Global Governance System Research Articles

CHINA’S GROWING INVOLVEMENT IN GLOBAL HEALTH GOVERNANCE

The outbreak of the COVID-19 global pandemic has exposed deficiencies in global health governance. China has been active in making intellectual and material contributions to the global fight against COVID-19 while achieving significant progress in containing the epidemic domestically. China’s contribution to global cooperation in the fight against the virus can be reflected in: (1) China has actively shared its experience in COVID-19 control and the treatment of infected cases with the international community; (2) China has sent 37 medical expert teams to help improve measures of diagnosis, treatment, prevention and control in 34 countries as of July 2021; (3) China has done its best to provide medical supplies to more than 150 countries and 13 international organizations as of July 2021; (4) China has made efforts to make vaccine accessible and affordable in developing countries. The implications of China’s involvement in global health governance include: (1) advocating the concept of “building a global community of health for all”; (2) supporting the leadership role of the World Health Organization in global health governance; (3) improving the global health governance system and WHO’s ability; and (4) cultivating public health talent with knowledge of international rules and diplomatic skills.

The global governance of FDI and the non-market strategies of TNCs: explaining the “backlash” against bilateral investment treaties

This article seeks to explain recent decisions by countries to terminate their existing bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and revisit their commitment to future international investment agreements (IIAs). It argues that BITs, transnational corporations (TNCs), host States and international arbitration institutions form a decentralized system of global governance of foreign direct investment (FDI), based on insights from the fields of international political economy and international law, and that the nonmarket strategies of these TNCs have not only shaped the contours of this system but have also prompted host States to reform this system, from the perspective of a “political bargaining model”. The article illustrates this argument through the case of South Africa, which terminated its BITs with several European countries as a response to cases of investor–State dispute settlement (ISDS) and has sought to redefine its engagement with this system of global governance as a result.

Global Constitutionalism and Legal Fragmentation: The Populist Backslide in Central and Eastern Europe

<p>Globalisation has provoked a deep transformation in international law, political affairs and governance with contradictory consequences. It has stimulated the cosmopolitan project of global constitutionalism, transnational integration and the unification of democratic standards. However, it also resulted in the fragmentation of international affairs, the deterioration of constitutional democracy and a feeling of a growing shortage in democracy on national and international levels of governance. Trying to balance the impact of these two opposing trends, the author analyses the positive and negative effects of globalisation on constitutional development regarding such issues as transnational constitutionalisation, democracy and national sovereignty, the changing place of multilayer constitutionalism, the international separation of powers, and the system of global governance in the establishment of transnational constitutional democratic legitimacy. From this point of view, the populist backslide in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) looks dangerous and unforeseen, but it is a systemic and potentially predictable reaction of global regions on the uneven character of integration, the lack of democratic legitimacy and a new answer to the contortions and dysfunctions of global governance. An adequate response to these challenges could be found in a new concept of constitutional integration based on ongoing dialogue between the transnational and national actors of legal globalisation. This dialogue is possible by using a conflict-mediation strategy, elaborated by international experts, especially, for the deliberation of complex and protracted conflicts, which have no clear practical solutions in the short to medium term.</p>

The extraordinary rendition network: illiberal security complexes and global governance

ABSTRACT The Rendition, Detention, and Interrogation programme was implemented by the G.W. Bush Administration in order to covertly capture and move “suspected terrorists” around the globe, and ultimately detain and torture them in secret facilities. Using network analysis of rendition flight data, we measure the centrality of democratic and nondemocratic states within the network. The data indicate first that the network was designed to avoid domestic and international accountability, skirting global governance systems. Second, we find that democratic states and non-democratic states participated in the network and both had touch-points with flights carrying detainees, though democratic states more often served in an obfuscation role than in flight legs involving a rendered individual. We argue that the rendition network is an example of what we term an illiberal security complex: a network that is structured to operate covertly and informally in order to violate international norms and rules without detection.

