Global Governance System Research Articles

The role of international organizations, transnational governance, metrics and indicators of the quality of government activity within the framework of global governance

This article examines the current role and mechanisms of international organizations in assessment of the quality of global governance. The subject of this research is the assessment and indicators of state participation in the development and implementation of transnational governance. The goal lies in the analysis of the concept of governance through the prism of the Fukuyama-Manning theory. Globalization is viewed in the economic and political dimension to determine the need for creating the transnational administrative framework. The results of global governance in the form of assessment and indicators of the quality of state administration are explored in the context of correlations between the production and demand of political indicators, their nature and practical advantages. The author analyzes the existing hypothesis on the role of international organizations within the system of global governance to outline the prospects for transnational governance. The detailed theoretical and practical approach towards assessment and metrics of state administration is realized via qualitative analysis for determining the prospects for the standardized system. In conclusion, the author emphasizes the equal importance of governance, globalization, and state policy for achieving the functional structure of global governance. This article represents the conceptual framework for the study and development of the systems for evaluation of the government performance to ensure successful intergovernmental cooperation in the globalization era.

La gobernanza global de la salud y los límites de las redes de expertos en la respuesta al brote de la Covid-19 en México

En el presente estudio se argumenta que a partir del sistema de gobernanza global de la salud se han configurado distintas redes de expertos que sirven como mecanismos para la difusión de ideas basadas en la evidencia científica, que promueven la cooperación y la implementación de recomendaciones originadas en la Organización Mundial de la Salud (oms). Sin embargo, el brote de la Covid-19 ha visibilizado las limitaciones de estas redes. En el caso de México, se han observado dos problemas principales: primero, la existencia de expertos miembros de una red transgubernamental que toman decisiones basadas en intereses políticos, dejando de lado las recomendaciones derivadas de lo global; y segundo, una comunidad epistémica dividida, con grupos rivales, lo que perjudica la actuación de estos expertos en su labor como transmisores de ideas y difusores de conocimiento.

Between Club Diplomacy and Network Diplomacy: Exploring the Diplomatic Role of Cities in China since 2012

Summary This article addresses the question of whether the emerging role of cities in diplomacy is a reflection of the diplomatic transformation in China, and what the distinctive features are of the diplomatic roles of cities within China’s context. It argues that city diplomacy in China falls between club diplomacy and network diplomacy by exploring five aspects: the number of players, structures, forms, transparency and main purposes. Cities have developed their representation by serving as important agents in managing domestic and international situations, developed their communication channels by contributing in shaping China’s neighbouring diplomacy and global partnerships, and developed their negotiation techniques by participating in reform of global governance system. The article concludes that the diplomatic role of cities in China is to consolidate the social foundation of relations between nations, promote the establishment of a new type of international relations, and promote a community of a shared future for mankind.

The promising role of international institutions and production of knowledge in the globalization era

This article explores the promising role of modern international organizations in the production of knowledge applicable to the context of globalization and global governance, as well as the required framework and mechanisms. The subject of this research is the mechanisms of international organizations, namely OECD, in the production of knowledge used within the system of global governance. The goal lies in the overview of worldwide demand for knowledge in the context of Dolowitz-Marsh approach for assessing the prospects for the knowledge offered. The capabilities of OECD as the central standardized think tank, combined with the role of NGOs within the system of global governance, allows activating bilateral relations and transnational governance. The author analyzes the existing hypothesis about on capability of the international organizations to produce knowledge in the era of globalization; as well as examines the mechanisms of OECD and other NGOs for to outlining new horizons and actions with regards to providing a wide range of government institutions with the effective instruments. Thus, nationalization of the results of the policy indicates a comprehensive internal analysis based on the international standards that reduce the role of political interference in the outcome. The role of international organizations in the production of knowledge opens new horizons for the country to broader interaction between all interested parties based on the results of activity, simultaneously ensuring standardized interaction and practice on a bilateral basis. The article describes the capabilities of centralized, results-driven production of knowledge, as well as the prospects for extensive international cooperation and accountability of the governments.

China’s One Belt, One Road Strategy Research in Accordance with Globalization Trends

"One belt, one road" construction conforms to the trends of world economic globalization, and also meets the requirements of the development of global governance system. "One belt, one road" has improved the circulation of commodities, funds, technology and personnel among countries, expanded the mutual interests between countries, and opened up new space for the development of the country.

