Abstract
Abstract In 2018, Northern Ireland (NI) government officials, journalists, and preliminary research declared that NI citizens had provided a ‘welcoming society’ to Syrian refugees settling in local communities across the country. However, this claim starkly contrasted with other reports of growing violence towards foreign-born groups, particularly Muslims, which lead to NI being identified as the ‘Race Hate Capital of Europe.’ Using the 2015 Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey (NILT), we problematize and empirically-test these initial conclusions about NI attitudes towards Syrian refugees by testing four prominent social theories. We first examine whether economic self-interest and social exposure (i.e., contact hypothesis) predict NI attitudes towards Syrian refugees. We also recognize NI's unique conflictual ethnic history by testing whether cultural marginality and ethnic competition theories further explain attitudes. The findings suggest that multiple theories explain NI citizen views towards Syrians. Results provide partial support for economic self-interests and direct and preferential social exposure as predictors. However, when considering racism and sectarianism measures, the results require a nuanced understanding of the context of NI people’s attitudes. We found that identity politics related to NI's citizens' religious and nationalist identity encouraged racist and sectarian disapproval of Syrian refugee resettlement. These findings provide a promising avenue of study in understanding how ethno-identities shape attitudes towards Syrian refugees and other foreign-born groups living in NI. However, we contend more granular research will be needed to highlight these nuances.
Highlights
In June of 2018, the Belfast Telegraph reported that the people of Northern Ireland (NI) had provided a ‘welcoming’ community to resettled Syrian refugees (McHugh 2018)
This study investigated attitudes towards Syrian refugees in NI through the lens of immigrant/foreign-born outgroup theories: economic self-interest, social exposure, cultural marginality, and ethnic threat/competition
The findings suggest that all these theories may explain views towards Syrians in NI, which requires a nuanced understanding of the context of NI people’s attitudes towards this group
Summary
In June of 2018, the Belfast Telegraph reported that the people of Northern Ireland (NI) had provided a ‘welcoming’ community to resettled Syrian refugees (McHugh 2018). For much of the country’s history, Catholics and Protestants found themselves in conflict and almost fully segregated across many institutions, including neighbourhoods, schools, workplaces, the government, and even within graveyards (McKittrick and McVea 2002) This sectarian divide was further complicated and escalated because the religious identities were intertwined with political and nationalist divisions related to whether NI should be united with the Republic of Ireland as one Irish nation (i.e. Nationalists and Republicans) or should stay under British rule and be a part of the UK (i.e. Loyalists and Unionists). The Good Friday (Belfast) Peace Agreement in 1998 pushed for an end to the violence and for equality in sharing resources, civil rights, and integration among its divided citizens, NI has continued to be segregated across neighbourhoods, schools, and Because of this complicated history, researchers have struggled to tease out the social conditions and problems foreign-born minorities have faced. We can contextually discern whether racism, sectarianism, or both have influenced attitudes towards Syrian refugees and the possible acceptance of these individuals who will influence NI life and politics as they continue to work and live in NI
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