Global Governance Mechanisms Research Articles

Regulatory Pluralism and the Interests of Migrants

This essay begins with the premise that the interests of migrants in migration itself ought to be taken into account in the formulation of states' admissions and exclusion laws and policies. With out purporting to answer the question of how these interests ought to be weighed in relation to those of citizens and and already resident populations, it then poses the question of which political and bureaucratic forms will be most responsive to those interests. It critiques the growing calls for global governance mechanisms, not because global migration doesn't warrant inter and trans-national solutions, but because deep ambivalence the world over concerning the legitimacy of labor migration (and irregular migration) confound such governance. Instead, this essay argues that the politics of migration should remain focused primarily at the level of the (democratic) nation-state; the power of co-ethnic citizens, contested but strong humanitarian norms, and the porosity of bureaucratic institutions in major receiving states all combine to make migrants' interest in migration relevant to myriad decisionmakers. These dynamics may be under particularly acute pressure today from immigration skeptics and cultural nationalists, but they remain vital dynamics to nurture and exploit in service of the essay's opening premise.

Introduction: The ‘graduation dilemma’ in foreign policy: Brazil at a watershed

Brazil attracted international attention in the early 2000s as a promising emerging market, a rising power with increasing international leverage, and a key player (potentially, a leader) in international organizations and blocs. High expectations were set in the largest Latin American country, partly encouraged by the popularity of the then president, ‘Lula’ da Silva, who fostered international activism and longstanding regional and global ambitions. At the same time, as Soares de Lima and Hirst argue,1 efforts both to acquire greater international influence and to improve the country's record on poverty, inequality and political participation became facets of the same process. International expectations remained very high at the beginning of the current decade. However, the global economic crisis, shortcomings in the multilateral system, the falling of global commodity prices, slow national economic growth, corruption scandals, and social protests during Dilma Rousseff's interrupted administration (2011–2016) have cast serious doubts on those initial very positive forecasts.2 To date, it is not clear whether Brazil has been able to reconcile domestic practice and international foreign policy discourse and ambitions in difficult times; or, more concretely, whether and how, despite domestic instability and contestation, Brazil is currently able to effectively influence international negotiations and global governance mechanisms.

Chronicle of a schism foretold: the state and transnational activism in Ecuador’s Yasuní-ITT initiative

ABSTRACTEcuador’s Yasuní-ITT initiative put forward an unprecedented global governance mechanism promoting environmental justice. This government-sponsored proposal and its transnational campaign originated in civil society and garnered transnational activist support. However, after failing to achieve its goals, the project was terminated, thereby generating widespread contestation. The Yasuní-ITT initiative provides a sui generis case study of transnational collective action insofar as it presents an activist campaign that operated with(in) the state and culminated in the formation of an antagonistic social movement. The present study uses a dynamic approach to transnational collective action in order to trace contentious interactions involving state and non-state actors in the course of the Yasuní-ITT initiative and its subsequent termination. The analysis focuses on norm-laden framing processes in order to assess the interplay between coalition-building patterns and multilevel political opportunity structures. The paper sheds light on claim making patterns in transnational contention, in particular how these affect the making and unmaking of (state-led) insider-outsider coalitions.

Too liberal for global governance? International legal human rights system and indigenous peoples’ right to self-determination

This article considers whether the international legal human rights system founded on liberal individualism, as endorsed by liberal theorists, can function as a fair universal legal regime. This question is examined in relation to the collective right to self-determination demanded by indigenous peoples, who are paradigmatic decent nonliberal peoples. Indigenous peoples’ collective right to self-determination has been internationally recognized in the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which was adopted by the United Nations in 2007. This historic event may seem to exemplify the international legal human rights system’s ability to function as a truly global legal regime applicable cross-culturally to all well-ordered societies, whether liberal or nonliberal. The article argues, however, that the collective right to self-determination advocated by indigenous peoples for the sake of cultural integrity is inconsistent with the international legal human rights system founded on liberal individualism. By showing the plausibility of indigenous peoples’ defense of their cultural integrity, this article suggests that the international legal human rights system ought to be reconceptualized to reflect a genuine international consensus on human rights among all well-ordered societies if it is to function as a just mechanism for global governance.