Global Governance in Complex Times: Exploring New Concepts and Theories on Institutional Complexity

This article, and the special issue it introduces, seek to contribute to the emerging and much-needed dialogue between the study of global governance and the study of social complexity. We hold that, while there is wide acceptance that global governance is becoming increasingly complex, studying this complexity still faces significant challenges in terms of concepts, theory, and methodology.The article outlines why that dialogue is needed, and how the complexity sciences can help us address some of these challenges. It then introduces key questions central to such an integrated research programme, for instance: under what conditions can a global governance system be regarded as complex? Which methods can help us recognize and assess patterns of stability, iteration, and change in global governance? How can a theory-driven analysis take into account that complexity may influence spaces for political agency, i.e. that it may alter key aspects of legitimacy, accountability, transparency, technocracy, and power and ultimately the strategical options of certain actors? Finally, the article looks ahead to the special issue and summarizes how the authors contribute crucial conceptual, theoretical, and methodical ideas for addressing these and other questions.

Artificial Intelligence, Globalization, and Strategies for Economic Development

Progress in artificial intelligence and related forms of automation technologies threatens to reverse the gains that developing countries and emerging markets have experienced from integrating into the world economy over the past half century, aggravating poverty and inequality. The new technologies have the tendency to be labor-saving, resource-saving, and to give rise to winner-takes-all dynamics that advantage developed countries. We analyze the economic forces behind these developments and describe economic policies that would mitigate the adverse effects on developing and emerging economies while leveraging the potential gains from technological advances. We also describe reforms to our global system of economic governance that would share the benefits of AI more widely with developing countries.

Changes of World Economic Pattern and New Development Opportunities for China in the Post Epidemic Period: From the Perspective of Marx’s Economic Crisis Theory

The global economic recession caused by the new epidemic situation will lead to great changes in the world economic pattern in the post epidemic period: The economy of Western developed capitalist countries has been severely damaged, and the long-term economic trend of major developing countries is uncertain. China has basically entered the track of economic recovery. The huge blow to the world economic system caused by this epidemic is closely related to the endogenous contradiction of capitalist economy. In the perspective of Marx’s political economy, economic crisis is an inherent phenomenon that capitalism cannot overcome. After the 1970s, under the baptism of new liberalism, economic globalization, financialization and other economic development trends, the inherent contradictions of capitalism were further intensified. After the outbreak of the COVID-19 epidemic, which was a devastating exogenous impact, the major Western capitalist countries quickly fell into economic recession. In order to deal with the epidemic crisis, most Western developed capitalist countries have adopted expansionary fiscal and monetary policies, trying to restore market confidence and revive the economy through economic stimulus policies. This will have the following impact on the capitalist economy in the post epidemic period: The transition from Neo liberalism to regulatory capitalism, and the reshaping of the traditional pattern of economic globalization. The impact of the epidemic will not disappear in a short period, and countries that are not in a good position to deal with the epidemic situation may fall into a long-term economic recession. The epidemic is directly related to the economic recession, but not necessarily. Under the same impact of the epidemic, China can quickly control the epidemic by virtue of the superiority of the socialist system, and become the only major economy recovering at present. Marx’s theory of economic crisis can give a scientific explanation. In the post epidemic period, with the further exertion of the advantages of China’s socialist system, the recovery of the world economy will depend on China’s economy, which will bring new development opportunities to China: The continuously optimized business environment is conducive to absorbing more international risk aversion funds, the increasing economic anti-risk ability in the post epidemic period will boost China’s industrial upgrading, domestic consumption recovery ushers in bright development prospects, and digital economy will become a new economic growth point. In order to grasp these opportunities, China should take the following measures: Build a stable and orderly new financial format, ensure the stability of the industrial chain, strengthen the key technologies related to digital economy, stimulate supply side and demand side jointly to help the recovery of consumption, take multiple measures to maintain the stability of employment, and actively participate in the construction of a more effective global governance system.

