Government In Northern Ireland Research Articles

Kenneth Bloomfield. A Tragedy of Errors: The Government and Misgovernment of Northern Ireland. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2007. Pp. 288. $45.00 (cloth).

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A 'Shared Future' for Northern Ireland: Some Observations on Recent Policy Developments

In 2002 Government in Northern Ireland initiated the first major review of its community relations policy agenda. After a lengthy period of consultation a new Policy and Strategic Framework for Good Relations, entitled 'A Shared Future', was issued in March 2005. This paper considers the Shared Future document against criticisms that have been levelled at previous Government policy efforts to tackle the problem of inter-group division in Northern Ireland. It argues that whilst 'Shared Future' offers a vision of a 'peaceful, inclusive, prosperous, stable and fair society' founded on the achievement of reconciliation (p.3), many questions remain as to how these very laudable objectives will be achieved. The paper begins with a review of the policy context and an overview of the central tenets of the Shared Future document, this is followed by an analysis of how the new policy framework contributes to current thinking and approaches to resolving inter-group conflict. Drawing on an illustrative example from the experience of integrated education in Northern Ireland, the final section presents tensions and weaknesses in the document which, if unresolved, could militate against the potential to deliver the type of society envisaged.

Armalite, the ballot box and memorialization: Sinn Féin and the state in post-conflict Northern Ireland

Commemoration of the Northern Ireland Troubles has gained increasing currency since the inception of the first paramilitary ceasefires in 1994. Imagined initially as a mechanism through which to express grief and acknowledge loss, remembering the past has an increasingly social and political value. Inscribing narratives of the past into the streetscape is inexorably linked to the present as some of the main actors of the conflict vie for power and territory. A political resource, memorializtion has been employed as a tool to alter the parameters of the Troubles. This paper focuses on the changing fortunes of Sinn Féin (the political wing of the paramilitary organiztion the Irish Republican Army), and the British government in peacetime Northern Ireland, through an examination of the commemoration of their respective dead.

Europeanization and the Sub-National Level: Changing Patterns of Governance in Northern Ireland

Like all sub-national units of the European Union (EU), Northern Ireland is subject to the ‘Europeanizing’ influences of the EU policy process. This influence became more profound and emphatic in the period after 1999 when powers were devolved to new sub-national political institutions. New institutional structures, evolving formal and informal linkages and changed policy mechanisms, have been subtly influenced by a process of Europeanization. The process, however, has been constrained by the resilience of the community political divide and the sensitivity that surrounds identity in Northern Ireland. The impact of the Europeanization process has not, therefore, diminished the distinctiveness of the Northern Ireland sub-national unit nor is it resulting in any significant degree of sub-national homogenization with the EU.

Investigations of Taymouth Castle, a Nineteenth-Century Composite Ship Lost off the Coast of Northern Ireland

Taymouth Castle was a fully rigged ship, wrecked off the coast of Northern Ireland in January 1867. The importance of the wreck lies in the preservation of a quantity of its cargo, which provides a unique insight into the material culture of the trade of northwestern Europe with the Far East in the 19th century. It also demonstrates the enlightened approach that government in Northern Ireland has towards the documentation and management of the submerged shipwreck resource in its coastal waters.

Environmental Governance in Northern Ireland: Returning to the Drawing Board

Environmental Governance in Northern Ireland: Returning to the Drawing Board

The First Government of Northern Ireland, Education Reform and the Failure of Anti-populist Unionism, 1921-1925

This article examines education reform under the first government of Northern Ireland (1921–5). This embryonic period offered the Ulster Unionist leadership a chance to construct a more inclusive society, one that might diminish sectarian animosities, and thereby secure the fledgling state through cooperation rather than coercion. Such aspirations were severely tested by the ruling party’s need to secure the state against insurgency, and, more lastingly, to assuage the concerns of its historic constituency. The former led to a draconian security policy, the latter to a dependency on populist strategies and rhetoric. It is argued here, however, that this dependency was not absolute until July 1925. Before that, the Belfast government withstood growing pressure from populist agitators to reverse controversial aspects of its education reforms, only relenting when Protestant disaffection threatened the unity of the governing party and the existence of the state.