Is Japan Really Back? The “Abe Doctrine” and Global Governance

ABSTRACTJapanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo has emerged as the “comeback kid” of Japanese politics and in his second term of office is now widely regarded as a rare example of strong leadership as he seeks to arrest and reverse his country’s perceived decline. The strategy to achieve these objectives has come to be known as the “Abe Doctrine,” which represents a radical but risky shift in foreign policy. This article outlines the tenets of the evolving Abe Doctrine and then applies them to the Abe administration’s behaviour in the mechanisms of global governance, a highly pertinent but overlooked example. It argues that although a more strategic and coherent approach to global governance has emerged under Abe than had been previously evident, this has been at the expense of the norm of internationalism that has traditionally shaped Japan’s role.

Russia and Carl Schmitt: the hybridity of resistance in the globalised world

AbstractThe rise of state dissidence has challenged the hegemony of Western liberalism on the international relations stage. Russia’s ongoing involvement in the Ukraine crisis is a case in point. Russia’s dissidence threatens not only the already fragile European order, but also the potency of liberalism as a system of international norms. Hence, a great deal of attention has been given to trying to determine the possible failures and solutions of global governance in dealing with Russia. In contrast, this article argues for the need to understand state resistance from the perspective of the dissenting state. By drawing upon Carl Schmitt’s influential critique of globalizing liberalism, the article attempts to analyse what Russia’s resistance reveals about the subtle mechanisms of global liberal governance. On the basis of Schmitt’s theory, the article establishes that Russia’s dissidence can be an attempt to preserve state sovereignty and its unique “way of life”, as well as state pluralism on the global arena. In fact, to eradicate conflict, liberal governance attempts to suppress state pluralism as a potential cause of conflict. In the long run, however, this risks provoking radical resistance in response. The article then analyses the “hybrid” strategy of Russia’s resistance employed in the Ukraine crisis, based on which it identifies the major weaknesses of liberal governance. The article concludes that the inadequacy of international law to deal with unconventional forms of warfare and refusal to acknowledge the possibility of animosity can significantly debilitate liberal governance. This article is published as part of a collection on global governance.

Transforming Global Governance in the Post-2015 Era: Towards an Equitable and Sustainable World

This article reports on a dialogic symposium that brought academics from a wide range of disciplines together with practitioners and activists. The purpose was to discuss key issues conditioning the possibility of establishing global governance mechanisms which could promote transition paths toward a more equitable and sustainable world. Following the structure of the symposium, the article is divided into four thematic sections. The first contextualizes the discussions by looking at the characteristics and challenges of global governance today. The second addresses power relations in global governance with a focus on the corporate and financial sectors. It discusses practices of multistakeholder governance and public–private partnerships, the unhealthy levels of corporate influence on the UN system, and the dominant discourse that naturalizes corporate power, ‘free’ trade, and corresponding definitions of ideas such as knowledge, efficiency, and development. The third section turns to sites and forms of countervailing power and practice with particular attention to transcalar approaches and social movement actors. It highlights the potential of multi-level, territorial approaches for breaking out of hierarchical and nation state-based frames and building alternative forms of democracy. It illustrates the relevance of bioregions and ecosystems as meaningful arenas for thinking about and organizing social and economic life and for managing common pool resources. It invokes the imperative of protecting the human rights framework from the multiple challenges it faces. Finally, it explores alternative ways of generating and sharing knowledge and of challenging narrowly defined ‘evidence-based’ policy by assembling legitimate, qualitative evidence rooted in lived realities. The concluding section raises the question of whether—and on what conditions—intergovernmental multilateralism can be seen as a locus for transformation, and suggests some avenues of future research.

The Open Government Partnership: Mere Smokescreen or New Paradigm?

In 2011, on the initiative of US President Barack Obama 8 governments and 9 civil society organizations (CSOs) came together to create the Open Government Partnership (OGP). The OGP was proclaimed as a new paradigm in promoting open government and democratic principles through the creation of participatory mechanisms involving governments and CSOs. This article aims to examine in more detail if the OGP, after 5 years in existence, has lived up to the initial proclamations as a new model of democracy-promotion at the global level. Departing from theoretical considerations on the potential of participatory mechanisms for the promotion of democratic processes, the article analyzes the OGP processes of 3 founding members, Brazil, the US, and the UK. Although the structure of the OGP is highly innovative in many respects, the findings suggest that the governments of the 3 countries examined have used the OGP as a smokescreen to distract from on-going corruption, lacking transparency, and government secrecy. This article contributes to research on the possibilities and challenges of effectively democratizing global governance mechanisms through the involvement of governments and civil society actors.