The role of global NGOs advocating for human rights in world politics (on the example of the organization “Human Rights Watch”)

The object of this research is an international organization “Human Rights Watch” that conducts and advocacy on human rights. The subject of this research is the activity of this international non-governmental organization since its establishment until 2020. The author examines such aspects of the topic as the history of creation of “Human Rights Watch”, the nature of its activity during the Cold War, the evolution of approaches towards the core issues in the area of human rights protection during the post-bipolar period; as well as analyzes the current campaigns of this international NGO. The methodological framework is comprised of the systemic, structural-functional, comparative-political approaches, methods of historicism, analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, and observation. For the first time in Russian historiography, leaning on the primary sources and relevant scientific literature, the role of international non-governmental organization advocating for human rights “Human Rights Watch” is analyzes within the system of global governance since its foundation until the present. In conclusion, the author indicates a sizable contribution of the organization “Human Rights Watch” alongside other NGOs advocating for human rights in solution of global issues; however notes that these actors of world politics as not utterly unbiased and neutral organizations. On the one hand, namely due to the activity of such organizations, the problem of the supremacy of law,  universal human rights and freedoms became one of the key concepts of international relations at the turn of centuries; but on the other hand, they are rightly criticized for prejudice, political bias, and double standards.

Global Governance beyond Covid-19: Recovery and Institutional Revitalisation

The year 2020 will be remembered for marking the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic rather than the 75th anniversary of the United Nations. At the highest political levels, the pandemic is described as a wake-up call and opportunity to ‘build back better’. In this article, it is argued that ‘building back better’ must also concern a broad-based recovery agenda that goes hand in hand with overdue reforms in the system of global governance. After pointing out what the Covid-19 crisis has revealed about the shortcomings of the current global governance architecture, the article puts forward a reform agenda, which is to culminate in a world summit to fully utilise the political momentum created by the crisis. Avoiding a return to the ‘old normal’, it is imperative to make global governance more resilient to not only future pandemics but also other existing and emerging global challenges.

Global Constitutionalism And Legal Fragmentation: The Populist Backslide In Central And Eastern Europe

Globalisation has provoked a deep transformation in international law, political affairs and governance with contradictory consequences. It has stimulated the cosmopolitan project of global constitutionalism, transnational integration and the unification of democratic standards. However, it also resulted in the fragmentation of international affairs, the deterioration of constitutional democracy and a feeling of a growing shortage in democracy on national and international levels of governance. The international debate on global legal stability therefore cannot ignore the problem of constitutional transformation. The most simple solution to the dilemma consists in the polarised opposition of two trends in the development of the international legal order, namely, integration (in the form of the constitutionalisation of international law) and its fragmentation (in form of the separation of different global constitutional regions, supra-national actors or regimes). According this view, the two rival trends cannot be coordinated and a sharp collision cannot be avoided. The result could be described as a “zero-sum game”, as progress in integration means an equal regress in fragmentation and vice versa. This approach is therefore useful as a methodological presumption grounded on the very abstract, linear and teleological vision of globalisation considering its development from a black and white perspective and associating it strictly with positive results—progress in human rights protection, the supremacy of law and law-based states. The current global pandemic, however, reveals the other side of globalisation—economic recession, legal contradictions, the prevalence of egoistic motives, and the perceived interests of separate regions and national states over general international values or a different interpretation of its content and “common” character. That simple fact makes it important to reconsider the complex character of legal globalisation and the reciprocal relations between its opposite sides—constitutionalisation and the fragmentation of international constitutionalism. Trying to balance the impact of these two opposing trends, the author analyses the positive and negative effects of globalisation on constitutional development regarding such issues as transnational constitutionalisation, democracy and national sovereignty, the changing place of multilayer constitutionalism, the international separation of powers, and the system of global governance in the establishment of transnational constitutional democratic legitimacy. From this point of view, the populist backslide in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) looks dangerous and unforeseen, but it is a systemic and potentially predictable reaction of global regions on the uneven character of integration, the lack of democratic legitimacy and a new answer to the contortions and dysfunctions of global governance. An adequate response to these challenges could be found in a new concept of constitutional integration based on ongoing dialogue between the transnational and national actors of legal globalisation. This dialogue is possible by using a conflict-mediation strategy, elaborated by international experts, especially, for the deliberation of complex and protracted conflicts, which have no clear practical solutions in the short to medium term.