The Belt and Road Initiative and International Law: Viewed from the Perspective of the Supply of International Public Goods

The international community is facing the dilemma of an insufficient supply of public goods due to the conjunction of various forces and factors including the profound impact of the economic crisis, increased trade protectionism, changes in the global governance system and the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a non-rivalrous and non-excludable public good provided to the international community by China as a responsible major country in the new era of historical development. International law has an important role in promoting and guaranteeing the supply of international public goods (IPGs). Since the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative, the international governance environment has changed dramatically, with the rule of law being the basic premise and important guarantee of the long-term and smooth implementation of the BRI. In pursuing the BRI, buttressed as it is by the rule of law, China should pay attention to diversified governance based on a combination of international soft and hard law and make judicious use of existing bilateral, regional and multilateral international legal mechanisms. In addition, China must also pay close attention to the latest developments in international economic and trade rules and must innovate and improve its ability to supply rules for investment, trade liberalization, etc. Buttressed by international law, the BRI should focus not only on recent concrete initiatives in trade and investment liberalization, but also on the long-term planning and sustainable development of institutional supply, so as to realize the vision and goals of the BRI.

Подходы США и КНР к глобальному управлению киберпространством: «новая биполярность» в «сетевом обществе»

From the perspective of power transition theory, international relations system is gradually entering the phase of "power transition" where the United States, as a global hegemon, seeks to maintain the existing world order, and China establishes alternative international formats to reorganize the system of international relations and strengthen its structural power. Cyberspace and technological sphere are becoming the field of non-violent competition between states, which makes the study of global governance of cyberspace critical for the understanding of the outlines of the "new bipolarity". The analysis in the paper is focused on U.S. & China approaches to global governance of cyberspace through the prism of Manuel Castells' theory of "network society". The authors aimed to determine the directions of the U.S. and China policy in the course of four types of "power" in cyberspace: networking power, network power, networked power and network-making power. Present analysis concludes that the United States play crucial role in the course of all four types of "power" at the expense of decentralized model of Internet governance which is based on the idea of "multistakeholderism". NGO and other entities play a decisive role in such a model. Nonetheless, China has already developed necessary tools for reforming the present system of global governance of cyberspace based on centralized model with the leading role of United Nations as an international governance organization and state as a basic actor. The main beneficiaries of the centralized model are developing countries, which are unable to influence the global governance of cyberspace under the dominance of private companies from developed countries.

Accountability and transparency in emerging countries: Governance, democratic currents and change

AbstractAccountability and transparency are evolving challenges to governance and public administration in a highly complex global governance system. It is a difficult challenge in the emerging economies due to a significant deficit in democratic policy and institutional effectiveness. Few will discount the seemingly insurmountable challenges emerging economies face, whether these be economic, social inequality or social transformation. In light of these issues, accountability has been compromised or even neglected. We no sooner settle on a prescription for redress of governance and behavioural deficits than conditions in the world around us change, necessitating yet another round of reflection, analysis and policy development. This introduction to the Special Issue summarises and highlights some of the most salient features of accountability, transparency and governance capability confronted by public administration systems in emerging economies. Countries are faced with the need to make choices about their institutions and their actions within the broader framework of improving service delivery within a highly internationalised public administration system. Choices are made based on capacity, history and politics. These issues are by their nature contentious and contested, and it is no bad thing that this should be so, because out of contest come lessons about future choices and actions.

THE CONCEPT OF THE “COMMUNITY OF COMMON DESTINY FOR MANKIND” AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF CHINA’S FOREIGN POLICY

The "community of common destiny for mankind" is a new concept in Chinese diplomacy, which has been increasingly used in the reports of the Chairman of the Communist Party of China Xi Jinping in the past five years. Given the small number of domestic academic studies dedicated to this concept, the relevance of considering its meaning, motives and implications is increased. Although the fundamental goal and task of the «community of common destiny for mankind» is not clear, and in the system of China's international relations it is considered as an important part of the long-term plan for reforming the global governance system, establishing China as a responsible power and using the period of "strategic opportunities" in the second and third decades of the XXI century. During the escalation of international conflicts, and ongoing financial and economic crisis, the proposed concept has attracted the interest of an international audience, but there are contradictions in its perception among developing countries, also the world’s leading actors. After examining the materials of researchers in the field of China studies and international relations, it is necessary to comprehensively consider the connection of the «community of common destiny for mankind» with other concepts under the foreign policy paradigm of China, also in the context of the transformation of China’s foreign affairs.