TRENDS AND PROSPECTS OF DEVELOPMENT OF WORLD MONETARY SYSTEM

Ineffectiveness of the existing world monetary system that contributed to the resumption of its possible reform of the discussions has been revealed in the context of the global economic crisis. Due to the world economic interdependence of countries growing sharply raises the question of formation of the complex mechanism of global governance and the principles of a supranational character. This article analyzes the current trends and prospects of development of the world monetary system.

Global low-carbon transition and China's response strategies

The Paris Agreement establishes a new mechanism for post-2020 global climate governance, and sets long-term goals for global response to climate change, which will accelerate worldwide low-carbon transformation of economic development pattern, promote the revolutionary reform of energy system, boost a fundamental change in the mode of social production and consumption, and further the civilization of human society from industrial civilization to eco-civilization. The urgency of global low-carbon transition will reshape the competition situation of world's economy, trade and technology. Taking the construction of eco-civilization as a guide, China explores green and low-carbon development paths, establishes ambitious intended nationally determined contribution (INDC) targets and action plans, advances energy production and consumption revolution, and speeds up the transformation of economic development pattern. These strategies and actions not only confirm to the trend of the world low-carbon transition, but also meet the intrinsic requirements for easing the domestic resources and environment constraints and realizing sustainable development. They are multi-win-win strategies for promotion of economic development and environmental protection and mitigation of carbon emissions. China should take the global long-term emission reduction targets as a guide, and formulate medium and long-term low-carbon development strategy, build the core competitiveness of low-carbon advanced technology and development pattern, and take an in-depth part in global governance so as to reflect the responsibility of China as a great power in constructing a community of common destiny for all mankind and addressing global ecological crisis.

Some Challenges of the State- and Peace-Building Governance Mechanisms

It is imperative to understand global developments in statebuilding in order to more efficiently influence peace and conflict processes. This article discusses the evolution of global governance mechanisms on state- and peace-building that can assist researchers and practitioners in gaining an in depth understanding of different case studies. It uncovers some limitations and benefits of the global governance mechanisms assisting fragile zones. It concludes that institutions attempt to increase performance, as seen with the regular establishment of new deals and the deployment of new actors on the ground, however challenges remain, as illustrated in the case of Kosovo, in relation to lack of legitimacy, mismatch of national identity needs, economic inequality gap and fragile security and inter-ethnic relations. Instead, it argues to use the resources on the ground rather than devise new missions to deal with peacebuilding challenges.

The whys and hows of a cooperative mechanism for the Arctic marine environment

ABSTRACTArctic ministers agreed at the latest 2015 Arctic Council ministerial meeting in Iqaluit to establish a ‘Task Force to assess future needs for a regional seas program or other mechanism, as appropriate, for increased cooperation in Arctic marine areas.’ Involving the Arctic Council in increased coordination of national marine management measures, and in drawing on experts from international organisations or treaty bodies to address related questions, is consistent with the longstanding advisory role of the Arctic Council. It also builds prudently on the council's emerging role as convener to accomplish discrete tasks critical to the health of the Arctic environment and the wellbeing of Arctic peoples. In order to strengthen Arctic marine cooperation and governance, the Arctic Council should adopt some instrument or arrangement through which it can more effectively coordinate among national management efforts affecting the Arctic marine environment and increase the effectiveness of the interplay with global governance mechanisms. The purpose of this commentary is to present World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) perspectives on two important dimensions of this proposal. First, the commentary is to review the arguments as to why a strong regional seas program for the Arctic is required. Second, it is to address a series of questions that arise in considering the design of a framework mechanism necessary to create the program. The paper will provide WWF's views with regards to the mandate and scope of a future cooperative mechanism, its relationship to the Arctic Council and membership, and its legal form.

THE PRINCIPLES OF TRANSPARENCY AND INCLUSIVENESS AS PILLARS OF GLOBAL GOVERNANCE: THE BRICS APPROACH TO THE UNITED NATIONS

The transparency of governance is not only a necessary and sufficient condition for bringing about accountability, but also the basis for the possibility of democracy in the global sphere. Although there is no automatic progress from transparency to democratic global governance, this principle helps to create more democratic, open and fair societies. Recently, the importance of inclusiveness, transparency and procedural safeguards has emerged as a critical theme. The practical implementation of fair global governance mechanisms, procedures, and institutions will always depend on the level of participation, contestation, or solidarity among the different stakeholders represented at the local, national or international level. Recent years have clearly shown a trend towards increasing transparency and inclusiveness in international organizations’ activities and operations, in contrast to opaqueness or lack of transparency which was a very common practice in diplomacy during past centuries. The inclusion of transparency and inclusiveness elements in the decision-making rules of an international organization are fundamental for these norms to be considered not only ‘more legal,’ but also to have a higher level of legitimacy. The General Assembly decided in its Resolution 60/251 of 2006 that the methods of work of the Human Rights Council should be transparent, fair and impartial and should enable genuine dialogue. Finally, the role played by the BRICS countries at the Security Council and the Human Rights Council is critical in regards to its working methods.