The Research of Xi Jinping’s Thought of a Community of Human Destiny from the Perspective of Chinese Culture

Xi Jinping is a great leader who knows Chinese history and Chinese culture, and he is also a firm supporter of the excellent traditional Chinese culture. The dialectical absorption and criticism of Xi Jinping’s thought of a community with a shared future for mankind integrates the essence of the Chinese culture, and contains the profound heritage of Chinese culture. Deeply understanding and grasping the rich connotation of Chinese culture and the value of the times will help provide useful reference for the world, provide cultural accumulation and support for Xi Jinping’s thought of a community with a shared future for mankind, and create a new era for the ideal new era of harmony and harmony in the community with a shared future for mankind. Xi Jinping, with his profound historical accumulation and national studies, actively explores the positive ways of life and governance in the Chinese Hehe culture, and resonates with the contemporary era, and proposes a new concept and initiative of a community with a shared future for mankind, and promotes the construction of global politics and security, Economy, culture, and ecology. A community of shared future to promote the building of a world of lasting peace, universal security, common prosperity, openness, inclusiveness, clean and beautiful world, so as to realize the beauty of permanent and peaceful development of mankind that “open peace for all generations” and “seek great harmony for the world” Vision. The proceeding from his profound accumulation of Chinese studies, Xi Jinping shows the unique charm of the Chinese culture to the world through the telling of “Chinese stories”, and pro-motes the “peaceful development, harmonious coexistence, and win-win cooperation of different civilizations” by advocating the tolerance and mutual learning of different civilizations “, forming an important idea to promote the construction of a community with a shared future for man-kind. Xi Jinping’s idea of a community with a shared future for mankind is based on absorbing the essence of Chinese culture, focusing on internalizing the requirements of the new era, and forming a value, international outlook, and order concept through the refinement and sublimation of theory and practice. It has rich Chinese cultural connotation. It not only shows distinctive Chinese characteristics, but also contains the common value pursuit of all mankind. It has been written into UN resolutions many times. It has been enriched with global cooperation concepts and practices such as the “Belt and Road” initiative. Changes in the global governance system, the construction of a new type of international relations and common value norms for the new international order.

Globally Securing Food in an Insecure World – Opportunities and Challenges

This paper looks into the necessity of a global governance system for food security from a "humane" side, with a focus on countries and MNCs. It also explores potential mechanisms to drive MNCs involvement in the global governance of food security into a more inclusive path. Furthermore, the paper explores a more sustainable side to globally governing food security. All in all, this paper calls for the reshaping of a global governance system that better matches the root causes of food insecurity, rather than tries to solve hunger with food aid and provision. The solution starts with asking the right questions. The global governance system should adopt a sole human rights framework while addressing food insecurity. It should acknowledge that questions such as “for whose benefit?” is just as important as “how to produce more?”. Although effective, International Governmental Organizations should further consider how global rules affect different people, who will bear the risks, who will get the benefits from changes, who remain disempowered, and whose ability to control is neglected or enhanced. Global food policy should not just be feeding people, but rather feeding them equitably, appropriately, and sustainably. This brings about a new global food regime that’s integrative of the human right to food.

Artificial Intelligence, Globalization, and Strategies for Economic Development

Progress in artificial intelligence and related forms of automation technologies threatens to reverse the gains that developing countries and emerging markets have experienced from integrating into the world economy over the past half century, aggravating poverty and inequality. The new technologies have the tendency to be labor-saving, resource-saving, and to give rise to winner-takes-all dynamics that advantage developed countries. We analyze the economic forces behind these developments and describe economic policies that would mitigate the adverse effects on developing and emerging economies while leveraging the potential gains from technological advances. We also describe reforms to our global system of economic governance that would share the benefits of AI more widely with developing countries.

Цифровой суверенитет Европы в контексте политики глобального управления данными

The European Union (EU) has been advocating a strategy to assert its digital sovereignty for a relatively long period of time. This attempt, however, runs up against a range of obvious problems and obstacles, such as a united Europe’s dependence on foreign technologies and services and the inadequacy of investments made to support its industrial policy (in particular in the digital sphere). The EU is trying to overcome these problems with an ambitious strategy, the “European strategy for data”, which will enable the Union to navigate in an international context characterized by a substantial lack of a global data governance system, but the efficiency and effectiveness of the strategy can only be assessed in a few years' time. According to the author of this paper’s point of view, to achieve its policy objectives, the EU must pay attention to safeguarding the competitiveness of its companies, pursuing policies that, in defending the right to privacy and security of European users, are clear and harmonized. At the same time, the EU must implement policies that are able to redistribute the wealth produced in the digital field, countering the current dangerous concentrations of wealth and power in the hands of a few oligopolistic companies.