IMO’s Marine Environmental Regulatory Governance and China’s Role: An Empirical Study of China’s Submissions

The International Maritime Organization (IMO) plays a significant role in global marine environmental governance, providing a forum of regulatory oversight for member states. Member states are the main actors of the IMO and exert considerable influence on the process of lawmaking. Among these member states, China is unique due to its multiple identities. There are various factors influencing interests behind China’s multiple identities, which fully engage the country in various shipping and maritime trade activities. This article examines China’s role in the IMO marine environmental regulatory governance. It identifies the impact of China on global ocean governance and indicates the development and reforms in the global governance system. China enacted the China Ocean Agenda 21 for its strategy of ocean development. Thus, China is the object of study in this examination of empirical research that collects submissions from 2001 to 2020 related to marine environmental governance. The findings reveal that the extent to which China participates in such governance has considerably increased, and although the contribution of China’s submissions is still in development, its role in the IMO is no longer merely that of a follower, and the efforts of the country have had a positive influence on the IMO’s marine environmental regulatory governance, including its legal instruments.

The role of transnational companies in the reality of the new world

The purpose of the study is to analyze the problem of determining the status of transnational corporations in the system of global governance, in revealing the transition of transnational corporations from an economic subject of international relations to understanding it as a political actor in the system of international relations. The article covers a range of issues related to attempts to regulate foreign TNCs by national states, It also touches upon the issue of changing the positions of leading TNCs in the ratings compiled by authoritative publications over the past decade, an analysis of the influence of transnational corporations as non-state actors in world politics is carried out. Research methodology. Analysis of published survey reports of international organizations and individual leading transnational corporations. One of the most pressing issues in the study of the role and place of transnational corporations in world politics is the problem of determining the status of transnational corporations in the global governance system. As a result, we find that transnational corporations act in the global governance system as tools and as institutions, which requires the development of new scientific approaches that reflect the dynamics of the introduction of these actors into the system of world politics.

A Chinese Perspective: Will China‐India Friction Paralyze the BRICS?

AbstractA puzzle of BRICS is why countries such as India and China work together within the group despite facing consistently difficult bilateral border tensions. This contribution argues that the multilateral logic of BRICS gives its members a chance to cooperate. As emerging powers, BRICS members need to adopt a collective approach to enhance their voices in the global governance system. Existing evidence shows that China and India have managed to separate their bilateral frictions from their collective actions within BRICS. This contribution examines the stakes of China and India’s BRICS engagement. Since China and India are the most promising emerging powers in global governance, their partnership will determine the BRICS’ depth and the length. Since China has dealt with the pandemic better than other BRICS members, it has become stronger which might increase the disparity of power within BRICS. Following the multilateral logic it may help India to cooperate with a stronger China in the post‐COVID‐19 era.

The EU Response to COVID-19: From Reactive Policies to Strategic Decision-Making.

The EU Response to COVID-19: From Reactive Policies to Strategic Decision-Making.