Internet Governance in Latin America and Caribbean IG Mechanisms and Their Implications for a Development Agenda

The relevance of technology in development has been long discussed during the WSIS1 process and it has also been included regional plans and initiatives, like the Latin American Plan of Action for the Information Society, eLAC 20072. Internet Governance, as a more specific but not less important issue, also has a close relationship with development in Latin America and the Caribbean. The region is unique because it is the most inequitable region in the World3. This inequity is related with a highly uneven distribution of assets (land, capital, education and technology) and unequal access to them4. During the last decade many changes in regulations shaped the telecommunications and Internet industries in ways that not always benefited the developing countries of the region, broadening this social and economic gap. This gap is also present in the access of the society to the services and networks that provide Internet connectivity. There are also facts that influence this situation related with geography, distances in between north and south and availability of infrastructure in rural areas. In this context, there are several initiatives and activities done in existing global Internet Governance mechanisms, that may have an impact in global and regional development. In ICANN there are several examples that can be evaluated from this perspective. The Governmental Advisor Committee is growing in the number of active participants and is reviewing relevant subjects for development as IDNs, security and IPV6 implementation. Other constituencies of ICANN are also involved in Internet public policies definitions that will have an impact in the Internet space, like the GNSO which is involved in the definition of the “whois” and “new gTLDs” rules. All countries also work close together at the ccNSO focusing their efforts in those rules that will have a direct impact in the local country codes registries, like IDNs. Internet users have their space at the At Large Advisor Committee, where every year more organizations from developing countries make hear their voices. Also ICANN has launched an interesting Fellowship program to promoting participation from developing countries, specially in the GAC and the ccNSO. This document explores these activities and programs in relation with the positive or negative impacts that they may have on development, from a global and a regional perspective.

State Power: Rethinking the Role of the State in Political Corporate Social Responsibility

Key accomplishments of political corporate social responsibility (CSR) scholarship have been the identification of global governance gaps and a proposal how to tackle them. Political CSR scholarship assumes that the traditional roles of state and business have eroded, with states losing power and business gaining power in a globalized world. Consequently, the future of CSR lies in political CSR with new global governance forms which are organized by mainly non-state actors. The objective of the paper is to deepen our understanding of political CSR and reintegrate notions of state power into political CSR scholarship by highlighting how states (1) set the context within which business takes place, (2) regulate offshore business practices, and (3) play pivotal roles in new global governance mechanisms.

Researching Global Environmental Politics in the 21st Century

This forum article highlights three major research trends we have observed in the journal Global Environmental Politics since 2000. First, research has increasingly focused on specific and formal mechanisms of global environmental governance, contributing to more elaborate and refined methodologies that span more scales and levels of analysis. Second, research increasingly has concentrated on the rise of market-based governance mechanisms and the influence of private actors, reflecting a broader shift among policymakers toward liberal approaches to governance. Third, over this time empirical research has shifted significantly toward analyzing issues through a lens of climate change, providing valuable insights into environmental change, but narrowing the journal’s empirical focus. These trends, which overlap in complex ways, arise partly from shifts in real-world politics, partly from broader shifts in the overall field of global environmental politics (GEP), and partly from the advancing capacity of GEP theories and methodologies to investigate the full complexity of local to global governance. This maturing of GEP scholarship does present challenges for the field, however, including the ability of field-defining journals such as Global Environmental Politics to engage a diversity of critical scholarly voices and to influence policy and activism.