新冠肺炎疫情对全球公共卫生治理体系的冲击与变革

新冠肺炎以其长潜伏期、高传染率、长治疗周期和轻症自愈等特征，冲击了现有的全球公共卫生治理体系。全球医疗资源的绝对不足与抗疫隔离和经济停摆之间的张力，使国际援助让位于各国自助，国际合作让位于相互指责，甚至逆全球化的声音不绝于耳。其实，全球化过程中出现的公共卫生问题并不能通过逆全球化的方式来加以解决，如何变革现有的全球公共卫生治理体系，继续提升它的治理能力才是破解之道。首先，需要提升信任在治理中的地位，反思新自由主义，建立各国之间的信任。其次，需要将信任在治理制度层面具体落地，通过统一标准，建立监督和评估体系，增进信任。只有各国相互信任，才能认同人类卫生健康共同体并担负起守望相助的责任。 COVID-19 has hit existing global public health governance systems with its long incubation period, high infection rate, long treatment cycle and self-healing of mild cases. The absolute shortage of global medical resources and the tension between isolation and economic shutdown have made international assistance give way to national self-help, international cooperation give way to mutual recrimination and even anti-globalization voices are constantly heard. In fact, the public health problems in the process of globalization cannot be solved by means of anti-globalization. How to reform the existing global public health governance system and continue to improve its governance capacity is the solution. First, we need to improve the status of trust in governance, reflect on neoliberalism, and build trust among countries, especially political trust. Second, trust needs to be concretely implemented at the level of governance system, and a monitoring and evaluation system should be established through unified standards to enhance trust. Only when countries trust each other can they recognize the community with a shared future for mankind and shoulder the responsibility of mutual assistance.

IN THIS ISSUE

It is no news to anybody that the power structures in our world have considerably shifted during the last quarter of a century. Glasnost and the ultimate collapse of the Soviet Union towards the end of the 1980s brought an end to the bipolar world dominated by the East-West conflict and the Cold War since the aftermath of World War II. The end of the Soviet bloc also paved the way towards an appeasement strategy inthe Southern African sub-region. What was praised as "the end of history", meaning the ultimate victory of capitalism as the uncontested mode of production structuring societies (and classes), however, led to an only short-lived sole hegemony of the main Western powers and in particular the United States (US) during the 1990s. These were the days when 'good governance' became the terminology of a crusade against which regimes were measured and judged. The criteria were based on Western capitalist notions of development as conceptualised and imposed by the International Financial Institutions (IFIs). But as we know, little changed for many towards the better. The problem of affordable access to higher education, a demand erupting these days forcefully on South African campuses, was not least enhanced through policy recommendations in the 1990s, which neglected such investment in the social and intellectual capacity of countries and their people.1)
 While old conflicts were solved, new conflicts and ideologicalbattlefields emerged. The rise of China as the world's next superpower marked the beginning of the 21st century, and the shock waves sent through the world with 9/11 opened a new era of "war against terror", in which human rights were the first victim. Development and security became integral elements of a global governance system, which since the turn of the century set paradigmatic frameworks, first with the Millennium Development Goals and now with the Sustainable Development Goals, while continuous efforts to achieve agreed measures to curb carbon emissions and bring environmental degradation and climate change to a halt have remained futile efforts. The tokenism so far only shows that governments continue to remain loyal to their own agendas. Guided by such shortsightedness, they do not act in solidarity with humanity as an integral part of nature and habitat to increase the chances for survival. Profit maximisation at all costs remains the ultimate goal even if in the long term at too high a price.

Tr ansatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership: Consigned to Oblivion or Waiting for a Second Chance?