Annals of the Parish: The Year at Holyrood, 2005-2006

The twelve months since the last instalment of the 'Annals' have seen astonishing changes in the political landscape in Scotland and elsewhere in the UK. First and foremost on the chronicler's mind are the changes in Scotland: the elections in May which led to the end of Labour's rule in Scotland and the creation of an SNP minority government. But there were also the elections in Wales which resulted, after prolonged negotiations, in an unprecedented coalition between Labour and Plaid Cymru; we have witnessed the emergence of a partnership government in Northern Ireland involving both the Democratic Unionists and Sinn Fein, with Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness sharing the posts of First and Deputy First Ministers, the eventual transition from Tony Blair to Gordon Brown in the post of UK Prime Minister, and, most recently, the 'coronation' of Wendy Alexander as new Scottish Labour and Holyrood opposition leader. Truly, a remarkable year of change. One of the few things that did not change, it seems, was the Scottish football team's ability to beat the French they did it last October at Hampden, and managed to repeat the feat this September in Paris.

The Northern Ireland Government, the ‘Paisleyite Movement’ and Ulster Unionism in 1966

This article presents original documentary material discovered at the Public Records Office, Northern Ireland, relating to the RUC’s position in June 1966 on what was referred to as the ‘Paisleyite Movement’. According to the documents that were sent by the RUC Inspector‐General to the Ministry of Home Affairs, the ‘Paisleyite Movement’ was an organisation made up of the Ulster Constitution Defence Committee, the Ulster Protestant Volunteer Division, the Ulster Volunteer Force, the Ulster Defence Corps, the Ulster Protestant Action Defence Committee and the militant Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). We know that these documents were seen by the Prime Minister, Terence O’Neill, and the Minister of Home Affairs, Brian McConnell. These documents appear to have partly informed the cabinet decision to ban the UVF at the end of June 1966. The documents confirm the scale and significance of the threat presented by extremist Protestantism to the stability of the state in the eyes of the RUC and the government at that time and suggest that the starting date of ‘the Troubles’ in Northern Ireland should be back‐dated to 1966.

The Challenge to Democracy in Northern Ireland

An exploration of why the United States may no longer support Sinn Fein's right to participate in the power-sharing government of Northern Ireland.

Transforming Environmental Governance in Northern Ireland. Part Two: The Case of Environmental Regulation

Transforming Environmental Governance in Northern Ireland. Part Two: The Case of Environmental Regulation

Improving Public Services: Public Administration Reform in Northern Ireland

The devolved government in Northern Ireland set about the task of putting in place ‘a modern and effective system of public administration that can deliver high quality public services to our citizens’. It did so through a review of public administration launched in June 2002. This article offers a formative evaluation of the quest to improve the quality of public services, now being taken forward by a British minister since the suspension of devolution. It argues that the review is being driven by institutional concerns and is devoid of a public service modernising agenda. Additionally, it contends that how people in Northern Ireland perceive public services is contingent on their views on its constitutional status (Direct Rule or devolved government) which, in turn, is linked to their support for the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement, rather than the performance of public bodies. As a consequence, the reforms may result in little more than institutional tinkering with doubtful impact on the quality of public services.

Transforming Environmental Governance in Northern Ireland. Part One: The Process of Policy Renewal

As Northern Ireland emerges from decades of conflict, the pressures for economic regeneration mean that without fundamental reforms to the region's system of environmental governance, its long-awaited sustainable development strategy will be little more than a chimera. There is some cause for optimism that the need for major administrative reform is now understood. The scale and background of the underlying environmental policy malaise are examined. Only in the last four years, spurred by a combination of the threat of fines before the European Court of Justice and of the restoration of devolution, has there been a significant effort of environmental law reform, which has led to a clearing Northern Ireland's notorious EU legislative backlog. Real reform in governance, however, will be impossible without a credible champion, and a particular responsibility for leadership in policy on the environment and sustainable development will rest on Northern Ireland's Department of the Environment. Five critical challenges are identified if the Department is to be effective in this respect.