The Political Economy of China’s Rising Role in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC): Strategies and Instruments of the Chinese Way

Established in 1989 as an economic forum, APEC has become an important regional organization contributing to the promotion of not only economic but also political and security cooperation among countries and territories in the region. Given the great role of APEC, China has actively participated in the forum and today has become a major player with so-called Chinese approaches. The paper points out China’s purposes and intentions with Chinese way, especially under the attack of Covid-19 that has led to strategic adjustments in APEC. Politically, with APEC as an arena, China aims to restore and expand its sphere of influence in the region, hedge against the US and challenge to change the global governance system. Economically, through APEC’s mechanism, China wants to promote trade liberalization and hence facilitate its domestic economic reforms to soon become the number one power in the world. Moreover, the paper also outlines opportunities and challenges that China would face in APEC. It will also concern China’s advantages and barricades on its political regime as a powerful central authoritarian state, China’s role and position in the dynamic economic region, its trade and territorial disputes with neighboring countries in APEC, and the questions of APEC’s effectiveness

Constitutional Theories of International Organisations: Beyond the West

The paper proposes revisions to the constitutional theory of international organisations in order to address the ‘imbalances in the global governance system’ mentioned in the 2021 Russian-Chinese Declaration on Global Governance and for inspiring legal building blocks for the desired ‘fairer, more democratic and rational multipolar world order’ mentioned therein. The paper identifies successive waves of constitutional theories that have pursued different goals. The first generation constitutional vocabulary flourishing in the 1960s and 1970s worked to empower international organisations. But multilateral saturation and occasional organisational overreach triggered the quest for the containment and accountability of international organisations. This phenomenon, which culminated in the 1990s and early millennium, motivated a second wave constitutional theory which - and in line with the political climate of the time - sought to apply the values of liberal constitutionalism (rule of law, human rights, and democracy) to international organisations. Meanwhile, that second wave has turned out to be selective and one-sided. Shortcomings are a lopsided political-human-rightism, the neglect of social hardship and of stark material inequality of living conditions for individuals across the globe, the de facto or de jure exclusion of actors from the global south in the work of international organisations, and the weakness of institutionalised forums for contestation and dissent. The paper sketches out a third variant of constitutional theory for international organisations in order to upscale and politicise the proto-democratic practices in their bodies, to rectify to the north-south imbalance that is inter alia rooted in the colonial heritage, and to tackle the global social question upfront.

The Role of Regional Organisations in Economic Growth Among Developing Countries: A Case of the Af DB

This article seeks to examine how regional organisations in Africa are responding to the growing call for them to provide alternative approaches and models of economic development in the continent. The study interrogates the role of the African Development Bank (AfDB) as an agent of a changing global governance system and an emerging leader in Africa’s development journey. The article begins by reflecting on the debate of a decline in global governance; it looks at Africa within the global economy and examines the organisational structure, contributions and changing role of the AfDB since its inception. It concludes that the AfDB finds itself in a unique position of trust among donors and African states at a time when traditional institutions are becoming less popular. It recommends AfDB adopt a number of reforms needed to help it maximise its impact on the continent.

Progress and Prospects: Sino-Russian Strategic Coordination in Multilateral Mechanisms

Abstract As China and Russia face a complex international and neighborhood environment with many uncertainties and real security threats, it is of special significance to strengthen cooperation within the multilateral framework at the regional and higher level, including leading the establishment of new regional cooperation mechanisms such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). China and Russia are interacting in global and regional frameworks such as the United Nations (U.N.), BRICS, G20, APEC, and the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia, and jointly promoting cooperation between the Belt and Road Initiative and the Eurasian Economic Union. All of these add more connotations and richer levels of cooperation in the Sino-Russian comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination in the new era. The two countries share the same or similar views on many international and regional issues and have extensive common interests in security, economic and political fields, which is an important prerequisite and basis for multilateral cooperation. There are inevitable differences between the two major powers in goals on regional issues, yet those differences haven’t become substantial obstacles to multilateral cooperation. Looking forward, with the complex changes in the international situation, especially in the post-pandemic era when there will be significant adjustments in the economic, political and security landscape, close cooperation between China and Russia within multilateral mechanisms can play an increasingly important role in improving the global and regional governance system, maintaining multilateralism and steering the international landscape in a more just and rational direction.