ОСОБЛИВОСТІ ТРАНСФОРМАЦІЇ ДЕРЖАВНОГО СУВЕРЕНІТЕТУ В ПОСТБІПОЛЯРНІЙ МІЖНАРОДНІЙ СИСТЕМІ

The current state of the international system is characterized by dramatic changes in the international political, social and economic spheres of social interactions, and is characterized by qualitative transformation of Westphalian system of international relations. Westphalian system of international relations started its existence from the fact that the participants of international cooperation were only states that acted independently or formed coalitions to solve outstanding problems. At the end of the twentieth century it became apparent that other, too influential actors appear on the world arena. Together with the states on the modern transformation of the contemporary system of international relations exert considerable influence varied intergovernmental and international nongovernmental organizations, multinational corporations, and domestic regions. Globalization, characterized by the free movement of capital in order to obtain higher profits and expanding sphere of influence erodes national boundaries. The states are forced for economic stability and growth cooperate with international organizations and take them into the game. It is proved that the coming decades the traditional concept of sovereignty will be significantly transformed, and the notion will take another meaning and interpretation. Among the factors that would influence on the above mentioned the next ones are singled out: the internationalization of scarce resources and maybe territories; strengthening of the international regimes; expansion of transnational political spaces; formation of a global information space; global environmental and climatic imperatives etc. The confrontation of two countervailing trends is noted – to strengthen sovereignty, on the one hand, and its constraints on the other. And these trends are often embodied in the policies of one country or a group of countries. Within interpretations of sovereignty of the XXI century understanding of the limits of the autonomy of sovereign states in the choice of means in solving various domestic problems would be adjusted. In the context of international relations the subject of debate for decades will be the nature and principles of the use of coercive or other measures to opportunists in the international regimes of interaction on international and transnational levels of world politics, the mechanisms of global governance.

Managing dangerous pathogens: challenges in the wake of the recent West African Ebola outbreak

In the aftermath of the 2014–2016 West Africa Ebola outbreak, there are a multitude of Ebola samples that are unaccounted for as well as virus samples stored in facilities that do not have an appropriate level of biosecurity and biosafety, creating serious threats to public health and security. In this article, we review the existing global governance mechanisms for addressing this biosafety and biosecurity concern. We also describe an ongoing effort to support the Government of Sierra Leone to find and secure Ebola samples as foreign labs are shut down, and institute systems for biosafety and biosecurity. We describe the challenges of tracking all Ebola samples and their associated data, and efforts to place these samples in suitable inventoried repositories by local health authorities. We recommend that governments around the world ensure that plans, procedures and regulations are in place prior to the chaos of an emergency in order to ensure that dangerous pathogens are handled in safe and secure manners, that data are preserved for research, and appropriate practices are utilised for consent.

Global Economic Governance Reenergized?

As China makes preparations to host the Group of Twenty (G20) summit in 2016, the international community is wondering whether the world’s second largest economy can reenergize the G20, a key mechanism for global economic governance. With increasing stake in global economic well-being, China has developed a strong sense of commitment to the G20, and thus will put great efforts into making the mechanism more effective. However, both the Chinese and world economies are facing dual bottlenecks of efficiency and equality. How to tap new sources of growth, manage the fragmented regionalization, and create momentum for globalization will be the main challenges for the G20 next year and thereafter. What China should do is foster its leadership by better aligning its own reform and development strategy with the G20’s global agenda for a clearer vision of the global economic system. Priorities could include carrying out comprehensive structural reform, implementing infrastructure investment initiatives, upgrading global trade institutions, and drawing a road map for the implementation of the 2030 sustainable development agenda. To manage short-term market volatility in major economies, the adjustment of their monetary policies should also be given timely and sufficient attention.

Experiments in global democracy: The cases of UNITAID and the FAO Committee on World Food Security

AbstractA growing literature explores how global governance mechanisms can be made more effective and democratic to tackle trans-boundary development challenges like global epidemics, global poverty or climate change. The international system today is characterized by an increasing influence of non-state actors gradually undermining the prominent role of the state. Considering this new reality, the focus of analysis has increasingly shifted towards examining the fundamental role of non-state actors, in particular from civil society, in building democratic global governance mechanisms. The literature still says little about joint governance efforts of both state and non-state actors to promote democracy on the global level. This article examines two global governance mechanisms, UNITAID and the FAO Committee on World Food Security, which were created by the joint action of state and non-state actors to tackle trans-boundary development challenges. Departing from the ideal type of democratic polycentrism this article argues that both mechanisms can be seen as encouraging experiments in global democracy. This analysis attempts to show that democratic polycentrism may prove to be a useful theoretical blueprint for pursuing more democratic global governance mechanisms and that more democracy on the global level depends on the joint activities of democratic states and civil society actors.