Ethnic politics and labour market closure: Shipbuilding and industrial decline in Northern Ireland

This article examines the interplay of ethnic conflict and economic interests in Northern Ireland, specifically for the case of the shipbuilding industry, which received massive state aid despite its terminal decline. Parkin's theory of dual social closure by members of the subordinate class but dominant status group to monopolize resources and opportunities is employed to examine the interests and actions of Protestant workers. The contribution of local institutions including Extended Internal Labor Markets to the salience of Protestant group solidarity is examined from a political economy perspective. Political accommodation between Protestant labour and the Northern Ireland government, and later British government political fears of antagonizing Loyalist workers, facilitated huge aid to a failing industry.

Devolution—The Northern Ireland Way: An Exercise in ‘Creative Ambiguity’

Devolution in Northern Ireland followed directly from the 1998 Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement which provided, inter alia, for a democratically elected Assembly “inclusive in its membership, capable of exercising executive and legislative authority, and subject to safeguards to protect the rights and interests of all sides of the community”. More than six years on, the Northern Ireland Executive and Assembly are in suspension for the fourth time (the latest since October 2002). The conjunction of devolution and the implementation of the Agreement mean that the former is wholly dependent on the vagaries of the latter and, as a consequence, has devalued the potential of devolution to improve the governance of Northern Ireland.

Learning Lessons from the Past or Re-Visiting Old Mistakes: Social Work and Community Development in Northern Ireland

In recent years there has been a re-emphasis on community development approaches in health and social work in Northern Ireland. Underpinning these approaches is the belief that local communities can be organized to address health and social needs and to work with government agencies, voluntary bodies and local authorities in delivering services and local solutions to problems. These methods of working challenge the traditional social work focus on individual and family casework interventions. Government in Northern Ireland has stressed that community development should no longer simply be an afterthought in key aspects of Health and Social Services, but should instead be at the core of their work. It is now officially recognized that community development has the potential to make a significant impact on a broad spectrum of policies and programmes, which are delivered through agencies in both the statutory and voluntary sectors. This commitment to community development has been outlined in a number of key documents and reports. This paper assesses the relationship between social work and community development in Northern Ireland. The first section looks briefly at the history of community development and social work and then sets out the context in which this move towards the promotion of a community social work approach is occurring. Against this backdrop, a case study of a Family Support Team, which provides a range of services in a community setting, is used to illustrate how the strategy has already been adopted and the lessons of this experience are explored and discussed. It is concluded that while this approach has a lot to offer it is not without its difficulties. Far from being a new philosophy, community development is being reinvented and reapplied. It is therefore crucial that old mistakes are not revisited and old prejudices