The Role of the International Atomic Energy Agency in Maintaining Nuclear Peace and Non-proliferation Regime in the 21st Century

The article is an attempt to explain the IAEA’s critical role in ensuring global nuclear safety and on the global nuclear governance system. The objective of the Agency’s operation is promotion of the peaceful use of nuclear energy, including the use of energy to produce electricity, along with establishment of a system of safeguards to ensure that the countries do not use the peaceful assistance for military purposes.The aim of the article is to present the principles of the internationalsystem of nuclear safeguards and the role of the IAEA in maintaining nuclear peace and nuclear challenges of non-proliferation regime reform. The duality of nuclear technology (dual use) causes the need of strengthening the competence-control and institutional resources of the IAEA. It is necessary to oblige the Member States to cooperate with the Agency’s inspectors. The Agency should also develop a procedure to standardize the rules, structure, and legal restrictions. In addition the UN Security Council should react faster in the case of non-compliance detection. A separate issue is the internationalization of the fuel cycle.

Technological Progress, Artificial Intelligence, and Inclusive Growth

Advances in artificial intelligence and automation have the potential to be labor-saving and to increase inequality and poverty around the globe. They also give rise to winner-takes-all dynamics that advantage highly skilled individuals and countries that are at the forefront of technological progress. We analyze the economic forces behind these developments and delineate domestic economic policies to mitigate the adverse effects while leveraging the potential gains from technological advances. We also propose reforms to the global system of governance that make the benefits of advances in artificial intelligence more inclusive.

Key global climate governance problems and Chinese countermeasures

Presently, the full implementation of the negotiations and collaborations under the Paris Agreement faces new key problems and severe challenges. These problems and challenges include the following: how to honor the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities” to facilitate a comprehensive, balanced, and effective implementation of the key elements of the Paris Agreement, such as adaptation, mitigation, finance, technology, capacity building, and transparency; how to uphold and maintain the status of China and other emerging countries as developing countries in light of the requirements of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the historical responsibilities of these countries; and how to assess the goal of limiting the global temperature increase to 1.5°C and what constitutes an equitable carbon mitigation pathway for different types of countries. Developed countries and developing countries have drastically diverging views on carbon border adjustment measures for trade with developing countries proposed by several developed countries such as the European Union. Developed countries have demonstrated obvious intentions and actions designed to weaken and neglect the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities”, to impose mitigation pressure on developing countries, to shift the responsibilities for emissions onto others, and to pass on the costs of mitigation. The maneuvering among different types of countries and interest groups has become increasingly intense. In response, China must maintain its strategic focus, adhere to the goals and principles established by the Paris Agreement, stick to its strategic positioning as a developing country, solidify strategic support from the developing world, and safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of developing countries. China played a conducive role in facilitating the Paris Agreement and has become an active participant, contributor, and leader in global climate governance. China must continue to follow Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era and its conception of ecological civilization and the concept of building a community of common destiny, to actively lead the cooperation process in the construction of a global climate governance system characterized by equity, justice, and win–win collaborations, and to promote compliance with the Paris Agreement. At the same time, China should accelerate the green, low-carbon, circular transformation of its economy; accelerate the coordinated governance of the economy, environment, and climate change; and formulate and implement a long-term low-carbon development strategy. By the middle of the 21st century, while achieving the goal of building a great modern socialist country, China can also achieve a deep decarbonization development path that is in line with the goal of limiting the global temperature increase to well below 2 °C and pursuing efforts to limit the increase to 1.5°C.

Technological Progress, Artificial Intelligence, and Inclusive Growth

Advances in artificial intelligence and automation have the potential to be labor-saving and to increase inequality and poverty around the globe. They also give rise to winner-takes-all dynamics that advantage highly skilled individuals and countries that are at the forefront of technological progress. We analyze the economic forces behind these developments and delineate domestic economic policies to mitigate the adverse effects while leveraging the potential gains from technological advances. We also propose reforms to the global system of governance that make the benefits of advances in artificial intelligence more inclusive.