for peace in the three decades leading up to Good Friday 1998, which were delivered at a conference hosted by the Royal Irish Academy in March 2018 to mark the twentieth anniversary of the Agreement. All the essays offer support for the simple point made by Olivia O’Leary in her foreword: the slow realisation over time by both the Irish and the British governments that they were much stronger when they worked together than when, as she puts it, they remained hostage to their respective extremists. It was a long journey for both Dublin and London and the necessary understanding was only gradually acquired. For an English reader who may be aware just how under-informed successive British governments were about developments in Northern Ireland in the period from 1945, it is intriguing to discover from Seán Donlon’s piece that at the outset of the Troubles there was no one in either the Department of the Taoiseach or the Department of Foreign Affairs tasked with reporting on the North. Ted Smyth’s account of the New Ireland Forum confirms that ignorance of Northern Ireland was a feature of the Irish political class too. The Sunningdale Conference in December 1973 was a telling indicator of what might be possible, as Donlon and Noel Dorr remind us. Seamus Mallon’s famous reference to slow learners is one way of characterising the period between 1974 and 1998, though in fairness to the two governments they themselves made quicker progress than that interval suggests. Michael Lillis makes the direct connection between Sunningdale and the next major stopping point in this collection, the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985. His account of its origins, intentions and consequences is invaluable. It has always seemed remarkable to this observer that Mrs Thatcher was Studies • volume 109 • number 436 466 persuaded to sign up to it only a year after being so nearly assassinated in Brighton, but, as Charles Moore notes in his biography of her, it was extraordinary in retrospect how little British policy on Northern Ireland changed in the aftermath of the bombing. Her own subsequent verdict that the Agreement was ‘something uniquely valuable and lasting’ is on the record, but Lillis’s analysis would confirm some of her anxieties and concerns about its substance, not least his description of Garret Fitzgerald’s ‘key but “unspoken” objective to push its terms as closely as possible to a system of joint authority … for the government of Northern Ireland’. Martin Mansergh’s succinct summary of its significance would almost certainly have confirmed such doubts, though a balanced historical judgement must surely echo his conclusion that the Agreement was instrumental in ‘leading to an eventual break in the prolonged political and military deadlock, even if in its immediate aftermath the opposite seemed to be the case’. There are several ways of expressing that instrumentality. One is, as Mansergh does, by referring to the impact on the parties in Northern Ireland. Another is, as David Donoghue suggests, by attributing to it the launch of a genuine partnership between the two governments which had its ultimate fruits in the Good Friday Agreement and the subsequent decade or so of attempted implementation. One telling aspect of the developing partnership is recounted in Richard Ryan’s fascinating account of how he built and broadened Irish contacts in Westminster, especially in the Conservative party, such that there might eventually be parliamentary support for what became the Anglo-Irish Agreement. The effectiveness of that operation is a great tribute to the quality of Irish diplomacy. Briefer references to the Brooke-Mayhew talks and the Downing Street Declaration in December 1993 evidence...

Constitutional Adjudication and Constitutional Politics in the United Kingdom: The Miller II Case in Legal and Political Context

For a number of years there has been nothing at all unusual about the United Kingdom finding itself in a state of constitutional upheaval; indeed, for some time, this has been the UK constitution’s default setting. This has sometimes been as a result of long-anticipated and carefully planned reforms, such as the enactment, in the late 1990s, of legislation to give domestic effect to the European Convention on Human Rights and to introduce devolved systems of government in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. In contrast, more recent upheaval is attributable to often unexpected reactions to often unexpected events. For example, legislation making substantial changes to the devolution scheme in Scotland – providing, among other things, for the constitutional permanence of the Scottish Parliament and Government – was enacted to implement panicked promises made by UK politicians in the dying days of the Scottish independence referendum campaign, at which point a vote in favour of independence seemed a distinct possibility. And then, needless to say, there is Brexit – about which it is almost impossible to be guilty of hyperbole when describing its constitutional implications, so numerous and potentially far-reaching are they.

Back to Stormont: The New Decade, New Approach Agreement and What it Means for Northern Ireland

AbstractThe decision of the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin to once again share power in Northern Ireland has ended a three‐year hiatus in the region’s devolved government. The deal which resurrects the devolved institutions—New Decade, New Approach—is not short of ambition. It introduces significant institutional reforms which place the institutions on a more sustainable footing and limit the potential for abuse of the Assembly’s infamous Petition of Concern. Nettles have been grasped on issues to do with language, culture, and identity that have long vexed political parties in Northern Ireland. Tucked away in the deal’s appendices are commitments to implement outstanding pledges made in previous agreements, plus ambitious plans for the new Northern Ireland Executive. However, as parties in the region were quick to discover, aspects of this deal are easier said than done. This article considers what New Decade, New Approach promises and, if fully implemented, what its implications are for politics and governance in Northern Ireland.

Beyond Matryoshka Governance in the 21st Century: The Curious Case of Northern Ireland

This international and global constitutionalism-oriented work will consider how Northern Ireland’s experience during and after Brexit informs our understandings of multi-level governance orders and interactions between and within those orders. This piece will utilize scale theory – originating in political geography – to consider how Northern Ireland became a core feature of Brexit negotiations. Scale, as a geographical and political idea–incorporates a range of concepts: core and periphery, population size, majorities and minorities, temporality both linear and nonlinear, geographic governance size – as well as questions of local, national, regional and universal spaces to consider how governance is constructed and the role law plays in constructing those scales. A traditional view of governance structures would regard Northern Ireland as having little or no say in negotiations on trade. Northern Ireland falls at the bottom of the system which begins with its local concerns, before going up to the UK national level, the EU regional level and ultimately the global WTO level. Nonetheless the negotiations on the draft Withdrawal Agreement has repeatedly seen all parties refer to and return to governance in Northern Ireland as core concern. Whereas traditional accounts of scaled governance orders deploy “nested” constructs to place Northern Ireland in a tidy frame, organised like a series of Russian dolls, this article challenges this narrative by interrogating the slippage between the governance orders and addressing the methods by which they interact with each other, and what extent of ‘voice’ that ultimately leaves for Northern Ireland.