Fantasy Politics? Restructuring Unionism after the Good Friday Agreement

The current arrangements are not a settlement, but a process of concessions--concessions that have turned conventional wisdom on its head. Government policy has been to reward those who do wrong whilst punishing those who want to be democratic. What kind of peace process is that? Democracy must not be held to ransom by gunmen. (1) Peter Robinson, Deputy Leader of the Democratic Unionist Party While most Protestants welcomed the improved atmosphere arising from the peace process and the cease-fires, they remained suspicious of the motives of those involved, including the Labour government, Dublin, the SDLP and, particularly, Sinn Fein. Although they stood to gain from the restoration of devolved government and nationalist endorsement of the principle of consent, they had lost, at least psychologically, by having to include Sinn Fein in the new administration. They were fearful for the long-term future of the British link, with devolved structures evolving in Scotland and Wales and with nationalists given equal representation with unionists in the 10-member executive. (2) Barry White, Belfast Telegraph INTRODUCTION Politics in Northern Ireland is again in no small state of upheaval and confusion. The strength of political division was reflected directly in the November 2003 Assembly election, when the Democratic Unionist Party (hereafter DUP) and Sinn Fein emerged as the two largest political parties in the Northern Ireland Assembly. (3) Not surprisingly, the election accelerated the erosion of the already tenuous center ground, with the Women's Coalition losing both of its representatives and the Alliance Party reduced to six seats. Among nationalist parties, Sinn Fein's 23.5 percent of the vote far outpaced the Social Democratic and Labour Party (hereafter SDLP), which received only 17 percent of the poll. The changes in the electoral map were even more dramatic within unionist politics, where the DUP claimed victory over the Ulster Unionist Party (hereafter UUP), a result that certainly reinforced its claim to be the true voice of Ulster unionism. As the strongest opponents of any political settlement, the DUP demonstrated the ability to mobilize large sections of the unionist community behind its position. (4) Overall, the election results again highlighted increasing levels of unionist disillusionment with the arrangements outlined in what is known as the Belfast Agreement, or more commonly, the Good Friday Agreement, (5) and the workings of the Northern Ireland Assembly. (6) The prelude to the election demonstrated the fragility of the political accord. The British government suspended the Northern Ireland Assembly in October 2002. Direct rule from Westminster was again imposed, widely perceived as the only short-term solution to increasingly tense political discord in Northern Ireland. This, the fourth suspension of devolved government in Northern Ireland since February 2000, occurred after it became clear that the working relationships upon which the power-sharing government rested could no longer be sustained. (7) Political tensions predictably centered on unionist opposition to Sinn Fein's participation in government. Much of this was triggered by a series of controversies involving Sinn Fein that included the arrest of three IRA members in Colombia accused of training FARC rebels, (8) and a Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) raid on Sinn Fein's Stormont offices on suspicions that an IRA spy ring was operating within the Assembly. The two DUP Assembly ministers, Peter Robinson and Nigel Dodds, reacted by resigning from their posts, refusing to share power with Sinn Fein. Moreover, the Assembly's First Minister, David Trimble, threatened to withdraw UUP ministers if Sinn Fein were not immediately excluded. While Sinn Fein members angrily denounced the foray as a politically motivated stunt, many unionists emphasized republicans' seeming refusal to fulfill the terms of the agreement, particularly the section that stated that objectives should be pursued solely by peaceful, democratic means. …

A partnership approach to health promotion: a case study from Northern Ireland.

In recent years there has been a renewal of interest in community development and partnership approaches in the delivery of health and social services in Northern Ireland. The general thrust of these approaches is that local communities can be organized to address health and social needs and to work with government agencies, voluntary bodies and local authorities in delivering services and local solutions to problems. Since the Ottawa Charter was launched in 1986, government in Northern Ireland has stressed that community development should no longer simply be added on to key aspects of Health and Social Services, but should instead be at the core of their work. There is increasing consensus that traditional approaches to improving health and well-being, which have focused on the individual, are paternalistic and have failed to tackle inequalities effectively. Partnerships within a community development setting have been heralded as a means to facilitate participation and empowerment. This paper outlines the policy background to community development approaches in health promotion and delivery in Northern Ireland. Drawing on evidence from a case study of a community health project it highlights the benefits and difficulties with this approach. The findings suggest that partnerships can positively influence a community's health status, but in order to be effective they require effective planning and long-term commitment from both the state and the local community.

Between stability and collapse: Internal and external dynamics of post‐agreement institution‐building in Northern Ireland1

Introduction On 14 October 2002, the then British secretary of state for Northern Ireland, Dr. John Reid, announced the suspension of devolved government in Northern Ireland as of midnight the same day by an order made under the Northern Ireland Act 2000. Unlike the previous two suspensions, on 11 August 2001 and 21 September 2001 which were only ‘technical’ 24-hour suspensions to allow the political parties in Northern Ireland to resolve a deadlock over the decommissioning of weapons in possession of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and Sinn Fein’s membership in the Executive this latest suspension, similar to the very first one on 11 February 2000, had no time limit attached to it.

Book Review: Partnership Governance in Northern Ireland

Book Review: Partnership Governance in Northern Ireland