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the U.S. and the EU could have become a milestone of the 2010s transforming the current global governance system and the strategic balance of power as well as having a direct impact on the economy and trade. Nevertheless, the negotiations launched in 2013 reached a stalemate and were effectively frozen in January 2017. Although assessments of the new mega bloc’s impact on the U.S. and the EU economies diverged, such a development seems all the more unexpected given that most researchers and politicians advocating the initiative emphasized its geopolitical significance for the West in the face of China’s rise. A question inevitably arises: what can account for the freeze of negotiations? Was it the result of Donald Trump’s election, who was a vocal critic of his predecessor’s legacy during his election campaign? Or are there underlying objective reasons? In order to shed light on the issue it is necessary to analyse the differences that emerged during the fifteen rounds of negotiations as well as to examine the most recent developments in transatlantic trade and economic relations. Trump’s foreign policy sought to advance U.S. national interests in such a way that resulted in weakening multilateral elimination of tariff s for industrial goods and for an agreement on conformity assessment. However, negotiations of the former agreement did not start a year after the Joint Statement had been adopted; there were three meetings of the Executive Working Group focusing on regulatory issues. Apparently, an agreement similar to TTIP in scope is unlikely to be concluded in the near future. It also becomes evident that the parties’ divergent goals and interests at the negotiations rather than subjective factors, such as Donald Trump’s approach, are the main reason for that. Continuing dialogue between the U.S. and the EU on specific issues, e.g. regulation, seems a more viable scenario. Keywords: U.S., EU, trade negotiations, TTIP, transatlantic trade, globalisation, global governance, economic diplomacy, industrial goods, conformity assessment, regulation, tariff and non-tariff barriers.institutions: in 2018 the EU and a number of states became targets of U.S. aluminium and steel tariff s purportedly imposed to protect national security. These unilateral measures turned into leverage ahead of negotiations. In June 2018 the U.S. and the EU issued a Joint Statement: the parties agreed to ‘work together toward zero tariffs, zero non-tariff barriers, and zero subsidies on non-auto industrial goods.’ In April 2019 the Council of the European Union adopted two decisions authorising the opening of negotiations of an agreement with the United States of America on the elimination of tariff s for industrial goods and for an agreement on conformity assessment. However, negotiations of the former agreement did not start a year after the Joint Statement had been adopted; there were three meetings of the Executive Working Group focusing on regulatory issues. Apparently, an agreement similar to TTIP in scope is unlikely to be concluded in the near future. It also becomes evident that the parties’ divergent goals and interests at the negotiations rather than subjective factors, such as Donald Trump’s approach, are the main reason for that. Continuing dialogue between the U.S. and the EU on specific issues, e.g. regulation, seems a more viable scenario.

Devlet ve Devlet-dışı Aktörler arasında Küresel İklim Yönetişimi: Çekişme ve Yeniden Meşrulaştırma Dinamikleri

Global climate governance is one of the most complex global governance systems that is also ridden with
 divergent interests of states and non-state actors. Since the 2000s, the authority of UN-led global climate
 governance has been contested by the states declining their mitigation targets of the Kyoto Protocol and by
 those that find the international climate negotiations inefficient to ramp up climate action. These divergent
 views of states resulted in the counter-institutionalization apparent in the proliferation of minilateral
 forums and hybrid coalitions of climate initiatives oftentimes bringing states and non-state actors together.
 These non-UNFCCC partnerships have functioned to be strategic actions that put pressure on the global
 climate governance system to re-legitimate itself. Meanwhile, transnational actors have also contested the
 same system demanding a deeper cooperation that will keep the temperature goal below 2 degrees. This
 study argues that with its new mode of governance named hybrid multilateralism, the Paris Agreement
 was actually an institutional adaptation to the contestations by states and non-state actors in the forms
 of counter-institutionalization and politicization. It also discusses the problematic sides of the functions
 that non-state actors are expected to provide in this new governance mode. This paper is composed of
 four parts: firstly, the theoretical background that feeds into the analysis of empirical data with regard to
 global climate governance will be presented. Secondly, beginning from the Rio Conference, milestone
 developments in global climate governance will be examined by taking the contestation by the states into
 consideration. In the third part, the process of the politicization of climate change in which transnational
 actors and specifically the climate change movement demanded more decisive climate action will be
 explicated. In the last part, the existing legitimacy deficits with regard to non-state actors in post-Paris
 climate governance will be elaborated.

China's renewed perception of global environmental governance

China's idea of a community of a shared future for humanity (CSFH) has become the guiding principle and norm to be further embedded and integrated into the country's approach to environmental governance. Under the Paris Agreement and the UN Sustainable Development Goals, China strongly emphasizes the implementation of its national strategy to mitigate the global climate crisis, and construct international environmental institutions by advocating fair cooperation resulting in mutual gain. China's role as a responsible major country is expected to be more proactive in international process. In particular, the concept of CSFH exerts positive, far-reaching impacts on the greening of the Belt and Road Initiative and the construction of solid South–South relations. Based on the renewed perception, China shall undertake its responsibilities in the reform of the global environmental governance system by leading multilateralism to strengthen the capacity of relevant international institutions such as the UN. Driven by China's political will, this concept reflects China's more confident attitude toward global environmental governance. Most profoundly, mainstreaming the vision of CSFH will elevate China's role to a new level in the coming years in terms of norm creation in international environmental institutions.