A Tale as Old as (Devolved) Time? Sewel, Stormont and the Legislative Consent Convention

AbstractThe legislative consent convention forms one of a number of conventions that underpin the UK’s uncodified constitution and has been an important facet of the UK’s territorial governance post‐devolution. It provides that the UK government will not normally seek to legislate on devolved matters, and the devolution settlements, without the consent of the respective devolved legislatures. Commonly referred to as the ‘Sewel Convention’, the convention’s roots are often traced to the commitments made by Lord Sewel during the passage of the Scotland Act 1998. This article demonstrates, however, that the convention has a far deeper history that long predated Lord Sewel’s comments and goes back to the dawn of devolution in the United Kingdom, namely, the Northern Ireland Parliament that existed between 1921 and 1972. The article charts the development of the legislative consent convention from its roots in the failure of the UK government to challenge directly the Northern Ireland government over local government franchise reform in 1921, to its continued survival, even when Stormont collapsed in 1972, and argues that the convention survived owing to its role as a device of convenience and pragmatism for politicians in Westminster.

Worth Restoring? Taking Stock of the Northern Ireland Assembly

AbstractThe ongoing and almost record‐breaking hiatus in devolved government in Northern Ireland has brought the sustainability of the region's Assembly into sharp focus. As parties in Northern Ireland consider their options for restoring (and possibly reforming) the devolved institutions, this article takes stock of the Northern Ireland Assembly's merits and demerits. It is argued that, amidst the public's understandable exasperation with the current stalemate, it is easy to forget that the Assembly operated for a decade without suspension (2007–2017) and performed some functions reasonably well. This, of course, is not to detract from the institution's serious shortcomings, though it is argued that the worst of these could be mitigated via institutional reform. Crucially, institutional inertia is not an option. Should parties fail to address the need for institutional reform, commentators may well be right to question whether the Assembly is worth restoring.

Irish Churches and Reconciliation: Breaking the Bondage of the Past

Irish Churches and Reconciliation: Breaking the Bondage of the Past Fergus O’Ferrall Bear in mind these dead: I can find no plainer words … The careful words of my injunction are unrhetorical, as neutral and unaligned as any I know: they propose no more than thoughtful response.1 John Hewitt The current situation The continuing grave and unresolved situation on the island of Ireland calls all who acknowledge Jesus Christ as Lord and Saviour to a costly ministry of reconciliation (2 Cor 5:18).Twenty years after the BelfastAgreement, reached on Good Friday, 10 April 1998, there remains a clear sectarian division in Northern Ireland – with largely Catholics on one side and largely Protestants on the other. This division is reflected in voting patterns for both Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), as well as for some other political parties. The result is stalemate in the governance of Northern Ireland, this continues to alienate many people from politics and to increase acrimony in public life. A further consequence is a lack of democratic decision-making across a whole range of matters vital to the wellbeing of the people living in Northern Ireland. The Brexit process now underway, resulting from the 2016 Referendum in the United Kingdom, has compounded an already very difficult and fraught context in Ireland in respect of the principles, values and hopes embodied in the 1998 Belfast Agreement, further elaborated in the 2006 St Andrews Agreement and in the 2014 Stormont House Agreement. Brexit, a unilateral decision by the United Kingdom, presents a very serious threat to the economic life of both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. The British-Irish Agreement that is based upon the Belfast Agreement, and which is an internationally recognised treaty, was made by Fergus O’Ferrall Studies • volume 108 • number 431 244 Studies_layout_AUTUMN-2019.indd 12 21/08/2019 09:14 ‘partners in the European Union’: this partnership facilitated and supported the historic Belfast Agreement as endorsed by referenda in Northern Ireland and in the Republic of Ireland. Brexit has the potential to do a great deal of further damage and harm to all the people on this island. The legacy of the decades of violence from 1968 to 1998, and indeed later, remains unaddressed: a population of about 1.7 million has an estimated thirty per cent of people living in Northern Ireland who were directly affected – 3,720 were killed between 1969 and 2006 and about 500,000 who were bereaved, injured or suffered in other ways. The extent of the pain, trauma, anger and victimhood which lies barely under the surface of everyday life in Northern Ireland must be acknowledged: dealing with this legacy remains a core concern for those who desire a better future for everyone in the North. The hurt and trauma continues to require great pastoral concern from the churches. There is at present yet another consultation underway initiated by the Northern Ireland Office on possible structures to deal more effectively with the legacy issues of the conflict and we await decisions in respect of this initiative. Reconciliation: a challenge for the churches The history of Irish Christianity, in all of its denominational expressions, has resulted in a deeply embedded sectarianism, which has greatly contributed to the formation of our political identities. So, as we explore reconciliation in Ireland, we must address how the Churches have fostered sectarian attitudes since the Reformation. Sectarianism has been given a working definition as ‘a complex of attitudes, beliefs, behaviours and structures in which religion is a significant component and which (i) directly, or indirectly, infringes the rights of individuals or groups and/or (ii) influences or causes situations of destructive conflict’.2 The Irish Church is not exceptional in a world context in being associated with violence, extremism and bigotry. In the twentieth century it was often assumed that religion would become ever more marginal to political life and to conflicts. Research, however, such as The Future of World Religions Report,3 shows an increasing religious affiliation accompanied by a repoliticisation of religion: this includes a rise of religious fundamentalism across all the major world religions giving rise to conflict and violence. It is...